Suchergebnisse

Waterlines (waterlinesproject.com) is a residency programme jointly organized by the International College of Ca' Foscari University of Venice, Venice Foundation and San Servolo Metropolitan Services of Venice. It combines writing with other artistic disciplines to reaffirm the role of Venice as a place of artistic and cultural production. In April 2018 the programme had the privilege of hosting one of the most prominent inter- national intellectuals, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o, who lived in Venice for three weeks, participated in the literary festival "Incroci di civiltà" and two other public meetings with local artist Moulaye Niang 'Muranero'. On 11th April, Ngũgĩ was interviewed by students from the International College and Radio Ca' Foscari, the university web radio, on San Servolo island. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o was born in Kenya in 1938. A many-sided intellectual, he is a novelist, essayist, playwright, journalist, editor, academic, and social activist. Imprisoned and exiled in the '70s because of his opposition to the regime, he has taught in many American universities, including Yale and New York University, and is currently Distinguished Professor of English and Comparative Literature at the University of California, Irvine. A UCI Medalist, Ngũgĩ is recipient of twelve Honorary Doctorates from universities all over the world and has been nominated for the Nobel prize many times. Following his well-known decision to abandon the English language and start writing his books in his mother tongue, Kikuyi, he has become an advocate of linguistic diversity in Africa and all over the world. His works, several of which have also been translated into Italian, include the essays Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (1986), Moving the Centre: The Struggle for Cultural Freedom (1993), and Secure the Base: Making Africa Visible in the Globe (2016), the memoir Dreams in a Time of War: A Childhood Memoir (2010), and the works of fiction A Grain of Wheat (1967), Petals of Blood (1977) and Wizard of the Crow (2006). The outcome of his Waterlines residency is the collection Venice Poems, written in Kikuyu and translated into English by the author, which were published in December 2018 by Damocle Edizioni with an Italian translation by Barbara Del Mercato and illustrations by Daniela Murgia. ; Peer reviewed

My research explores the complex nature of identities, through the lens of indigeneity and its representation in museums. Simpson (2007) states, "To speak of Indigeneity is to speak of colonialism and anthropology" (p. 67). This perhaps sums up the common associations with "indigeneity", as the term defines itself and characterizes it. While indigeneity persists to have certain identities, diversity tends to dissect any given identities. Fascinated by this complex relation of epistemology and ontology, I examine how "indigeneity" is presented in exhibitions at two community history museums and a culturally specific museum. The three museums share similar economic circumstances, while the culturally specific museum (North Suburban Chicago) is situated within a community with a more diverse racial demographic than the two community history museums (West Suburban Chicago) with over 90% white residents. Three questions guided this research: How are narratives of indigeneity constructed in exhibitions at three museums? How do museum staff members conceptualize indigeneity and understand the complexity and politics of representation and museum display? What can be done to embrace more meaningful and critically considered representations of indigeneity in museum exhibitions? To answer these questions, I critically analyzed how exhibitions at each museum conceptualize and represent indigeneity, focusing on signs, labels, objects, and how these were arranged to create meanings. Using a comparative case study methodology, data were collected through observations, using photographs and field notes. Additional data were collected through interviews and secondary resources such as each museums' website, brochures, guides and newsletters. Problematic patterns were found involving the representation of American Indians in all three museums. All of the museums deemphasize the power relations of the white settlers and indigenous people, whether through omitting or mystifying the turmoil of historical events. This absence and aestheticization undermined the historical contexts of the exhibitions. In the case of the culturally specific museum, the emphasis was placed on factual knowledge of various tribes, objects and activities, which lacked critical knowledge of indigenous cultures and the historical contexts. It is questionable how these museums educate the public without tackling real issues or practicing the role of the museum as a civic agent. Therefore, the historical-sociopolitical/economic-contexts of objects and events are necessary for these exhibitions to better represent issues of indigeneity and critically consider diversity.

