Suchergebnisse

Abstract:Persons with disabilities have been until now excluded in Spain from the participation in Administration of Justice through the institution of the jury foreseen in Section 125 of the Constitution. Section 8 of the Organic Law on the Court of the Jury established in fact as requirements to be juror «to be in the full exercise of the political rights» (paragraph two), which excludes people with intellectual or psychosocial disabilities who have been deprived of their right to vote by judicial decision as provided in the electoral legislation, as well as «not having physical, psychical o sensory impairments for the performance of the function as juror» (paragraph five). This exclusion was a result of the medical model of disability, which saw as the only solution to the supposed lack of aptitude for the exercise of a right the restriction of it, without considering the possibility of arbitrating means to improve such aptitude. The adoption of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Article 13 of which requires facilitating persons with disabilities the possibility to fulfill their roles in legal proceedings, made clear that it was necessary to revise this legislation, and in recent years different proposals have been raised, which finally led to the approval of Organic Law 1/2017, of December 13th. This Law maintains the full exercise of political rights as a requirement to be a juror, but has substantially modified Section 8 paragraph 5 of the Organic Law on the Court of the Jury, which today establishes as a condition to be juror «to have sufficient aptitude», adding that persons with disabilities can not be excluded because of this circumstance, and that they must be provided with the necessary supports and reasonable adjustments so that they can exercise their functions. Therefore, the present study analyses both sentences of the new Section 8.5. Regarding thefirst one, it is emphasized that no intellectual or cognitive capacity other than literacy —which is also required by article 8— may be demanded to be juror; however, the ability to pay attention during a long period of time, whose lack can occur in people with and without disabilities, could also be considered as a necessary skill to perform the function of juror, included in the «sufficient aptitude» mentioned by Section 8. On the other hand, the reasonable adjustments that should be assigned to persons with disabilities who are appointed as jurors are examined, analyzing in particular the problems raised by those which involve the assistance of a third person, that could put at risk essential aspects of the functioning of juries as secrecy or impartiality. ; Resumen:Hasta fecha muy reciente, las personas con discapacidad han estado excluidas en España de la participación en la Administración de justicia a través de la institución del jurado que prevé el artículo 125 de la Constitución, pues el artículo 8 de la Ley Orgánica del Tribunal del Jurado establecía como requisitos para ser jurado «encontrarse en el pleno ejercicio de sus derechos políticos» (apartado segundo), lo que excluye a las personas con discapacidad intelectual o psicosocial que hayan sido privadas de su derecho de sufragio por resolución judicial conforme a lo previsto en la legislación electoral, así como «no estar impedido física, psíquica o sensorialmente para el desempeño de la función de Jurado» (apartado quinto). Esta exclusión era consecuencia del modelo médico de la discapacidad, bajo cuya vigencia se pensaba que la supuesta falta de aptitud para el ejercicio de un derecho debía suponer su restricción, sin considerar la posibilidad de arbitrar medios que paliasen esa falta de aptitud. La aprobación de la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad, cuyo artículo 13 exige garantizar a las personas con discapacidad la posibilidad de desempeñar sus funciones en los procesos judiciales, hizo patente la necesidad de revisar esta regulación, habiéndose planteado en los últimos años diversas propuestas de reforma legislativa, que han desembocado finalmente en la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica 1/2017, de 13 de diciembre. Esta Ley mantiene como requisito para ser jurado el pleno ejercicio de los derechos políticos, pero ha modificado sustancialmente el apartado quinto del artículo 8 de la Ley Orgánica del Tribunal del Jurado, que hoy establece como requisito para ser jurado «contar con la aptitud suficiente», añadiendo a continuación que las personas con discapacidad no podrán ser excluidas por esta circunstancia, y que se les deberán prestar los apoyos y ajustes necesarios para que puedan ejercer sus funciones. Así pues, el presente estudio se detiene en el análisis de ambos incisos del nuevo artículo 8.5. Por lo que se refiere al primero de ellos, se pone de relieve que no puede requerirse para ser jurado capacidad intelectual o cognoscitiva alguna distinta de la lectoescritura, exigida también por el artículo 8, si bien se añade, como aptitud necesaria para ejercer la función de jurado, la capacidad de prestar atención durante un período prolongado de tiempo, cuya carencia puede darse en personas con y sin discapacidad. Por otro lado, se examinan cuáles son los ajustes razonables que habrían de asignarse a las personas con discapacidad que fueran designadas jurados, analizando particularmente los problemas que plantean aquellos que consistan en la asistencia de una tercera persona, que podrían poner en cuestión aspectos esenciales del funcionamiento del jurado como el secreto o la imparcialidad.Summary:1. Preface. 2. The original wording of section 8, paragraph 5, of the Organic Law on the Court of the Jury. 3. Study of the legal reform. 3.1. The capacity to be juror. 3.2. The supports and reasonable accommodations for persons with disabilities. 4. Conclusions.Abstract:Persons with disabilities have been until now excluded in Spain from the participation in Administration of Justice through the institution of the jury foreseen in Section 125 of the Constitution. Section 8 of the Organic Law on the Court of the Jury established in fact as requirements to be juror «to be in the full exercise of the political rights» (paragraph two), which excludes people with intellectual or psychosocial disabilities who have been deprived of their right to vote by judicial decision as provided in the electoral legislation, as well as «not having physical, psychical o sensory impairments for the performance of the function as juror» (paragraph five). This exclusion was a result of the medical model of disability, which saw as the only solution to the supposed lack of aptitude for the exercise of a right the restriction of it, without considering the possibility of arbitrating means to improve such aptitude. The adoption of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Article 13 of which requires facilitating persons with disabilities the possibility to fulfill their roles in legal proceedings, made clear that it was necessary to revise this legislation, and in recent years different proposals have been raised, which finally led to the approval of Organic Law 1/2017, of December 13th. This Law maintains the full exercise of political rights as a requirement to be a juror, but has substantially modified Section 8 paragraph 5 of the Organic Law on the Court of the Jury, which today establishes as a condition to be juror «to have sufficient aptitude», adding that persons with disabilities can not be excluded because of this circumstance, and that they must be provided with the necessary supports and reasonable adjustments so that they can exercise their functions. Therefore, the present study analyses both sentences of the new Section 8.5. Regarding thefirst one, it is emphasized that no intellectual or cognitive capacity other than literacy —which is also required by article 8— may be demanded to be juror; however, the ability to pay attention during a long period of time, whose lack can occur in people with and without disabilities, could also be considered as a necessary skill to perform the function of juror, included in the «sufficient aptitude» mentioned by Section 8. On the other hand, the reasonable adjustments that should be assigned to persons with disabilities who are appointed as jurors are examined, analyzing in particular the problems raised by those which involve the assistance of a third person, that could put at risk essential aspects of the functioning of juries as secrecy or impartiality.

