Suchergebnisse

Sushi, Fujiyama, Geisha – soll etwas Japanisches evoziert werden, lassen sich meist ebendiese Bilder in publizistischen und telemedialen Kulturformen finden. Was sind aber Ursache, Ursprung und Einfluss auf die reale Gesellschaft? Die vorliegende Untersuchung widmet sich dem Bild Japans und der JapanerInnen im Hollywoodfilm. Bildmaterial aus insgesamt 19 Filmen über eine Periode von mehr als einem Jahrhundert (zwischen 1905 und 2013) wird vergleichend analysiert. Dabei liegt das Augenmerk auf klischeehaften Vorstellungen über die in diesen Filmen – meist in Verzerrungen – dargestellte japanische Kultur. Die Bilder Japans in der Tradition, der Politik und dem Militär werden auf ihren möglichen Ursprung im Film überprüft. In dem ersten Teil dieser Dissertation wird in der Einleitung die Entstehung stereotyper Japanbilder im Hollywoodfilm thematisiert, um im nächsten Kapitel den diplomatischen, militärischen und kulturellen Kontext der beiden Staaten U.S.A. und Japan zu erschließen. Die Definitionen der Begriffe Auto- und Heterostereotyp, Klischee, Vorurteil, (rassische) Diskriminierung und peripher Rassismus werden in dem letzten Kapitel erforscht, um sich im Hauptteil der konkreten Analyse zuzuwenden. Im zweiten Teil wird darüber hinaus der international und zeitübergreifend äußerst erfolgreiche Film Lost In Translation (2003) von Sofia Coppola zur exemplarischen Untersuchung als Hauptmaterial ausgesucht. Sein Drehort ist meist Tokio und in diversen Medien reflektiert sich dessen mediokratische Präsenz ubiquitär. Die Inhalte der relevanten einzelnen Szenen werden vom Intro an durch eine Sequenzanalyse wiedergegeben, dabei wird die Entstehung entsprechender Stigmata erforscht und deren Charakter geschildert. Im Zuge der Interpretation einzelner Topoi werden Analogien mit ähnlichen Filmbildern hergestellt und in dem nächsten Kapitel mit weiteren Hollywoodproduktionen vergleichend zu Rate gezogen. In den weiteren Kapiteln »Konvention der GEISHA« und »nach den 60 Jahren« wird das (Klischee-) Motiv der Geisha genealogisch mit Filmplakaten, Screenshots aus diesen Produktionen sowie anderen Paraphernalia begleitend erforscht; von dem von John Luther Long im Jahr 1898 entstandenen Roman Madame Butterfly durch zahlreiche Filmwerke Hollywoods bis zu dem von 20th Century Fox produzierten Film The Wolverine (2013). Im dritten Teil wird anhand der gesamten Analysen ein Resümee gezogen, um anschließend als Fazit die Einflüsse japanischer Hollywood-Stereotype auf die reale Gesellschaft zu beschreiben. ; Sushi, Fujiyama, Geisha – these exact images are commonly found in journalistic and tele-media culture outlets to evoke something Japanese. But what are the roots, origins and influences of these images on the real society? The present analysis deals with the depiction of Japan and Japanese people in Hollywood movies. Images from a total of 19 movies spanning a period of more than a century (between 1905 and 2013) are the main topic of this comparative study. Its special focus lies in stereotypical conceptions of the Japanese culture as shown in these movies – mostly presented in a distorted manner. The imagery of Japan in tradition, politics and military is analyzed with regards to their possible origin in movies. The introduction of this doctoral thesis deals with the origins of stereotyped images of Japan in Hollywood movies, to set the basis for examining diplomatic, military and cultural relations between the U.S.A. and Japan in the following chapter. Definitions of the terms auto- and hetero-stereotype, cliché, prejudice, (racial) discrimination, and peripherally also racism, are explored, in order to proceed with the concrete analysis in the main chapter. In the second chapter the movie Lost in Translation (2003) by Sofia Coppola, which is internationally known and successful across time, is chosen as the main material for an exemplary analysis. Its scenes are mainly located in Tokyo and its mediocratic presence is ubiquitously reflected in diverse media outlets. Starting from the intro, the content of the relevant single scenes is reproduced in a sequential analysis, and through this, the origins of the corresponding stigmata are investigated, and their nature explored. In the course of the interpretation of individual topoi, analogies are drawn to similar cinematographic images, which are then used for comparative analysis with additional Hollywood movies in the next chapter. In the following chapters "Convention of the GEISHA" and "After the 60ies", the (cliché) image of the geisha is investigated in a genealogical manner using accompanying film posters, screenshots from these productions as well as other paraphernalia; beginning from the novel Madame Butterfly written by Luther Long in 1898, subsequently covering numerous cinematographic works of Hollywood, and ultimately examining the movie The Wolverine (2013) produced by 20th Century Fox. The entire analysis is summarized in the third chapter, allowing for a subsequent characterization of the influences of Japanese Hollywood stereotypes on the real-world society.