AbstractCurrent comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a 'hard' test case for the 'parties do matter' argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.

162 páginas ; Castells el autor a través del análisis semiótico de la imagen basado en Barthes y Pierce y la metodologia desarrollada por Richard se apoya en la noción de representación desde el significado por los efectos que genera para realizar un análisis comparado y progresivo de los elementos que constituyeron la imagen de los afiches y/9 carteles de las campañas del Partido Liberal en 2002 2006 2010 y 2014 a la Presidencia de Colombia y a la Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotá en 2015 respecto a las imágenes de las campañas ganadoras. Este análisis identifica las sensaciones y los relatos dirigidos a la audiencia y evalúa su pertinencia con la coyuntura sin proponer con ello una causalidad en los resultados electorales• cifras que se aportan como contexto de estudio en cuanto a su potencial incidencia para la construcción del significado de la imagen. También se plantea una reflexión y recomendaciones a los partidos sobre el papel de la imagen en cuanto elaboración publicitaria más allá del marketing que debe elevar la calidad de la participación ciudadana y fortalecer la democracia. ; Given that according to Castells, "the media and_the_image have become the preferend space of politics" the author through the semiotic analysis of the image based on Barthes and Pierce and the methodology developed by Richard uses the notion of representated by the effects it generales to make a comparative and progressive analysis of the elements that constituted the image of the posters of the campaigns ofthc Liberal Party in 2002 2006 2010 and 2014 to the Presidency of Colombia and the Mayor's Office of Bogotá in 2015, regarding the images of the winning campaigns This analysis identifies the sensations and the storv telling directed to the audience and evaluates their relevance to the political situation without proposing a causality in the electoral results these figures are provided as a study context in terms of their potential impact on the construction of the meaning of the meaning of the image. There is also a reflection and recommendations to the political parties on the role of the image as an advertising elaboration beyond marketing that should raise the quality of citizen participation and strengthen democracy. ; Magíster en Responsabilidad Social y Sostenibilidad ; Maestría

Introduction. The article deals with the problem of discourse. The main trends of the doctrine of the discourse in historical perspective have been considered. It has been shown that the realities of modern life are the discursive manifestation through information and communication. The attention has been paid to the diversity of these approaches and definitions due to the ambiguity of defining the subject of study. Purpose. The objective of this work is to show that the use of discourse is not limited by linguistics, politics and etc. Discourse is a socio-cultural phenomenon with a certain empowered resource. Methods. In the article a method of comparative analysis and the methodological principles of power analysis of M. Foucault and P. Bourdieu have been used. Results. On the basis of works of M. Foucault and P. Bourdieu it has been proved that discourse is a socio-cultural phenomenon, which serves as a complex of communication events occurring between entities, which in their turn are endowed with a certain status and play relevant role games in the communication process. It is quite important to note that in today's society not institutions and norms become increasingly important, but directly acting personalities and their discourses: image, images, etc. The attention has been paid to the fact that discourse is always authoritative resource which at the present stage of human development is based on the availability of information and mass communication. Originality. It has been shown that in the modern world discourse serves as internalization of external determinations, and becomes on the one hand mental, deep, and on the other hand there are institutional restrictions ways to think, act and speak, which is entirely subject to conscious transformations and changes. Discourse as a set of acquired dispositions, is structured so that it reflects the social conditions in which it was learned. Conclusion. Discourse as social, socio-cultural phenomenon is over a human being as the institutions demand to recognize and to submit to the requirements of environment by means of socialization and adaptation. Thus, namely through such concept as discourse we can reveal the symbolic mechanisms of organization of the social world.