Three leading thinkers analyze the erosion of democracy's social foundations and call for a movement to reduce inequality, strengthen inclusive solidarity, empower citizens, and reclaim pursuit of the public good. Democracy is in trouble. Populism is a common scapegoat but not the root cause. More basic are social and economic transformations eroding the foundations of democracy, ruling elites trying to lock in their own privilege, and cultural perversions like making individualistic freedom the enemy of democracy's other crucial ideals of equality and solidarity. In Degenerations of Democracy three of our most prominent intellectuals investigate democracy gone awry, locate our points of fracture, and suggest paths to democratic renewal. In Charles Taylor's phrase, democracy is a process, not an end state. Taylor documents creeping disempowerment of citizens, failures of inclusion, and widespread efforts to suppress democratic participation, and he calls for renewing community. Craig Calhoun explores the impact of disruption, inequality, and transformation in democracy's social foundations. He reminds us that democracies depend on republican constitutions as well as popular will, and that solidarity and voice must be achieved at large scales as well as locally. Taylor and Calhoun together examine how ideals like meritocracy and authenticity have become problems for equality and solidarity, the need for stronger articulation of the idea of public good, and the challenges of thinking big without always thinking centralization. Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar points out that even well-designed institutions will not integrate everyone, and inequality and precarity make matters worse. He calls for democracies to be prepared for violence and disorder at their margins—and to treat them with justice, not oppression. The authors call for bold action building on projects like Black Lives Matter and the Green New Deal. Policy is not enough to save democracy; it will take movements