En el mundo globalizado en el que nos encontramos, la integración y la profundización de interdependencias entre las sociedades y las economías involucradas resulta inevitable. Es por ello que se establece la necesidad de crear diálogos interdisciplinares que permitan conocer de parte y parte, legislaciones y políticas sociales que favorezcan el crecimiento mutuo, retroalimentando sociedades que se encuentran esencialmente hiperconectadas. De esta forma se plantea como muestra de esta necesaria dialéctica, desarrollar un estudio que permita, a través de una metodología comparada, velar por una de las aristas de nuestro sistema globalizado que mayor atención y protección necesita, la infancia. El modelo tradicional de atención a la infancia y la concepción del menor, han sufrido grandes cambios en nuestro país en los últimos años, existiendo una nueva definición que sitúa a los menores como sujetos activos de derechos y donde las medidas de protección que se articulan en la legislación actual, emergen del interés superior del menor. Es por ello que, partiendo de lineamientos regidos por políticas supranacionales, estableceremos como unidades de análisis los sistemas de protección de menores de dos países que política, social e históricamente han permanecido unidos: Colombia y España, centrando nuestra atención en el marco conceptual y legislativo de ambos países. A través de un diálogo comparativo entre ambos sistemas de protección, reconocemos articulaciones legales con preceptos comunes, cuyas actuaciones comparten una base epistemológica y una finalidad en última estancia, la protección del menor. Sin embargo, existen otras medidas cuya mirada debe establecerse desde un proceso de aprendizaje y construcción, que parten de la diferencia pero cuya finalidad debe ser la creación de procesos más cercanos, más humanos, más inclusivos para los protagonistas de estas acciones: los niños, niñas y adolescentes y sus respectivas familias. ; The globalized world in which we find ourselves, the integration and deepening of interdependencies between the societies and economies involved is inevitable. That is why it establishes the need to create interdisciplinary dialogues that allow us to know both parts, laws and social policies that support mutual growth, providing feedback to societies that are essentially hyperconnected. In this way, it is proposed as a sample of this dialectical need, to develop a study that allows, through a comparative methodology, a global approach to the characteristics of our globalized system that needs more attention and protection, childhood. The traditional model of attention to childhood and the conception of the child have undergone great changes in our country in recent years, there is a new definition that places minors as active subjects of rights and where the protection measures articulated in current legislation, emerging from the best interests of the child. Thus, starting from guidelines governed by supranational policies, we will establish as units of analysis the protection systems of minors from countries that are in politics, socially and historically, we have permanently united: Colombia and Spain, focusing our attention on the conceptual framework and legislative of both countries. Through a comparative dialogue between both systems of protection, we recognize legal articulations with common precepts, whose actions share an epistemological basis and a final purpose, the protection of the minor. However, there are other measures whose vision should be established from a learning and construction process, which starts from the difference but whose purpose should be the creation of closer, more human, more inclusive processes for the protagonists of these actions: children and their respective families.

Einleitung ; The discipline of adaptation studies has come a long way from its academic inception in novel-to-film studies. Since George Bluestone's seminal 1957 study Novels into Film, often regarded as the starting point of modern day Anglo-American adaptation studies,[1] the discipline has seen a continual widening of its methodology as well as of the material scholars are willing to regard as adaptations. Particularly since the turn of the 21st century and the increasing institutionalization of the discipline as distinct from literary or film studies, adaptation scholars have widened the scope to include a broad range of media, encompassing not only the traditional adaptations from novels and drama into film, but also novelizations of various other media, video game and comic adaptations, TV series, opera, theme parks and tie in vacations, and many more.[2] Others have included the study of media franchises as dependent on adaptation.[3] As part of this redefinition of the discipline, scholars have also widened their discussion to bring to the centre aspects that were not originally the main focus of adaptation researchers' comparative textual analyses, including industrial structures, legal frameworks, and, most frequently and emphatically, questions of intertextuality and the cultural and ideological embeddedness of adapted texts.[4] Since the late 1990s, cultural and societal questions have occupied particularly those adaptation scholars eager to introduce larger theoretical or cultural studies questions and move away from purely formal analyses.[5] Such questions include what Linda Hutcheon, building on Jill L. Levenson's work, calls processes of "indigenization", i.e. an examination of the ways in which "[c]ultures that adapt stories […] reshape narratives […] according to their own tastes and preoccupation, according to the politics, ethics, and aesthetics of their day".[6] [1] George Bluestone. Novels into Film. Berkeley 1957. Bluestone is most often cited (and misrepresented) as a starting point in a discipline that, as Kamilla Elliott has convincingly shown, suffers from (strategic) amnesia in its attempts to claim novelty for already established concepts (Kamilla Elliott. "Theorizing Adaptation/Adapting Theories." In: Jørgen Bruhn, Anne Gjelsvik, and Eirik Frisvold Hanssen (eds.). Adaptation Studies: New Challenges, New Directions. London et al. 2013, pp. 19-45; esp. pp. 19-31). As Elliott shows, this stands in contrast to older (and significant) contributions to film and adaptation studies, including Vachel Lindsay's The Art of the Moving Picture, Lester Asheim's From Book to Film, or some of Andre Bazin's essays such as "In Defense of Mixed Cinema". Vachel Lindsay. The Art of the Moving Picture. New York 1915. Lester Asheim. From Book to Film: A Comparative Analysis of the Content of Selected Novels and the Motion Pictures Based upon Them. Chicago 1949. André Bazin. "In Defense of Mixed Cinema." In: John Harrington (ed.) Film and/as Literature. Englewood Cliffs, NJ 1977, pp. 13-26. Harrington's Film and/as Literature also collects other significant early texts of adaptation theory, particularly on the relation between literature, film, and theater. [2] E.g. Linda Hutcheon with Siobhan O'Flynn. A Theory of Adaptation. 2nd ed. New York / London 2013. [3] Clare Parody. "Adaptation Essay Prize Winner: Franchising/Adaptation." Adaptation 4, no. 2 (2011): 210–218. [4] It should, once again, be noted that early critics like Bluestone or Bazin were not as oblivious to such issues as they are often portrayed. [5] Cf. Elliott. "Theorizing Adaptation/Adapting Theories." [6] Linda Hutcheon. "Moving Forward: The Next Step in Adaptation Studies." In: Nassim Winnie Balestrini (ed.). Adaptation and American Studies: Perspectives on Research and Teaching, With an Afterword by Linda Hutcheon. Heidelberg 2011, pp. 213-17; p. 217.