Através da análise comparativa dos diplomas legais publicados e informação estatística disponibilizada pelo Instituto de Segurança Social, IP, propomos avaliar o impacto da crise económica e financeira de 2007/2008 nas principais medidas de proteção social vigentes em Portugal, nomeadamente o complemento solidário para idosos, subsídio de desemprego e de doença, abono de família para crianças e jovens, pensão de invalidez e velhice e, por último, o rendimento social de inserção. Na generalidade, todas as prestações sociais avaliadas foram perpassadas por alterações legislativas onerosas, expressas na redução dos montantes atribuídos, na supressão de benefícios, no período de concessão das mesmas e, naturalmente, no decréscimo de beneficiários, constituindo exceção a este último indicador (diminuição do número de beneficiários) o subsídio de desemprego e a pensão de velhice, circunstâncias suportadas nas consequências da crise e evolução desfavorável da demografia, respetivamente. Perante as evidencias encontradas, facilmente se pode concluir que a tendência para a implementação de políticas neoliberais de austeridade abalou os pilares do Estado de Bem-estar, ainda em construção, com repercussões diretas na vida de muitos cidadãos, sobretudo os mais vulneráveis. Through the comparative analysis of the published legal diplomas and static information available by the social security Institute IP, we aim to evaluate the impact of the financial and economic crisis of 2007/2008 in the main measures of social protection valid in Portugal, namely the solidarity complement for aged persons, unemployed and illness subsidy, family allowance for children and young, pension of invalidity and old age pension, and at last the social insertion income. In the generality, every available, social contributions have been passed by onerous legislative alterations, expressed in the reduction of the amounts attributed in the suppression of benefits, in the period of the concession of the same and of course in the decrease of benefits, in the period of concession of the same and obviously in the decrease of beneficiaries, being an exception to the last indicator (diminution of the number of beneficiaries) the unemployment subsidy and the old age pension, supported circumstances in the consequences of the crisis, and the adverse evolution of demography, respectively. Towards the found evidences, we can easily conclude that the tendency for the implementation of neoliberal politics of austerity, affected the pillars of the welfare State, still in construction, with direct consequences in the life of many citizens, above all, the more vulnerable.

For any society modernization is a revolutionary change. However the question of whether, in what society would be the population of the previous society remains sharply debating. About the role of the concept of the problem responsibility in the situation of the revolutionary threats, as well as about finding its categorical nature of the issue was not raised at all. Purpose. The purpose the article is to analyze the concept of finding a categorical nature of the responsibility within the revolutionary process. Methods. For such studies were used general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis and comparative method. Results. The article investigates the acquisition of the concept of the categorical nature of the responsibility within the revolutionary processes based on analysis of activities of the Chancellor of the German Empire Otto von Bismarck. Reveals a connection of between the concepts of revolution, modernization and the danger and the responsibility. Are traced the circumstances that opredelyayuyut the formation of new and necessary personal-moral, material and legal aspects of responsibility. Reveals the dialectical combination of natural and contractual responsibility types. Represented how is the transition responsibility as an ethical concepts on categorical level as a valuable basis for sustainable development any society. Originality. The first time proved the direct relationship between the categorical nature of the responsibility and the concept of revolution. Conclusion. It is necessary to state that ethical position in space revolution depends on the choice between responsibility and irresponsibility. Liability arises the responsibility of the natural type, then combined with contractual liability. Because there are dialectical combination of those situations which he wrote G. Jonas and which do not fit into the dichotomy of natural and types of contractual liability. In politics responsibility passes from the ethical concept of the level categories. This category forms a new space, and between the usual concepts of ethics form new relationships. In this category are combined in a new legal, financial, personal and moral aspects of responsibility. Discovered new to the 19th century phenomenon – responsible conservatism, which allowed to avoid most threats in space revolution. Responsible conservatism necessarily manifested as realpolitik. A real policy is based on the philosophy of becoming.