Global Justice and Social Conflict offers a ground-breaking historical and theoretical reappraisal of the ideas that underpin and sustain the global liberal order, international law and neoliberal rationality. Across the 20th and 21st centuries, liberalism, and increasingly neoliberalism, have dominated the construction and shape of the global political order, the global economy and international law. For some, this development has been directed by a vision of global justice'. Yet, for many, the world has been marked by a history and continued experience of injustice, inequality, indignity, insecurity, poverty and war - a reality in which attempts to realise an idea of justice cannot be detached from acts of violence and widespread social conflict. In this book Tarik Kochi argues that to think seriously about global justice we need to understand how both liberalism and neoliberalism have pushed aside rival ideas of social and economic justice in the name of private property, individualistic rights, state security and capitalist free' markets. Ranging from ancient concepts of natural law and republican constitutionalism, to early modern ideas of natural rights and political economy, and to contemporary discourses of human rights, humanitarian war and global constitutionalism, Kochi shows how the key foundational elements of a now globalised political, economic and juridical tradition are constituted and continually beset by struggles over what counts as justice and over how to realise it. Engaging with a wide range of thinkers and reaching provocatively across a breadth of subject areas, Kochi investigates the roots of many globalised struggles over justice, human rights, democracy and equality, and offers an alternative constitutional understanding of the future of emancipatory politics and international law. Global Justice and Social Conflict will be essential reading for scholars and students with an interest in international law, international relations, international political economy, intellectual history, and critical and political theory.

Awareness of the significance of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) has recently grown, due to the promotional efforts of UNESCO and its Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003). However, the increased recognition of intangible heritage has brought to light its undervalued status within the museum and heritage sector, and raised questions about safeguarding efforts, ownership, protective legal frameworks, authenticity and how global initiatives can be implemented at a local level, where most ICH is located. This book provides a variety of international perspectives on these issues, exploring how holistic and integrated approaches to safeguarding ICH offer an opportunity to move beyond the rhetoric of UNESCO; in partiular, the authors demonstrate that the alternative methods and attitudes that frequently exist at a local level can be the most effective way of safeguarding ICH. Perspectives are presented both from 'established voices', of scholars and practitioners, and from 'new voices', those of indigenous and local communities, where intangible heritage lives. It will be an important resource for students of museum and heritage studies, anthropology, folk studies, the performing arts, intellectual property law and politics. Michelle Stefano is Folklorist-in-Residence, University of Maryland Baltimore County; Peter Davis is Professor of Museology, International Centre for Cultural and Heritage Studies, Newcastle University; Gerard Corsane is Senior Lecturer in Heritage, Museum and Galley Studies, International Centre for Cultural and Heritage Studies, School of Arts and Cultures, Newcastle University. Contributors: Marilena Alivizatou, Alissandra Cummins, Kate Hennessey, Ewa Bergdahl, George Abungu, Shatha Abu-Khafajah, Shaher Rababeh, Vasant Hari Bedekar, Christian Hottin, Sylvie Grenet, Lyn Leader-Elliott, Daniella Trimboli, Léontine Meijer-van Mensch, Peter van Mensch, Andrew Dixey, Susan Keitumetse, Richard MacKinnon, Alexandra Denes, Christina Kreps, Harriet Deacon, D. Jared Bowers, Gerard Corsane, Paula Assuncao dos Santos, Elaine Müller, Michelle L. Stefano, Maurizio Maggi, Aron Mazel

In this paper, we examine university discretionary interpretation of the 2020 social upheaval that emanated from George Floyd's murder as an element of university social responsibility (USR) policymaking. The paper addresses two research questions: (a) What are university presidents' implicit and explicit social justice responses to George Floyd's death and the idealistic protests of 2020? (b) To what degree are principles of social justice embedded in universities' intellectual roots and social responsibility? Using a sample of university presidents' public statements in response to George Floyd's death and the idealistic protests of 2020, we analyze the response and responsibilities of universities in the struggle for a just society. We cross-check mission statements and strategic plans to corroborate universities' public statements with their institutional philosophies, mission, and action plans relating to discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities and systemic racism. We use critical discourse analysis and the Voyant Tool to perform a textual analysis of 62 university presidents' letters and mission statements. They all denounced the dehumanization and inequitable treatment of Black people. An important implication of our work is the sharp difference in the depth and forthrightness of responses by university presidents across university types. Some presidential letters are forthright in their denouncement of the murder of George Floyd and systemic racism, while others were, at best, vague in their approach. Presidential letters disclose their institutions' priorities, organizational identities, and social responsibility convictions. Overall, mission statements and strategic plans included addressing systemic racism and inequality. While there is no ordered symmetry between presidential narratives and institutional action, we anticipate social responsibility as a core institutional value. We argue for social justice anti-racist platforms as critical dimensions of USR. We call for university milieus that promote a fair and just society among all stakeholders.