GREAT BRITAING. Whittington and I. D. Whyte (Eds.). An Historical Geography of Scotland.Mark Buck. Politics, Finance, and the Church in the Reign of Edward II: Walter Stapledon, Treasurer of England.Cicely Howell. Land, Family, and Inheritance in Transition: Kibworth Harcourt, 1280‐1700.G. D. Ramsay. The English Woollen Industry, 1500‐1750.Lloyd Bonfield. Marriage Settlements, 1601‐1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement.Barbara English and John Saville. Strict Settlement: A Guide for Historians.Harold Pollins. Economic History of the Jews in England.D. T. Jenkins and K. G. Ponting. The British Wool Textile Industry, 1770‐1914.Richard G. Wilson. Greene King: A Business and Family History.Roger Morris. The Royal Dockyards during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars.D. J. Rowe. Lead Manufacturing in Britain: A History.Brian Harrison. Peaceable Kingdom: Stability and Change in Modern Britain.Anthony S. Wohl. Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain.Michael J. Winstanley. The Shopkeeper's World, 1830‐1914.Henry Weisser. April 10: Challenge and Response in England in 1848.P. J. Waller. Town, City, and Nation: England 1850‐1914.Joseph Buckman. Immigrants and the Class Struggle: The Jewish Immigrant in Leeds, 1880‐1914.Joseph Melling. Rent Strikes: Peoples'Struggle for Housing in West Scotland, 1890‐1916.Jonathan S. Boswell. Business Policies in the Making: Three Steel Companies Compared.J. R. Winton. Lloyds Bank, 1918‐1969.E. H. Phelps Brown. The Origins of Trade Union Power.Paul Thompson, Tony Wailey and Trevor Lummis. Living the Fishing.GENERALN. B. Harte and K. G. Ponting (Eds.). Cloth and Clothing in Medieval Europe: Essays in Memory of Professor E. M. Carus‐Wilson.F. M. L. Thompson (Ed.). Horses in European Economic History: A Preliminary Canter.Pino Arlacchi. Mafia, Peasants, and Great Estates: Society in Traditional Calabria.James C. Boyajian. Portuguese Bankers at the Court of Spain, 1626‐1650.Hermann Rebel. Peasant Classes: The Bureaucratization of Property and Family Relations under Early Habsburg Absolutism, 1511‐1636.John Komlos. The Habsburg Monarchy as a Customs Union: Economic Development in Austria‐Hungary in the Nineteenth Century.Leslie Page Moch. Paths to the City: Regional Migration in Nineteenth‐Century France.Roger Price. The Modernization of Rural France: Communications Networks and Agricultural Market Structures in Nineteenth‐Century France.Eddy van Cauwenberghe. Het Vorstelijk Domein en de Overheidsfinanciën in de Nederlanden (15de en 16de eeuw): Een Kwantitatieve Analyse van Vlaamse en Brabantse Domeinrekeningen.Frank C. Spooner. Risks at Sea: Amsterdam Insurance and Maritime Europe, 1766‐1780.Daniel Degreve. Le Commerce extérieur de la Belgique, 1830‐1913‐1939: Présentation critique des données statistiques.S. A. Smith. Red Petrograd: Revolution in the Factories, 1917‐1918.David G. Alexander. Atlantic Canada and Confederation: Essays in Canadian Political Economy, compiled by Eric W. Sager, Lewis R. Fischer, and Stuart O. Pierson.Jonathan Prude. The Coming of Industrial Order: Town and Factory Life in Rural Massachusetts, 1810‐1860.Eugene Nelson White. The Regulation and Reform of the American Banking System, 1900‐1929.Valerie Jean Conner. The National War Labor Board: Stability, Social Justice, and the Voluntary State in World War I.Nelson Lichtenstein. Labor's War at Home: The CIO in World War II.Howell J. Harris. The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s.B. S. McBeth. Juan Vincente Goméz and the Oil Companies in Venezuela, 1908‐1935.Robert Grant Irving. Indian Summer: Lutyens, Baker, and Imperial Delhi.Richard Newman. Workers and Unions in Bombay, 1918‐1929: A Study of Organization in the Cotton Mills.Howard F. Gospel and Craig R. Littler (Eds.). Managerial Strategies and Industrial Relations: An Historical and Comparative Study.John Cunningham Wood. British Economists and the Empire.K. E. Born. International Banking in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.A. W. Coats (Ed.). Economists in Government: An International Comparative Study.Studies in Economic and Social History