2011 marked a significant change in Myanmar politics. After nearly 50 years of military rule, a civilian government came to power through multi-party elections and embarked on a series of economic and political reforms. However, members of the democratic opposition saw the transition as nothing more than a façade, as the same generals who had ruled the country in uniforms simply traded them for civilian clothes. It therefore came as a surprise to many that Norway, previously a dedicated supporter of the democratic opposition, became an international frontrunner in engaging with the regime. To understand the tangent taken by Norwegian politicians, critics started accusing Norway of having vested business interests in the national reform process. Many believed that Norway placed too much faith in the reform agenda and contributed to the strengthening of an illegitimate and authoritarian regime. This study frames Norway's policy of constructive engagement in Myanmar as norm entrepreneurship. The aim of the thesis is to show how and why Norway assumed this role. I will discuss how constructive engagement became a legitimate option for Norwegian decision makers by looking at discourse. Norwegian politicians aligned its rhetoric within a discourse that challenged the dominant norms on democratic change in Myanmar. By defending alternative strategies, and benchmarking in constructive engagement with the regime, Norway acted as a norm entrepreneur for other Western governments. Norway searched for alternative political solutions in Myanmar, and constructive engagement must therefore be seen as a continuation of the established foreign policy practice of involvement. Moreover, the case study illuminates how small states are able to exercise influence on the international stage by assuming roles as norm entrepreneurs. Norway used soft power tactics in order to influence the reform agenda in Myanmar, and gather support in the international community. As a small state, Norway has comparative advantages over great powers for assuming the role as norm entrepreneur. Because it is able to fill a role great powers are unable to take, Norway's norm entrepreneurship is a constant source of status in the international community. Norway's endeavors in Myanmar must therefore be seen as a continuation over a prevailing trend in Norwegian foreign policy, where Norway uses its moral capital for the sake of status. ; M-IR

The author of the article investigates Aristotle's philosophical heritage on the ideological component of Antiniy Radyvylovsky's advocacy heritage in the context of philosophical traditions in ancient Greece and home philosophical culture. The urgency of this aim is caused by the necessity to investigate the sources of the Ukrainian philosophical tradition in the baroque era.The purpose of this article is to study the features of the use and interpretation of the philosophical legacy of Aristotle in Ukrainian church sermon XVII century.Research carried out on the base of texts of Antoniy Radyvylovsky's. The advocate's manuscripts and printed works «Mother of Gold garden» and «Christ's nimbus» basic source. The main method of research is a comparative analysis.The author gives general characteristic of Antoniy Radyvylovsky's heritage, shows the subject – matter of ideological borrowings from Aristotle's texts and their use. The author draws attention to Greek philosopher 's texts and peculiarities of their use. The notes from the advocate's text and some fragments that were identified and borrowed from Aristotle's works are analyzed.The author comes to a conclusion that Aristotle's influenced moral and philosophical component of Antiniy Radyvylovsky's heritage.On the basic of the analysis mentioned above it was determined that Antiniy Radyvylovsky might have read tree Aristotle's theatises : About Soul, Politics, Ethics, Metaphysics which are philosophic heritage of Aristotle. Antiniy Radyvylovsky used fragment saints and to give them moral lessons.The Antiniy Radyvylovsky's not only chose examples from Aristotle's texts to use them as rethorical adorning, but also borrowed Greek philosopher's moral and ethical ideas to adapt them to his own admonitions developing and interpreting them creatively.The author comes to a conclusion that Antoniy Radyvylovsky used Aristotle's ideas creatively and the advocate's heritage has a considerable philosophic component. ; Исследование посвящено влиянию наследия Аристотеля на философскую составляющую украинской проповеди XVII в. на примере текстов Антония Радивиловского. Прослеживаются содержание идейных заимствований текстов Аристотеля и механизмы их использования проповедником. Делается вывод о творческом характере использования Антонием Радивиловским идей Аристотеля и наличие в наследии проповедника значительной философской составляющей. ; Дослідження присвячене впливу спадщини Аристотеля на філософську складову української проповіді XVII ст. на прикладі текстів Антонія Радивиловського. Простежуються зміст ідейних запозичень текстів Аристотеля та механізми їх використання проповідником. Робиться висновок про творчий характер використання Антонієм Радивиловським ідей Аристотеля та наявність у спадщині проповідника значної філософської складової.

