Suchergebnisse

Der Vizekanzler in rechtlicher und politischer BeziehungVon Oliver SimonitschMeine Diplomarbeit behandelt den österreichischen Vizekanzler, seine Stellung innerhalb derBundesregierung und seiner Partei, und dessen Verhältnis zum österreichischenBundeskanzler. Im Weiteren beleuchte ich die geschichtliche Entwicklung der beidenpolitischen Organe, beginnend nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg. Der nächste Abschnitt behandeltzunächst nur den Bundeskanzler und dessen rechtlichen Aufgaben als Regierungschef. Dasnächste Kapitel dreht sich um den Vizekanzler: die Ausgestaltung des Organs ?Vizekanzler?im B-VG, seine Amtsbestellung und Amtsbeendigung, die Vertretung des Bundeskanzlers,des Bundespräsidenten und des Vizekanzlers, und welche verschiedenen ?Formen? desVizekanzlers nach der österreichischen Verfassung möglich sind. Der vierte Abschnittbehandelt die Stellung des Vizekanzlers innerhalb der Regierung. Ich erörtere welchenEinfluss der Vizekanzler auf die Regierungsbildung und andere Bundesminister hat, undschließlich seine Stellung in der Bundesregierung. Im letzten Kapitel meiner Diplomarbeitziehe ich ein Resümee, versuche zu erörtern, warum es momentan einen Stillstand in derRegierungsarbeit gibt, und kann abschließend feststellen, dass der Vizekanzler in einer großenKoalition eigentlich der zweite Bundeskanzler ist. ; The vice-chancellor in legal and political relationBy Oliver SimonitschMy diploma thesis is about the Austrian vice-chancellor, his position within the Austriangovernment and his party, and his relation to the Austrian chancellor. It starts with thehistorical development of these two political organs after the end of World War One. The nextchapter is just about the chancellor and his legal duties as the head of government. Thefollowing chapter is about the vice-chancellor: the arrangement of the organ ?vicechancellor?,the representation of the chancellor, the Austrian president and the vicechancellorand which different ?kinds? of the vice-chancellor are possible through theAustrian constitution. The fourth chapter is about the vice-chancellor?s position within thegovernment. I discuss which influence the vice-chancellor has on the government?s make-up,other ministers, and finally his position within the government. In my diploma thesis? lastchapter I try to bring out why there are so many problems within the government at themoment, and finally I can ascertain, that in a large coalition the vice-chancellor is the secondchancellor. ; von Oliver Simonitsch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2011 ; (VLID)215941

La relación de los gobiernos posneoliberales con los movimientos sociales ha sido objeto de gran debate. Este artículo presenta un estudio de la dinámica de los movimientos sociales en los períodos de gobierno de Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Allí se identifican los ciclos en que los diferentes colectivos movilizados se relacionan con el gobierno, implementan repertorios de acción, demandas públicas y generan formas de participación que contribuyen al proceso político en Argentina entre 2003 y 2015. La comprensión de estas dimensiones contribuye, por un lado, al estudio de las dinámicas políticas bajo los gobiernos llamados populistas en la región y, por el otro, a dilucidar el lugar de los diferentes movimientos sociales en estos procesos. ; The relationship between post-neoliberal governments and social movements has been widely debated. This article presents a study on the dynamics of social movements during the Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's governments. These activist groups (unemployed workers, human rights movements, etc.) established relations with the government in different moments that have been identified. Furthermore, they implemented repertories of action, promoted public demands and generated forms of participation that were constitutive parts of the political process in Argentina between 2003 and 2015. The understanding of these dimensions contributes, on the one hand, to the study of the political dynamics in populist governments in Latin America and, on the other hand, to the analysis of the different social movements in these processes. ; Fil: Retamozo, Martin. Universidad Nacional de La Plata; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Di Bastiano, Rocío. Universidad Nacional de La Plata; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