This paper discusses and explains Freire's Marxist-inflected concept of praxis as developed throughout his oeuvre. A key feature, deriving from Marx and others, notably Gramsci, is the positing of a dialectical relationship between consciousness and the world. This is at the heart of his celebrated pedagogical approach. Praxis dates back to the time of the ancient Greek 'civilisation' Aristotle in primis. It involves an intellectual effort, a reflection on one's individual and collective lifeworld. These are the reflecting on action processes that can ultimately collectively lead to political change. Praxis lies at the heart of Marxian and Gramscian political thought and strategy. It is the kernel of Paulo Freire's pedagogical politics; it differs from simply practice. This pedagogical politics involves the codification of this reflection on action into theory. It, in turn, entails evaluating relevant theory against the very reflection on everyday action. The world of action is life itself with all its dimensions, including community living and work, but extends well beyond. ; Este artigo explica a noção freireana de práxis desenvolvida na Pedagogia do Oprimido e em outros escritos, de Freire, Marx e Gramsci, para capturar a relação dialética entre a consciência e o mundo, refletido ema abordagem pedagógica pela qual ele se tornou famoso. O conceito de práxis remonta à época dos gregos antigos e já em Aristóteles. Isso envolve uma reflexão sobre o processo de viver - uma função intelectual. Os processos de pensamento e de reflexão que acompanham a maioria das atividades e que se deve ajudar a nutrir com mudanças políticas em mente. A práxis está no cerne da abordagem política e pedagógica de Paulo Freire e deve ser distinguida da mera prática. Envolve a codificação da reflexão sobre a vida cotidiana em teoria e os meios de avaliar essa teoria em comparação com o resultado da reflexão sobre a vida cotidiana, incluindo a vida no trabalho e na comunidade.

IMPORTANCE: Hypertensive disorders of pregnancy (HDP) have been associated with poorer neurodevelopmental outcomes in offspring, but the role of familial confounding in these associations is unclear. OBJECTIVE: To investigate associations of maternal HDP with risks in offspring of autism spectrum disorders (ASDs), attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and intellectual disability (ID), as well as variation in overall cognitive performance in offspring. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: This Swedish register-based study used data from a birth cohort divided into 1 085 024 individuals born between 1987 and 1996 and followed up until December 31, 2014, and 285 901 men born between 1982 and 1992 who attended assessments for military conscription, including a cognitive function test. Statistical analysis was performed from April 1, 2019, to June 1, 2020. EXPOSURES: Diagnoses of HDP, which were provided by the Medical Birth Register. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: Diagnoses of ASDs, ADHD, and ID were extracted from the National Patient Register. Cognitive function was assessed using written tests and summarized as a single 9-point score. Whole-cohort and within-sibship analyses were performed; the latter accounted for unmeasured familial confounding factors shared by siblings. RESULTS: The study included 1 085 024 individuals (556 912 male participants [51.3%]) born between 1987 and 1996 and 285 901 men born between 1982 and 1992 who attended assessments for military conscription. The prevalence of maternal HDP was 4.0% in the 1987-1996 birth cohort (n = 42 980) and 5.1% in the military conscription cohort (n = 14 515). A total of 15 858 participants received a diagnosis of ASD, 36 852 received a diagnosis of ADHD, and 8454 received a diagnosis of ID. The mean (SD) cognitive score among the men in the conscription cohort was 5.1 (1.9). In whole-cohort analyses with multivariable adjustment, HDP were associated with offspring ASDs (hazard ratio [HR], 1.22; 95% CI, 1.13-1.31), ADHD (HR, 1.10; 95% CI, 1.05-1.16), ...