[eng] The ultimate goal of this work is to contribute to the contemporary debate over the crisis of nowadays Western liberal democracies. We approach the debate from the perspective of political philosophy. We contend that in order to provide a more helpful and insightful contribution to the topic, we must focus on providing a deeper understanding of the present situation. We put forth the idea that the conception of political order changed altogether during modernity, with John Locke as its main theorist. In order to justify this assumption, we first review what we hold to be the theoretical foundation for the typically modern natural rights liberal approach politics, i.e., that of John Locke. Following that, we open a new chapter in our dissertation in which we begin to focus on the United States of America's founding. We labeled this specific way of making politics, this combination of liberal and Lockean theory and practice, as the "liberal-lockean approach politics". First we look at Thomas Jefferson through the Declaration of Independence of 1776 to discover those revolutionary elements that were appealing to the entire humanity and were not restricted only to the American patriots. We try to disclose the essential role that man's rights played in the Jeffersonian political thinking and we then analyze in which exact way were those rights of man different to any other rights prior to that time. Lastly, we examine the Declaration in terms of the Lockean connections we discover within it. We review concepts such as government, property, inalienability… that have a crucial role in the constitution of America and can be traced, from our point of view, directly to the liberal theory of John Locke. Once we believed to have exposed the nature of the political-philosophical development in modernity, i.e., liberal democracies, we turn to observe the political-philosophical understanding of those concepts in the present time. We take the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and inspect those concepts that are most relevant for its understanding as a contemporary liberal democracy. While clarifying the conceptual implications that Spain's core values have for liberal democracy, we also make comparative notes on the side regarding its relation to the modern -American- take on liberal democracies. The product of this analysis constitutes the final chapter of the work. In it, we feel like it is possible to distinguish certain differences between modern democracies and contemporary ones, yet we discover that this distinction is not so much substantive as it is formal. We contend there that there has been a misplacement of where the conflict really lies nowadays in liberal democracies. The tendency is to believe there is a deficiency within the very philosophy supporting liberalism and therefore its democracies, and that leads to questions such as should another kind of democracy better satisfy the of our contemporary culture? Or, is liberalism still an efficient way to justify and arrange political communities? From our point of view, the problem is not necessarily in the philosophy sustaining liberal democracies, but it could be. In other words, liberal democracies are not in and of themselves a philosophical doctrine capable of sustaining the political order on their own; nevertheless, nowadays, they might have become just that. In our final conclusion we use John Rawls' categories to try to express how we can better understand the mix-up between a popular liberal political consensus on one hand and philosophical doctrines (liberal or otherwise) on the other and we suggest that by making this difference clear we can already consider ourselves to be moving forward when it comes to clarifying our political systems. If we wish to keep making steps in the right direction –as we aim at justifying here- we must continue by giving relevance to those philosophical systems that can return to liberalism its substance, and therefore, its reason for being.