Статья посвящена осмыслению опыта политических и социально-экономических преобразований современного Китая, идущего по пути формирования развитого индустриального общества. Вопреки ожиданиям некоторых капиталистических стран после окончания холодной войны и распада Советского Союза глобальная социалистическая система не прекратила существование, а сохранилась и трансформировалась, продолжая оказывать влияние на многие геополитические процессы в мире. Ее локомотивом сегодня является Китай, совершивший «апгрейд» собственного социалистического режима. Осуществление синтеза социализма и отдельных методов капитализма в этом государстве отражает современную точку зрения на теорию конвергенции как взаимообусловленную интеграцию определенных элементов социалистической и капиталистической систем. Высказывается предположение, что конвергентная модернизация, которой подверглась социалистическая система КНР на протяжении последних десятилетий, как в области политики, экономики, так и в сфере общественных отношений коррелирует с выдающимися достижениями этой страны в области научно-технического прогресса. Затронуты вопросы конструктивности сравнительного опыта строительства «рыночного социализма» в Китае и СССР, а также проанализирована целесообразность применения отдельных принципов и методов социализма в современной России. ; The article is devoted to understanding the experience of political and socioeconomic transformation of modern China, walking on the path of formation of advanced industrial society. Contrary to expectations of some capitalist countries, the global socialist system did not ceased to exist after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, it has been preserved and transformed, now continuing to have an impact on many geopolitical processes in the world. Its driving force today is China which committed the "upgrade" of its own socialist regime. Implementation of the synthesis of socialism and the individual methods of capitalism in this country reflect the modern view of the theory of convergence as the inter-conditionality of the integration of certain elements of the socialist and capitalist political systems. It is suggested that "convergent modernization", which the socialist system of China was subjected to over the past decades, both in the field of politics, economy, and in the field of social relationships, is correlated with the outstanding achievements of this country in the sphere of scientific and technical progress. The author deals with the issues of constructive nature of comparative experience of "market socialism" construction in China and the USSR, as well as the feasibility of certain principles and methods of socialism in Russia.

В статье представлен краткий обзор работ, защищённых в диссертационном совете Д 501.002.14 (Философский факультет МГУ имени М.В. Ломоносова) по трем политологическим специальностям теория политики, история и методология политической науки (23.00.01), политические институты и процессы (23.00.02) и политическая психология (19.00.12) на протяжении всей истории существования совета. На примере наиболее интересных диссертационных исследований показан вклад, вносимый их авторами в развитие современной политической науки. ; Issertation Commitee for Political Science no. D 501.002.14, established at Philosophical Department of the Lomonosov Moscow State University in the early 1990s, is today one of the most important commitees in number of directions of this scientific knowledge in Russia and is at the forefront of training and development of highly qualified scientific and governmental personnel. In our article, we presents a brief overview of theses in the field of political science and political psychology, presented at Dissertation Committee no. D 501.002.14 throughout its history. Using a comparative method, we analyzed Ph.D. and Doctoral theses in four specialities of political studies: (i) theory of politics, history and methodology of political science; (ii) political institutes, ethnopolitical conflictology, national political processes and technologies; (iii) political culture and ideologies; (iv) political psychology. We identified several most developed problematics represented in theses research: (i) in the framework of theory and methodology of political science they are analysis of English and Roman-lingual schools of political analysis and certain complex theoretical issues that are relevant not only to modern political science, but also for political practice (such as concepts of 'national idea,' 'political myth,' 'symbolic space' and 'symbolic repression'), (ii) in the framework of political institutes, ethnopolitical conflictology, national political processes and technologies such topics are both regional and nation-wide processes and phenomena including geopolitical ones in Slavonic, Anglo-Saxon, Muslim and China worlds; (iii) authors of theses on political culture and ideologies examine political picture of the world and political values of such political actors as elites (regional and country-level), generation, gender and professional groups; (iv) theses on political psychology focused on post-Soviet Russian political leaders' self-presentations and public attitudes towards them. So, we conclude that dissertations defended in our committee reflects, firstly, the main trends and achievements in the development of certain areas of domestic political science from the late 1990s till now, and secondly, the most important trends in political practice in Russia and in the world.