Entre las múltiples consecuencias del 68 es muy relevante el impacto que tuvo en el ámbito de la cultura, incluso en países como España, sometidos a una férrea dictadura, pero que al mismo tiempo estaban viviendo el surgimiento de una nueva generación que pretendía superar el aislamiento internacional y que se entusiasmó con los aires frescos que llegaban de todas partes, y especialmente de París. En el presente artículo se analiza el impacto del 68 en el proceso de construcción de una cultura democrática, cuestión en la que el relevo generacional fue un factor importante. El estudio se focaliza en la reconstrucción de la cultura catalana, y revisa las percepciones que tuvieron del mayo francés intelectuales destacados, para evaluar los efectos que el 68 tuvo en sus planteamientos. Se constata que en 1969-1970 era evidente que el 68 había contribuido a abrir una nueva etapa de esa reconstrucción cultural bajo la dictadura. ; One of the many consequences of 1968 is its major cultural impact, even in countries that were then in the grip of an iron-fisted dictatorship, like Spain. They were also witnessing the emergence of a new generation that sought to overcome international isolation, triggered by the fresh winds blowing from abroad, especially from Paris. This paper examines the impact of 1968 on the process of building a democratic culture, an issue where generational changeover became a key factor. The paper offers a case study focusing on the rebuilding of Catalan culture. It traces leading intellectuals' perceptions of the French May 1968 events in order to evaluate their impact on their personal position and perspectives. It was clear by 1969-1970 that 1968 had contributed to opening up a new stage in the rebuilding of Catalan culture under the dictatorship. ; Este texto forma parte del proyecto de investigación PGC2018-098191-B-100 concedido por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad.

Field-Programmable Gate Arrays (FPGAs) have been gaining popularity in heterogeneous architectures due to their high efficiency, reliability, low energy consumption and high performance. Such reconfigurable computing devices come with ever greater quantities of on-chip resources, allowing the development of more complex variety of applications. Therefore, the trend is that technique giants such as Amazon, Microsoft, and Baidu embrace FPGAs to meet their critical computing requirements. In addition, the ability to reprogram these devices in the field is being developed for reliability in application domains such as military, military, aerospace, and nuclear power stations. The management of reconfigurable FPGAs devices constitutes a hot topic in a lot of domains. In such devices, a reconfigurable fabric is generally combined with a processor to guarantee high computing performance with a limited amount of hardware resources. Most of these devices generally feature an operating system (OS) that requires to interact with hardware resources such as accelerators or Intellectual Property (IP) blocks. Software tasks that run on top of the OS may then access hardware resources concurrently and dedicated mechanisms have to be provided to manage resource sharing efficiently. The problem is even bigger if hardware resources are localized in a reconfigurable area that can implement various designs in time. Some IPs may be accessed from tasks with different priorities and preemption mechanisms have to be imagined, as in software. In case of preemption, one issue consists in suspending the IPs and restart them from the very same point of preemption at another time and/or in another position of the reconfigurable part of the FPGA. An hardware accelerator must be able to preserved its internal state and its memory contents so that when it is resumed later, its execution can continue from its preemption point. However, one challenge of partial reconfiguration and context saving/restoring is that it is time consuming, especially ...

This thesis is aimed to deal with the sociology of expertise in the african mask cultural mediation. In Benin country, it is observable that museums and performing arts do not exhibit certain categories of masks including égoungoun and abikou, while they show some others, zangbéto and guèlèdè in this case. This arouses attention, insomuch as in Porto-Novo, a city where a plurality of masks' sanctuaries is noticed, the ethnographic museum paradoxically uses drawings to present the égoungoun and the zangbéto which on the other hand, are physically seen in exhibitions in western countries. These masks belong to two large cultural areas (adja-tado and yorouba-nago) densely present in three west african countries : Benin, Nigeria and Togo. This geographic area, but especially southern and central Benin will serve as framework for our study. It attempts to understand the sociological constraints unfavorable to some forms of mask exposure in beninese territory and whether the concerned populations can adopt a noetic openness approach and dialogue with other cultures. By doing field surveys with varied public made up of intellectuals, dignitaries of mask societies, political and adminitrative officials, religious authorities, cultural mediators, ritual traditions insiders and ordinary people that we deem, representative of the population to reveal the true faces of current popular beliefs, we hope we'll provide social sciences with a first definition and classification of means to popularize the african mask, in a globalizing world cultural environment. ; Ce projet de thèse vise à aborder la sociologie de l'expertise en matière de médiation culturelle du masque africain. Il est observable au Bénin que les musées et les arts de la scène n'exposent pas certaines catégories de masques dont égoungoun et abikou, alors qu'ils en exhibent d'autres, zangbéto et guèlèdè en l'occurrence. Cela suscite l'attention, d'autant qu'à Porto-Novo, ville où on peut dénombrer une pluralité de sanctuaires de masques, le musée ethnographique ...