At the beginning of the 21st century, a matter of achieving the energy security, as an essentially important element of the global security system, has become one of the priorities of global politics. This has caused it to become more topical and increased its importance in international relations. The possession of energy reserves provides nations with a number of comparative advantages in contemporary international politics, and with a place among the leading centers of power on a planetary level. This fact gives a special meaning to energy security, because energy resources are an important lever by which nations project their power and influence. The correlation between energy resources and the strengthening of positions and roles of nations in international politics is undeniable and easily verifiable. The paper analyzes and partly explains various attempts to theoretically define the concept of energy security in the context of its growing importance in international relations and the impact on the strengthening of the projected positions of nations as subjects of international order. Nominal definition of the concept of "energy security" has been made more difficult by the fact that there is no universally acceptable definition of the concept of "security", as well as that there coexist various theoretical approaches to its definition. In the scientific and technical literature, the prevalent concept is that the content and scope of the concept of security today have been substantially expanded due to the continued widening of the limits of its problem framework. The basic characteristics of most of these definitions are non-equivalence – disproportionality and inadequacy. Namely, they are either too narrow and do not include all the contents and essential factors of the security, or they are too wide, and the concept is lost in the range of phenomena. Therefore, in the conceptual sense this term is so debatable that it is not even closely possible to reach an agreement on its meaning. The attempt to define the syntagm of "energy security" reveals the same tendencies as in determining the meaning of the term "security". Namely, there is a proliferation of different theoretical approaches, as well as differences in the definition of this syntagm, which are substantially determined by, among other things, the status that individual nations have in the global energy system. ; Početkom XXI veka jedan od prioriteta globalne politike postalo je pitanje ostvarivanja energetske bezbednosti, kao suštinski važnog elemenata sistema globalne bezbednosti, što je uslovilo njenu aktuelizaciju i porast značaja u međunarodnim odnosima. Posedovanje rezervi energenata omogućava državama niz komparativnih prednosti u savremenoj međunarodnoj politici i obezbeđuje im mesto među vodećim centrima moći na planetarnom nivou. Ova činjenica energetskoj bezbednosti daje posebnu dimenziju, jer energetski resursi predstavljaju značajnu polugu kojom države projektuju svoju moć i uticaj. Korelacija između energetskih resursa i jačanja pozicija i uloga država u međunarodnoj politici je nesporna i lako dokaziva. U radu su analizirani i delom objašnjeni različiti pokušaji teorijskog definisanja pojma energetske bezbednosti u kontekstu porasta njenog značaja u međunarodnim odnosima i uticaja na jačanje projektovanih pozicija država kao subjekata međunarodnog poretka. Nominalno definisanje pojma "energetska bezbednost" otežano je činjenicom da ne postoji univerzalno prihvatljiva definicija pojma "bezbednost", kao i da egzistiraju različiti teorijski pristupi u njegovom definisanju. U naučno-stručnoj literaturi preovladava shvatanje da su sadržaj i obim pojma bezbednost danas suštinski prošireni usled stalnog širenja granica njenog problemskog polja. Osnovne odlike najvećeg broja tih definicija su neekvivalentnost - nesrazmernost i neadekvatnost. Naime, ili su preuske i ne obuhvataju sve sadržaje i bitne činioce bezbednosti, ili su preširoke, pa se pojam gubi u širini pojava. Stoga je u konceptualnom smislu ovaj pojam toliko sporan da nije ni približno moguće postići saglasnost oko njegovog značenja. Pri pokušaju definisanja sintagme "energetska bezbednost" primećuju su tendencije kao i pri određivanju značenja pojma "bezbednost". Naime, postoji proliferacija različitih teorijskih pristupa , kao i razlike u definisanju ove sintagme koje su u znatnoj meri determinisane, pored ostalog, i statusom koji pojedine države imaju u globalnom energetskom sistemu.

Постановка проблемы существования интеллектуалов приводит к проблеме определения интеллектуала в политическом аспекте его роли в обществе: решение одной из этих проблем приближает к разрешению другой. Однако проблема «дефиниции интеллектуалов» в современной политической науке достаточно сложна и дискуссионна, будучи связана с полемикой, которая велась самими интеллектуалами и их критиками со времен дела Дрейфуса до 80-х 90-х гг. ХХ в., со знаменитыми дискуссиями конца «века интеллектуалов» об исчезновении, молчании, а то и смерти интеллектуалов. В настоящей статье рассматриваются именно эти споры и дискуссии и представлен анализ двух противоположных «линий» в разрешении «проблемы существования» интеллектуалов: отрицания существования интеллектуалов как активной политической силы в современной общественно-политической жизни, и утверждения потери «силы» и перехода в неактивное состояние при сохранении потенциальной возможности включения в политический процесс. ; Statement of the problem of intellectuals' existence leads to another problem. This is defining intellectual in political aspect of his role in society. Solution of these problems brings us closer to resolving the other one. However, the problem of 'defining intellectuals' in modern political science is quite complex and controversial. It is linked with polemic, in which intellectuals themselves and their critics have participated since the time of the Dreyfus affair till 1980s 1990s, as well as with the famous discussions of the end of 'century of intellectuals' about the disappearance of intellectuals, about their silence and even their 'death'. The subjects of my research are these arguments and discussions, which encountered within the space of Romanic culture, first of all French and Italian. Romanic model of interaction between culture and politics is interesting because in its frameworks culture has certain political rights and duties (I mean political effect of the realization of culture's potential in politics) Using discourse and comparative analysis, I study two opposing 'lines' in resolving 'problems of existence' of the intellectuals: (i) denying the existence of the intellectuals as an active political force in contemporary social and political life, (ii) opinion about intellectuals lost their 'force' and passed into inactive state while retaining the potential for inclusion in the political process. In turn, analysis of these two opposite points of view leads to the necessity of raising the question about the reasons for the decline of intellectuals' political activity. I suppose the key cause of such events is American meddling in the Western European cultural and political spaces that began after WWII, which led to modern cultural and political dominance of Atlanticism in Western Europe. To my mind, an opinion that intellectuals disappear, leaving (in the strict sense), as well as the opinion of diffusing or self-liquidating of the politically active social group of intellectuals is erroneous. I'm referring, rather, to their crowding out of the political scene and pushing from any kind forms of interaction with power, and much less from influence on it. This crowding out is carried thoughtfully, consistently and actively. The ideology of Atlanticism, associated with political practice, has expanded its presence in Western Europe, increasing influence in the field of political thought and culture, seeking to control the continental culture, and science to their beliefs and imperatives. This gain was difficult without 'purification' of ideological fields from a number of European ideas and principles, and without discrediting of certain forces and groups, which generate carry out and embody such ideas and principles. One of these social groups consists with Western intellectuals who were the most politically active among cultural figures. In my article, on the base of analysis of wide variety of philosophical, anthropological and culturological essays I show Romanic culture that spread its influence throughout the world, display no symptoms of extinction or impairment the importance of its 'cultural representation' in politics after World War II. From this I came to conclusion intellectuals' crowding out of social and political life of Western Europe is the result of America's 'capture of culture' in Western Europe, which was implemented in the spirit of the Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony.