В статье с позиций сравнительно-исторического анализа, цивилизационного подхода и теории эволюционных циклов международной экономической и политической системы рассмотрены эпоха великих потрясений в международной политике и экономике 1921-1945 гг. и современная эпоха начала 2000-х конца 2010-х гг. Показано, что, несмотря на различия в уровне технологий и организации общества, между этими эпохами существуют важные черты сходства и структурного подобия. В то же время в современном мире растет число действующих центров политической силы и активизируются локальные цивилизации. В этом контексте проанализированы основные тенденции, проблемы и возможные альтернативы мирового и российского политического развития. Предложен и аргументирован тезис о том, что сегодня международный терроризм (особенно в его радикально-исламистской версии), как в 1930-1940-х гг. нацизм, является главным глобальным вызовом для всех государств. А все попытки сотрудничать с террористами или использовать их против своих геополитических противников ведут к разрушению международной системы безопасности, к политической дестабилизации, деградации международного права, а также легитимного и плюралистического миропорядка. Сделан вывод о том, что главной альтернативой глобальным проектам, пытающимся унифицировать весь мир, является полицентричное мироустройство, учитывающее особенности разных цивилизаций и интересы разных государств.In this article the epoch of great shocks in the international politics and economy in the period from 1921 to 1945 and the contemporary epoch from 2000 and 2020 are considered in terms of comparative historical studies and civilization approach. It is shown that there is certain likeness and important structural similarity between these epochs despite the differences in the technological level and social organization. At the same time many centers of political power and different local civilizations operate in the modern world. The main trends, problems and possible alternatives of the world and Russian political development are analyzed in this context. It is argued that now international terrorism is the main challenge to every country, the same as Nazism was in the 1930s and 1940s. That is why all attempts to collaborate with terrorists or to use them against geopolitical enemies lead to destruction of international security system, to political destabilization and degradation of international law. It is concluded that the polycentric world order which takes into account features of different local civilizations and interests of different states is the major alternative to the global unification projects.

Статья посвящена исследованию политического словотворчества феномену, в котором способы, приемы языковой игры подчинены созданию аксиологических коннотаций. Возрастающая роль языковой игры в современной политической речи отвечает ее установке на выразительность. Материалом исследования послужил язык современных российских СМИ. Для словотворчества в СМИ характерны несомненно преобладание индивидуального начала, находящее выражение в броскости, в эпатажности, а также подчеркнутое стремление к выполнению оценочной функции. Основной целью исследования было определить возможности словотворчества в политическом дискурсе. Для достижения поставленной цели были выбраны инновации, мотивированные ключевыми словами нашего времени «Украина», «майдан», «Крым». Выбранный материал позволил решить основные задачи: показать, как самые острые темы могут быть поданы в неожиданном игровом ракурсе, как самые резкие оценки могут быть даны творчески, с выдумкой. Подробно характеризуются способы создания новых номинаций и связанные с ними тенденции дискурса СМИ (например, в роли производящих в современном словотворчестве активно выступают не только нарицательные, но и собственные существительные, осваиваются графические способы словообразования, например, дефисация). Для решения поставленных задач в работе наряду с описательным методом были использованы методы контекстуального анализа, сопоставительного и словообразовательного анализа. ; The article is devoted to the study of political word creation the phenomenon, in which the ways and methods of word play aim at creation of axiological connotations. The growing role of word play in contemporary political speech reflects its goal of being expressive. The material for research is the language of contemporary Russian mass media. Word creation in mass media is characterized by prevailing of the individuality, which manifests itself in showiness, epatage and the strive for evaluation. The main goal of the research is to find out the possibilities of word creation in politics. To reach this goal the author chose innovations motivated by the key words "Ukraine", "Maidan" and "Crimea". The material of research made it possible to reach the main goal: to show that the most urgent topics may be introduced in an unexpected, playful manner; the most critical remarks may be expressed in creative manner. The ways of creation of new nominations and the tendencies of mass media discourse (for example proper names are very often used in word creation as well as graphic means of word creation) are described in detail. The descriptive method, the methods of contextual, comparative and word formation analyses were used in the research