This paper examines the thoughts of a famous Muslim figure named Ibn al-Taymīyah. As an individual who lives in an era of heterogeneous society and full of political upheaval, the figure born in al-Harrān has ideas that are arguably unique and different from his predecessors. By examining relevant literature sources, the writer finds that Ibn al-Taymīyah's ideas differ from the majority of pre-existing thoughts. For him, a leader must have the skills, skills and a sense of justice in leading the country. In addition, he is also known as a patriot who has dedicated himself to the interests of the nation and state. Apart from being an intellectual as well as a patriot with a spirit of state solidarity, Ibn al-Taymīyah was also known as one who had such a strong Sufistic conception. This concept emphasizes that the motivation to defend the nation and state must be balanced with zuhud and sincerity that humans are part of a human entity that cannot be separated from the theological aspect. ; Tulisan ini mengkaji pemikiran tokoh Muslim terkenal bernama Ibn al-Taymīyah. Sebagai seorang individu yang hidup di era masyarakat heterogen dan penuh pergolakan politik, tokoh kelahiran al-Harrān memiliki gagasan yang bisa dibilang unik dan berbeda dari para pendahulunya. Dengan mengkaji sumber pustaka yang relevan, penulis menemukan bahwa ide Ibn al- Taymīyah berbeda dengan mayoritas pemikiran yang telah ada sebelumnya. Baginya seorang pemimpin harus memiliki kecakapan, keterampilan, serta rasa keadilan dalam memimpin negara. Selain itu ia juga dikenal sebagai seorang seorang patriot yang telah mendedikasikan dirinya demi kepentingan bangsa dan negara. Di samping sebagai seorang cendekiawan sekaligus patriot dengan jiwa solidaritas kenegarawanannya, Ibn al-Taymīyah juga dikenal sebagai salah seorang yang memiliki konsepsi sufistik yang begitu kuat. Konsep tersebut menekankan bahwa motivasi membela bangsa dan negara harus diimbangi dengan sikap zuhud dan ketulusan bahwa manusia adalah bagian dari entitas kemanusiaan yang tidak akan lepas dari aspek ketuhanan.

Even more than intelligence, creativity is considered as a quintessentially human capacity. The same conclusion is fully applicable to the artistic creation in music sector. However, rapid technological development is constantly challenging not only the creative process as such, but also the legal instruments intended to protect the results of intellectual and artistic work. The first part of this article examines the provisions of the new EU Directive 2019/790 dedicated to online content-sharing service providers and fair remuneration of authors/performers, while its second part maps the main challenges the development of artificial intelligence imposes to the protection of rights in musical works. ; Креативност се, чак и у већој мери него што је то случај са интелигенцијом, сматра суштински људском способношћу. Исти закључак је у потпуности примењив и на уметничко стваралаштво у области музике. Међутим, брз технолошки развој стално доводи у питање не само природу креативног процеса, већ и правне инструменте чији је циљ заштита резултата интелектуалног и уметничког стваралаштва. Први део чланка анализира одредбе нове Директиве ЕУ 2019/790, посвећене пружаоцима услуга дељења садржаја online и праведне накнаде за ауторе и извођаче, док се његов други део бави мапирањем главних изазова које развој вештачке интелигенције поставља пред правну заштиту стваралаштва у области музике. ; Креативност се, чак и у већој мери него што је то случај са интелигенцијом, сматра суштински људском способношћу. Исти закључак је у потпуности примењив и на уметничко стваралаштво у области музике. Међутим, брз технолошки развој стално доводи у питање не само природу креативног процеса, већ и правне инструменте чији је циљ заштита резултата интелектуалног и уметничког стваралаштва. Док је у Европској унији (ЕУ) недавно усвојен нови правни оквир (Директива 2019/790) примењив на ауторе и друге носиоце права над музичким делима у контексту дигитализације, брза еволуција вештачке интелигенције (ВИ) још увек није праћена одговарајућим ...