Explanations of why migrants return to their countries of origin tend to focus on factors at micro and macro levels: from seeing it as individual choice (e. g. neoclassical economics) or household strategy (e. g. neweconomics of labor migration), to seeing it as determined by structural conditions of receiving or sending countries (e. g. economic cycles, wage differentials, etc.). Yet we know very little about how states of origin combine their policies towards emigrants to establish economic links with them, from remittances to return. With an original dataset for Latin American and Caribbean countries, we can provide an initial descriptive panorama that highlights the choices that countries make in this regard. We compare the return policies to other economic policies geared to emigrants. This helps us in detecting return policies, which is often a neglected dimension in comparative diaspora policy studies, as one among several that states oforigin develop to achieve their economic strategies. Also, this first attempt at descriptive analysis provides further paths to explore the causal links behind diaspora policy development in the realm of economic policy. ; Las explicaciones sobre por qué los migrantes retornan a sus países de origen tienden a centrarse en factores de nivel micro o macro: desde considerar la decisión como una elección individual (la perspectiva de la economía neoclásica) ó como una estrategia familiar (el punto de vista de la nueva economía de la migración laboral) hasta asumir que está determinada por condiciones estructurales de los países receptores o de origen (es decir, por los ciclos económicos, las diferencias salariales, etc.). Muy poco sabemos, sin embargo, sobre cómo los Estados de origen combinan distintas opciones de políticas hacia los emigrantes para establecer vínculos económicos con ellos, desde las remesas hasta el retorno. Empleando un conjunto de datos originales, correspondientes a países de América Latina y el Caribe, brindamos un panorama descriptivo inicial que ...

Survival Capitalism is a cultural history of the 1980s financial revolution. It ranges in scope across the Thatcher government, the Bank of England, London Stock Exchange and member firms, and Lloyd s of London. It offers timely new perspectives on the City of London s Big Bang reforms as the Conservatives contemplate Big Bang 2.0 in the 2020s

Elite integration has been a central topic within research an elites. In this paper, theoretical ideas about factors behind elite cohesion are discussed and empirically tested. The analyses presented in the paper Show that ideological integration is strongest in elite groups where the share of members with upper/upper middle class origin is highest. This finding is valid whether the elite groups are located to the left or to the right in the political landscape. Various explanations of the finding are discussed.

This paper investigates the impact of political leaders' migration experience on the quality of their leadership. We build up an original database on the personal background of 932 politicians who were at the head of the executive power in a developing country over the 1960-2004 period. We put forward a positive e ffect of the leader having studied abroad on the level of democracy in his country during his tenure. This e ffect is shown to be independent from the leader's education level, as well as from his profession. Moreover, it is mainly driven by countries with a poor initial level of democracy. These results are con rmed by various robustness tests. They propose a new channel through which migration may a ect politics in the sending countries, namely the emergence of the elites.