"This book offers a study of post-9/11 antiwar organisations in the United States and their role in domestic foreign policy debates. The moment of the 9/11 terrorist attacks has been much cited in political and cultural scholarship and much attention has been paid to the promotion of 'War on Terror' policies. The social mechanisms behind the circumscription and regulation of national ideals attracted critical analyses from scholars across disciplines; yet the prevalence of scholarly concern with the negative political devices of the Bush Administration at times seemed to risk reproducing the hierarchies of power that underpinned the very issue of concern, and even the War on Terror itself. By contrast, this book celebrates the political acts of individuals committed to changing the dominant politics of the Bush era. Drawing on participant observation and interviews with the leaders of prominent antiwar organisations including Code Pink and Iraq Veterans Against the War, the book employs performance theory to evaluate the capacity of protest to effect lasting social change. In addition to highlighting an often overlooked aspect of foreign policy formation, this volume demonstrates that Performance Studies can be used as innovative approach to Politics and IR. This book will be of much interest to students of US politics and foreign policy, theatre studies, cultural studies, and critical security and international relations"--

Text drafted on the basis of a communication to the International Colloquium: "Water and fire in the representations of power in modern Europe". Thursday 23-Friday 24 March 2017, Paris. This article, divided into two main parts, concerns Phèdre de Jean Racine. The first part focuses on the racine text referred to above, attempts to identify the different uses of water and fire and focuses more specifically on fierce hypotyping in 'The Tehramene Rect (a stage of scansion, tension and crystallisation) and attempts to demonstrate how water and fire are akin to two elements of political power not only characteristic of the mythologico-literary framework of this tragedy, but also of modern times. The second part will focus on utopia and dystopia, which are representative concepts of the great Lay-Fourzian century. How does Jean Racine's Phèdre appear to be the mirror of Versailles and its contradictions? How do water and fire appear to be two antithetic but nevertheless complementary forces? How, like utopia and dystopia, do water and fire seem to be the two slopes of the same phenomenon? That is precisely to all those issues to which that article is devoted. ; International audience ; Text drafted on the basis of a communication to the International Colloquium: "Water and fire in the representations of power in modern Europe". Thursday 23-Friday 24 March 2017, Paris. This article, divided into two main parts, concerns Phèdre de Jean Racine. The first part focuses on the racine text referred to above, attempts to identify the different uses of water and fire and focuses more specifically on fierce hypotyping in 'The Tehramene Rect (a stage of scansion, tension and crystallisation) and attempts to demonstrate how water and fire are akin to two elements of political power not only characteristic of the mythologico-literary framework of this tragedy, but also of modern times. The second part will focus on utopia and dystopia, which are representative concepts of the great Lay-Fourzian century. How does Jean Racine's ...

Las victorias de Rafael Correa y su Movimiento PAIS (Patria Altiva y Soberana), en las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 y 2009, han afectado duramente tanto al movimiento indígena ecuatoriano como a sus principales organizaciones. Se analiza el "efecto" Correa en Otavalo y Cotacachi poniendo atención en los actores políticos locales sus estrategias, alianzas y rupturas organizativas. Los procesos políticos locales tienen su propia dinámica, existen raíces y relaciones históricas entre los diferentes actores sociales y políticos que incluyen antiguos vínculos con la izquierda. ; From Exclusion to Government in Ecuador: Indigenous Movement Strategies and Political Power Structures in Otavalo and Cotacachi

Clear, engaging, and actionable communication has proven critical in the face of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) crisis management and will remain essential during our recovery and reentry to "normal" life. The past six months have proven that ideas that are communicated well can bring people together, inspire meaningful change, and ultimately, save lives. We're proud to present the following playbook, commissioned by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) upon request from communications leaders and stakeholders in ADB developing member countries. These communications leaders and stakeholders indicated a need for a global review of COVID-19 communications best practices, identified a number of specific communications challenges to focus on, and expressed a need to better reach vulnerable populations. This playbook explores communications approaches implemented at various stages of the COVID-19 pandemic to address specific risk communications challenges and reach vulnerable populations. This playbook is intended to be reviewed by developing member country governments implementing COVID-19 risk communications, ADB health communications partners, and other communications leaders working across sectors. Through this effort, we seek to equip readers with guidance and case studies for delivering immediate COVID-19 communications and maintaining engagement following the launch of COVID-19 vaccines. In summarizing these approaches, we convey that there is no single intervention that can address the multitude of challenges presented by COVID-19. A comprehensive strategy is needed to support response efforts and ensure that even the most vulnerable populations are reached. The approaches highlighted in this playbook have been chosen for their elements that follow behavior change models, address specific health challenges, and consider varying levels of health literacy. Because the COVID-19 pandemic started less than a year ago, many of these approaches have not undergone comprehensive, scientific evaluations; therefore, campaigns and communications practices throughout the playbook will be referred to as promising practices, until an in-depth analysis of each case is complete.