According to the constructivist international relations theory, the social structure of international politics not only influences an agent's behavior, but more importantly constructs its identities and interests. Are there any change happened to China's national identity, interests and behavior after its participation in the global course on tackling climate change? If so, what are these changes? This article uses content analysis to examine the identity and interests change in China's climate diplomatic discourse from 1999 to 2014 and analyses the data related to China's action on curbing climate change in the same period. After analyzing, this article finds out that there is a gradual change of China's identity: From a developing country sharing "common but differentiated responsibilities" to a major developing country that is willing to take responsibilities proactively under the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities". As for its national interests, it finds that China's national interests change in three aspects, namely, level of importance, nature and identities of developed and developing countries in its national interests network. It also finds the change in China's behavior: China's carbon intensity per unit of GDP rises slightly during the 1999-2005 period, but it decreases year by year after 2005, which demonstrates China's fulfillment of its commitment to the world. It is argued that there is a process of inter-constructive practices among China's identity, interests and behavior.This article analyzes the change of national identity in the speeches of China's leaders and relevant ministries in international conferences on climate change and China's Action Reports and White Papers on tackling climate change (1999-2014). Then it analyzes China's national interest and behavior concerning climate change in the same period and the relations among the three, namely identity, interest and behavior of China. This article adopts a content analyzes of these speeches and reports (1999-2014) to depict China's national identity change. Then it analyzes the discourse related to China's national interests in these materials. Next, it analyzes China's behavior in tackling climate change by looking at the data released by the U.S. Energy Information Administration and PBL in the Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency. After that, it analyzes the relation among China's identity, interests and behavior through a comparative study of the three.

Economic Democracy and worker cooperatives are part of a growing movement for economic change. In the dissertation I explore the ideas of Economic Democracy, what they can teach the academy, their history and theoretical underpinnings. I am specifically interested in understanding whether worker cooperatives offer a solution to the problems of capitalism and whether they fundamentally change the nature and process of work as well as the quality of life for ordinary workers, especially those workers who traditionally have been relegated to the bottom of the labor market, workers of color. Through the use of the Marxist theory and the Gramscian concepts of hegemony and war of position I analyze the complicated and difficult structural, administrative, ideological/cultural and racial struggles that these types of enterprises face in enacting their visions. Through a comparative case study based on interviews and participatory action research of workers and developers involved in the worker-cooperative movement of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Area of California, I study how worker cooperatives can and do impact communities of color in the U.S. as well as what problems they face when it comes to issues of race, racism and gender politics. I argue that worker cooperatives are a valuable resource in the hegemonic contest over ideological discourses and visions of how the world ought to function. Alternative forms like cooperatives become discredited within the realm of possibility because they offer a different understanding about how the economy should work that threatens the current dominant capitalist model. Worker cooperatives as part of a democratic economy are not just different ways of engaging within a capitalist economy or of creating small niche sharing economies to help bolster communities of color who have often not been allowed to advance because of racist glass ceilings. They are part of a war of position in the ideological and cultural struggle over what role and whose needs the economy and capital should serve in the course of human history, and as such are a fundamentally different mode of production. In order for them to fill this important historical role, however, they must take seriously the tenets and the day-to-day practice of democracy.