Contents: Introduction / Gerald Epstein -- Part I. Finance, macroeconomic policy and central banking: from Volcker to Trump -- 1. 'Domestic stagflation and monetary policy: The Federal Reserve and the hidden election' / in Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers (eds), the hidden election: Politics and economics in the 1980 presidential campaign, New York, NY, USA: Pantheon Books, 1981, 141-95 -- 2. 'Federal Reserve behavior and the limits of monetary policy in the current economic crisis' / in Robert Cherry, Christine d'Onofrio, Cigdem Kurdas, Thomas R. Michl, Fred Moseley and Michele I. Naples (eds), The imperiled economy: Book I: Macroeconomics from a left perspective, chapter 23, New York, NY, USA: The union for radical political economics, 1987, 247-55, references -- 3. 'Trumponomics: Should we just say "no"?', challenge, 60 (2) 2017, 104-21 -- Part II. Capitalists, workers and Wall Street: The fight for the Federal Reserve -- 4. 'Federal Reserve politics and monetary instability' / in Alan Stone and Edward J. Harpham (eds), The political economy of public policy, chapter 9, Beverly Hills, CA, USA: Sage Publications, 1982, 211-40 -- 5. 'The Federal Reserve-treasury accord and the construction of the postwar monetary regime in the United States' / with Juliet B. Schor, social concept, 7 (1), July, 1995, 7-48 -- 6. 'monetary policy, loan liquidation, and industrial conflict: The Federal Reserve and the open market operations of 1932' / with Thomas Ferguson, Journal of economic history, xliv (4), December, 1984, 957-83 -- 7. 'Corporate profitability as a determinant of restrictive monetary policy: Estimates for the postwar United States' / with Juliet B. Schor, in Thomas Mayer (ed.), The political economy of American monetary policy, chapter 4, New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 51-63 -- Part III. The political economy of central banking: Analytical and empirical perspectives -- 8. 'Contested terrain' / in Louis-Philippe Rochon and Sergio Rossi (eds), the Encyclopedia of central banking, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd, 2015, 105-7 -- 9. 'Macropolicy in the rise and fall of the golden age' / with Juliet B. Schor, in Stephen A. Marglin and Juliet B. Schor (eds), The golden age of capitalism: Reinterpreting the postwar experience, chapter 3, Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1990, 126-52, references -- 10. 'Political economy and comparative central banking', review of radical political economics, 24 (1), March, 1992, 1-30 -- 11 'A political economy model of comparative central banking' / in Gary Dymski and Robert Pollin (eds), New perspectives in monetary macroeconomics: Explorations in the tradition of Hyman P. Minsky, chapter 9, Ann Arbor, MI, USA: The University of Michigan Press, 1994, 231-77 -- 12. 'Profit squeeze, rentier squeeze and macroeconomic policy under fixed and flexible exchange rates', economies et sociétés, 25 (3), November/December, 1991, 219-57 -- 13. 'The rise of rentier incomes in OECD countries: Financialization, central bank policy and labor solidarity' / with Arjun Jayadev, in Gerald A. Epstein (ed.), Financialization and the world economy, chapter 3, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd, 2005, 46-74 -- Part IV. Inflation targeting vs. Developmental central banking -- 14. 'Financialization, rentier interests and central bank policy', 2002, 1-43 -- 15. 'Central banks as agents of economic development', / Ha-Joon Chang (ed.), Institutional change and economic development, chapter 6, New York, NY, USA: United Nations University Press and London, UK: Anthem Press, 2007, 95-113 -- 16 'Developmental central banking: Winning the future by updating a page from the past', review of Keynesian economics, 1 (3), Autumn, 2013, 273-87 -- 17. 'Achieving coherence between macroeconomic and development objectives' / in Joseph E. Stiglitz and Martin Guzman (eds), contemporary issues in macroeconomics: Lessons from the crisis and beyond, IEA conference volume 155-ii, chapter 11, Basingstoke, UK and New York, NY, USA, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, 148-59 -- Part V. The Federal Reserve and the great financial crisis of 2007-2008 -- 18. 'Have large scale asset purchases increased bank profits?' / with Juan Antonio Montecino, Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET) working paper no. 5, December, 2014, 1-25 -- 19. 'The political economy of QE and the Fed: Who gained, who lost and why did it end?' / with Juan Antonio Montecino, Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) working paper number 408, November, 2015, 1-25 -- 20. 'The impact of quantitative easing on income inequality in the United States', November, 2018 -- Part VI. Reforming the Federal Reserve -- 21. 'Statement on monetary policy' / testimony prepared for the House Committee on Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs, July 19th, 1983, 1-11 -- 22. 'A debate with Robert Pollin: Should Congress control the Federal Reserve?' / with Robert Pollin, Dollars & sense, 136, May, 1988, 12-17, 22 -- 23. 'Reforming the Federal Reserve for the 21st century', 2018 -- Index.