One of the many consequences of 1968 is its major cultural impact, even in countries that were then in the grip of an iron-fisted dictatorship, like Spain. They were also witnessing the emergence of a new generation that sought to overcome international isolation, triggered by the fresh winds blowing from abroad, especially from Paris. This paper examines the impact of 1968 on the process of building a democratic culture, an issue where generational changeover became a key factor. The paper offers a case study focusing on the rebuilding of Catalan culture. It traces leading intellectuals' perceptions of the French May 1968 events in order to evaluate their impact on their personal position and perspectives. It was clear by 1969-1970 that 1968 had contributed to opening up a new stage in the rebuilding of Catalan culture under the dictatorship. ; Entre las múltiples consecuencias del 68 es muy relevante el impacto que tuvo en el ámbito de la cultura, incluso en países como España, sometidos a una férrea dictadura, pero que al mismo tiempo estaban viviendo el surgimiento de una nueva generación que pretendía superar el aislamiento internacional y que se entusiasmó con los aires frescos que llegaban de todas partes, y especialmente de París. En el presente artículo se analiza el impacto del 68 en el proceso de construcción de una cultura democrática, cuestión en la que el relevo generacional fue un factor importante. El estudio se focaliza en la reconstrucción de la cultura catalana, y revisa las percepciones que tuvieron del mayo francés intelectuales destacados, para evaluar los efectos que el 68 tuvo en sus planteamientos. Se constata que en 1969-1970 era evidente que el 68 había contribuido a abrir una nueva etapa de esa reconstrucción cultural bajo la dictadura.

The year 1920 was a very special year for Father Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (1881-1955). Not only did he turn 39, but after demobilizing from his military duties during World War I, he returned to the Jesuit community, to his training as a scientist, to his intellectual work, and to his deep spiritual life. All this happened a hundred years ago now. In 1920 we find Teilhard de Chardin settled in one of the great Jesuit communities in Paris. He was assigned to study Natural Sciences at the University of Paris and to collaborate in the famous Catholic Institute of Paris. According to the historians of science, there are two events that will mark the future of the not so young Teilhard: he is appointed professor of Paleontology and Geology at the Catholic Institute of Paris; and, thanks to the mediation of Christophe Gaudefroy (1878-1971), the philosopher and mathematician Édouard Le Roy (1870-1954) agrees to contact Teilhard. ; El año 1920 fue un año muy especial para el padre Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (1881-1955). No sólo cumplió 39 años, sino que, una vez desmovilizado de la Gran Guerra, volvió a la comunidad de Jesuitas, a su formación como científico, a su trabajo intelectual y a su honda vida espiritual. Todo esto sucedió hace ahora cien años. En 1920 encontramos a Teilhard de Chardin instalado en una de las grandes comunidades religiosas de Jesuitas de París. Ha sido destinado a estudiar Ciencias Naturales en la Universidad de París y a colaborar en el famoso Instituto Católico de París. Según los historiadores de la ciencia hay dos acontecimientos que marcarán en futuro del ya no tan joven Teilhard: es nombrado profesor de Paleontología y de Geología en el Instituto Católico de París; y, gracias a la mediación de Christophe Gaudefroy (1878-1971), el filósofo y matemático Édouard Le Roy (1870-1954) accede a contactar con Teilhard.

This thesis is aimed to deal with the sociology of expertise in the african mask cultural mediation. In Benin country, it is observable that museums and performing arts do not exhibit certain categories of masks including égoungoun and abikou, while they show some others, zangbéto and guèlèdè in this case. This arouses attention, insomuch as in Porto-Novo, a city where a plurality of masks' sanctuaries is noticed, the ethnographic museum paradoxically uses drawings to present the égoungoun and the zangbéto which on the other hand, are physically seen in exhibitions in western countries. These masks belong to two large cultural areas (adja-tado and yorouba-nago) densely present in three west african countries : Benin, Nigeria and Togo. This geographic area, but especially southern and central Benin will serve as framework for our study. It attempts to understand the sociological constraints unfavorable to some forms of mask exposure in beninese territory and whether the concerned populations can adopt a noetic openness approach and dialogue with other cultures. By doing field surveys with varied public made up of intellectuals, dignitaries of mask societies, political and adminitrative officials, religious authorities, cultural mediators, ritual traditions insiders and ordinary people that we deem, representative of the population to reveal the true faces of current popular beliefs, we hope we'll provide social sciences with a first definition and classification of means to popularize the african mask, in a globalizing world cultural environment. ; Ce projet de thèse vise à aborder la sociologie de l'expertise en matière de médiation culturelle du masque africain. Il est observable au Bénin que les musées et les arts de la scène n'exposent pas certaines catégories de masques dont égoungoun et abikou, alors qu'ils en exhibent d'autres, zangbéto et guèlèdè en l'occurrence. Cela suscite l'attention, d'autant qu'à Porto-Novo, ville où on peut dénombrer une pluralité de sanctuaires de masques, le musée ethnographique ...