We are pleased to bring you the second issue of Beyond Relief!. While the current pandemic has changed work modalities, Singapore Humanitarian Network members have nevertheless been keeping themselves busy and productive. If anything, COVID-19 has reaffirmed and underscored the importance of the work that we do. As the world grapples with the COVID-19 pandemic, the threat of natural hazards still looms large in the region. This issue's On the Ground features some of the relief efforts that Singaporean humanitarian organisations - Mercy Relief, World Vision Singapore, Relief Singapore - have undertaken in neighbouring Southeast Asian states. On the academic front, our members have continued to publish articles and reports, covering a diverse range of topics including knowledge management in the humanitarian sector, counterfactual thinking in disaster risk modeling, and disaster governance. We hope that the situation will improve soon so that we can resume our physical network meetings. In the meantime, stay healthy and safe!

The first six months of the COVID-19 outbreak in Myanmar saw many early achievements. Despite predictions of disaster, a whole-of-society effort to confront and contain the virus limited the outbreak to only a few hundred cases. As had happened in the wake of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, seemingly everyone in Myanmar – from medical doctors and nurses to the Ministry of Health and Sports and civil servants in the local administrative apparatus, civil society organizations and citizens all of social classes – organized to respond to the crisis in its medical, security and socio-economic dimensions. 2 Even as returning migrants flooded over the country's borders and dispersed throughout the country, village-level containment measures were established and cases remained low. We may never know if these measures contained this spread or if virus levels in Myanmar were low, but these measures did boost coordination and cooperation at the local level. At the same time, the coronavirus crisis also laid bare shortcomings in governance, as well as continuing distrust between the state and ethnic service providers. In recent months, too, cases have started to climb. Authorities have placed Rakhine State and Yangon in lockdown. This paper explores health system governance in Myanmar, the country's early successes in combating COVID-19 and what has worked and what has not. It addresses the possible impacts of COVID-19 on the November elections and on the future of decentralization. Humanitarian crises and natural disasters have proved to be potent catalysts for change. Convergence between state and non-state actors in the health sector could play a central role in the process towards a form of asymmetrical decentralization.

Development Research News is a quarterly publication of the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS). It highlights the findings and recommendations of PIDS research projects and important policy issues discussed during PIDS seminars. PIDS is a nonstock, nonprofit government research institution engaged in long-term, policy oriented research.

As Singapore reassesses its threats to convert them into opportunities, it may benefit from learning how other small states overcome their own constraints imposed by geography, history and proximity to neighbouring countries.

The election for the 21st National Assembly of Korea, the country's unicameral legislature, was scheduled on April 15. In late March, the National Election Commission (NEC hereinafter), the government body governing electoral administration, announced its plan for preventing COVID-19 infection during elections. Voters were obligated to wear a mask when coming to vote and, while waiting to enter a polling station, waited at pointed spots separated at least 1 meter from each other. When entering the polling station, voters had their temperature checked by non-contact thermometers, sterilized their hands and put on sanitary gloves. Special procedures, such as distance voting, and separate polling booths were prepared for those already confirmed to be infected or showing symptoms.

A sovereign city state is born with vulnerability. Though the COVID-19 pandemic is magnifying this vulnerability, the wisdom of Lee Kuan Yew in beating odds faced by Singapore is still highly relevant. He has built a cohesive, non-complacent and resilient society.

Countries will need to address challenges around risk perception gaps and warning fatigue in order to raise their early warning systems' effectiveness. Doing so will help them avoid strategic surprise from a future pandemic.

COVID-19 demonstrates that a pandemic is more than just a public health crisis – it is also a communications emergency. With clear, effective policy planning and implementation, public messaging can be a highly effective way of mobilising citizens to tackle COVID-19 together.

States and agencies have responded in different ways to the COVID-19 global pandemic. In view of the dynamic evolution of this virus, the Ethics of Care (EoC) theory can be applied to manage the effect of this crisis on cross-sections of populations.