The present article is devoted to the problems of inclusion in modern Ukrainian society. The concept and essence of inclusion are studied from the point of view of the theory of social comprehension (of the essence of inclusive group), dynamics of social structure and social interactions. The inclusion is divided into social and educational forms according to the modern approaches to considering types of inclusion. The main forms of inclusion are analyzed from the point of view of pedagogical and social sciences. Special attention is given to the social inclusion in modern Ukrainian society. The comparative analysis of the categories «integration» and «inclusion» is carried out and the main common and distinctive features of these categories are determined in the article. It is said that social inclusion can be analyzed only in context of social exclusion, because they are both parts of the same social process. The potential of such further analysis are researched. The peculiarities of the process of social inclusion in modern Ukrainian society are analyzed. The main characteristics of social inclusion are described in the article on the basis of analysis of modern scientific literature. Special attention is given to the social inclusion in social work and social science. From the point of view of socio-pedagogical science social inclusion is analyzed as democratic action about comprehension somebody or the whole social group into some activity or cultural process. Social inclusion in modern Ukrainian society becomes social mechanism, some kind of an instrument, aimed at overcoming the barriers and constraints on the path to social well-being, which radically changes the existing state social politics. The results of the research are used in the social work, pedagogical and social sciences. Key words: inclusion, social inclusion, educational inclusion, social exclusion, social inclusion in social work. ; У статті розглянуто поняття та сутність інклюзії у сучасному українському суспільстві. Наведено характеристику основних форм інклюзії, соціальної та освітньої, в сучасній Україні. Основну увагу приділено поняттю та сутності соціальної інклюзії, а також здійснено порівняльний аналіз понять «інклюзія» та «інтеграція», з метою визначення спільних та відмінних рис даних процесів. З метою обґрунтування поняття та сутності соціальної інклюзії у соціальній роботі проаналізовано та узагальнено підходи до визначення соціального включення. Ключові слова: інклюзія, соціальна інклюзія, освітня інклюзія, соціальна ексклюзія, соціальна інклюзія у соціальній роботі. В статье рассмотрено понятие и сущность инклюзии в современном украинском обществе. Дана характеристика основных форм инклюзии, социальной и образовательной, в современной Украине. Основное внимание уделено понятию и сущности социальной инклюзии, а также осуществлен сравнительный анализ понятий «инклюзия» и «интеграция», с целью определения общих и отличительных черт данных процессов. С целью обоснования понятия и сущности социальной инклюзии в социальной работе проанализированы и обобщены подходы к определению социального включения. Ключевые слова: инклюзия, социальная инклюзия, образовательная инклюзия, социальная эксклюзия, социальная инклюзия в социальной работе. The present article is devoted to the problems of inclusion in modern Ukrainian society. The concept and essence of inclusion are studied from the point of view of the theory of social comprehension (of the essence of inclusive group), dynamics of social structure and social interactions. The inclusion is divided into social and educational forms according to the modern approaches to considering types of inclusion. The main forms of inclusion are analyzed from the point of view of pedagogical and social sciences. Special attention is given to the social inclusion in modern Ukrainian society. The comparative analysis of the categories «integration» and «inclusion» is carried out and the main common and distinctive features of these categories are determined in the article. It is said that social inclusion can be analyzed only in context of social exclusion, because they are both parts of the same social process. The potential of such further analysis are researched. The peculiarities of the process of social inclusion in modern Ukrainian society are analyzed. The main characteristics of social inclusion are described in the article on the basis of analysis of modern scientific literature. Special attention is given to the social inclusion in social work and social science. From the point of view of socio-pedagogical science social inclusion is analyzed as democratic action about comprehension somebody or the whole social group into some activity or cultural process. Social inclusion in modern Ukrainian society becomes social mechanism, some kind of an instrument, aimed at overcoming the barriers and constraints on the path to social well-being, which radically changes the existing state social politics. The results of the research are used in the social work, pedagogical and social sciences. Key words: inclusion, social inclusion, educational inclusion, social exclusion, social inclusion in social work.

At the dawn of the 21st century, more and more people realize that 'economics' and 'politics' are intimately related. And yet, these two aspects of social existence are usually studied as separate 'disciplines,' each with its own categories, language and theories. Can this departmentalization be overcome? Should it? And if so, how? The seminar deals with these questions by critically examining major themes of political economy. Topics are divided into two major categories: elements and aggregates. In the first part, the seminar examines the origins and implications of concepts such as supply and demand, equilibrium, utility and productivity, market organization, and the role of power. Part two, focusing on aggregates, covers the issues of national accounting, theories of prosperity and crisis, money and finance, economic policy, stagflation, welfare/warfare, and the global formations of trade, capital flows and currency regimes. Throughout the seminar, the emphasis is not only on the 'how,' but also on the 'why.' Where have the concepts and theories come from? Why have they risen to prominence and what brought them down? Who benefited from them and who paid the price? Do they help us understand the world, or do they serve to conceal it? In these explorations, special emphasis is put on methodology, as well as the importance of empirical/historical analysis.

At the dawn of the 21st century, more and more people realize that 'economics' and 'politics' are intimately related. And yet, these two aspects of social existence are usually studied as separate 'disciplines,' each with its own categories, language and theories. Can this departmentalization be overcome? Should it? And if so, how? The seminar deals with these questions by critically examining major themes of political economy. Topics are divided into two major categories: elements and aggregates. In the first part, the seminar examines the origins and implications of concepts such as supply and demand, equilibrium, utility and productivity, market organization, and the role of power. Part two, focusing on aggregates, covers the issues of national accounting, theories of prosperity and crisis, money and finance, economic policy, stagflation, welfare/warfare, and the global formations of trade, capital flows and currency regimes. Throughout the seminar, the emphasis is not only on the 'how,' but also on the 'why.' Where have the concepts and theories come from? Why have they risen to prominence and what brought them down? Who benefited from them and who paid the price? Do they help us understand the world, or do they serve to conceal it? In these explorations, special emphasis is put on methodology, as well as the importance of empirical/historical analysis.