Many countries with scheduled elections this year face a difficult choice in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic: how to balance public health considerations with holding a free and fair election. Learn more from NDI Senior Associate and Director of Electoral Programs Pat Merloe and Program Director Julia Brothers as they talk about democratic back-sliding during this crisis, electoral integrity, and ways civil society organizations can still make a difference. Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play Pat Merlow: In the public health crisis, especially where governments are weak or people are suspicious of governments, trusted voices are really important to get out accurate information. Julia Brothers: Hello, this is Julia Brothers. I'm the Program Director for Elections at the National Democratic Institute. Welcome to Dem Works. JB: Around the world, the COVID-19 pandemic is sewing insecurity among the public, which can be exploited by authoritarians to consolidate power in sideline democratic institutions. It also poses severe technical, political, and social threats to elections themselves. In many countries, the effects of the virus may strain citizen relationships with government and elected [inaudible] officials, intensify political tensions and the potentials for violence, disenfranchise voters and increase conditions for democratic backsliding. Today I'm joined by Pat Merlow, senior associate and director of electoral programs at NDI. Welcome to the podcast, Pat. Thank you for being here. Pat Merlow: Hi, Julia. JB: So the COVID-19 crisis is causing enormous challenges for every country, including those with scheduled elections this year. What are the biggest concerns deciding whether to hold or postpone elections? PM: Elections must be held in ways that safeguard public health and in ways that ensure genuine opportunities for the electorate to vote. Universal and equal suffrage, which is in every modern constitution, means inclusion, not exclusion. So we have to also hold elections in ways where the political parties and the candidates have a fair chance to compete for votes without a playing field that's being manipulated or intentionally or unintentionally tilted in one party's favor. So striking a proper democratic balance of public safety and credible election processes is different and really difficult in every country. Depends a lot on the level of economic and technological development in the country on the nature of social cohesion versus divisions in the country and political polarization. So in many countries where NDI works, the concern is whether authoritarians will rush through elections with undue public health risks in order to gain an electoral advantage or to postpone elections under conditions that advantage their attempts to gain and maintain more power. A second troubling circumstance in countries that are unstable or prone to various kinds of violence, where constrains of the public health crisis can be used by malign actors to flood the population with this information... I mean we're hearing this term infodemic; also hate speech and other means to scapegoat religious or ethnic minorities, LGBTQ people or women in order to gain political advantage. That's not all the countries where NDI works, but even those are neither authoritarian nor fragile states, the COVID-19 crisis is still posing gigantic challenges both on the public health and to electoral integrity. JB: Right. I mean these factors present themselves as challenges to electoral integrity, not just where there might be bad faith actors that are trying to utilize this crisis to consolidate power, but also just in addressing basic issues related to how to make sure that you're maximizing participation during a public health crisis. What are some of the factors that these countries would need to think about in terms of actually implementing elections either during a public health crisis or immediately after. PM: There really are a number of factors that have to be considered. So the first thing that comes to everybody's mind of course is what do you do? Can people actually go to polling places or should they be under some sort of the shelter in place lockdown-like circumstances. That doesn't just affect whether to vote. That really has to do with whether you can register to vote safely or not. In countries where there are not a high level of electronic engagement where the digital divide falls really widely across broad swipes of the population, gathering those people into places to register to vote or to vote is really the only means of doing it. So the question of a postponement becomes really an operative question. Then we're concerned with what are the conditions for the postponement and how does that interrelate with the declarations of states of emergency, whether they're being done properly with the kinds of constraints on limitations on powers or whether they're being done in ways that usurp power. JB: Yeah. I think one of the major concerns, especially thinking about citizens being able to participate in the process, is that during a pandemic, if voters are concerned about going out to vote, chances are that that's not going to be an equal distribution among the population, where there are a vulnerable populations that will be more impacted. You'll see disproportionate levels of low turnout among certain communities like senior citizens or persons with disabilities or women who disproportionately have the burden of childcare and are in a situation where you don't have options for even temporary childcare because of social distancing regulations. Well, this seems like a good place to take a short break. For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with courageous and committed pro-democracy activists and leaders around the world to help countries develop the institution's practices and skills necessary for democracy success. Welcome back. JB: So we talked a bit about the postponements that we're seeing around the world in terms of electoral timelines. Are election observers relevant during electoral delays, especially if there's restrictions on movement in the population if they're under some form of shelter in place or lockdown. PM: Yeah. So Julie, you mentioned that NDI works in more than 70 countries and in fact, working with nonpartisan citizen groups and coalitions and various organizations is one of the hallmarks of NDI's work over more than 35 years now and certainly the 25 years where I've been involved. There's a network of citizen election observers, there are nine of them in various regions of the world and they're amalgamated in more than 250 organizations from 90 countries. Those organizations have been sharing best practices and ideas about what can be done. So let me just quickly mention a couple of them. There are four areas where they have been able to focus. One are ways to assist; that is, to assist public health agencies and the electoral authorities to bring about safe elections and fair elections. The second is ways to address authoritarian opportunism and how states of emergency and various conditions are being used by those who would usurp the citizens of power. The third are ways to address disinformation, hate speech and attempts at hyperpolarization that influence and create unfair conditions for elections. The fourth way is to address, as you mentioned earlier, examples of where a health crisis can lead to disenfranchisement or further tilt the playing field so that it's an unfair circumstance. JB: Yeah, I mean you mentioned especially tracking the authoritarian leaders who are potentially taking advantage of the health crisis to grab power and subvert democracy and in some unstable countries, this can threaten heightened instability. What can election servers be doing to address that or what are they currently doing to address that? PM: The most important thing is citizen election observers in all kinds of countries have been time tested and over the series of elections cycles two, three, even four in many countries, they've built national networks and they've established themselves as trusted voices. In a public health crisis, especially where governments are weak or people are suspicious of government, trusted voices are really important to get out accurate information from the health authorities, accurate information from the electoral authorities about what to do, where to do things and so on. Also, they have networks that can collect information; even during lockdowns. You and I were in a conversation with one of the partner organizations with whom we work in Sri Lanka just last week. The head of that organization is working on a civil society task force. That task force is considering how to gain access to women's shelters, to older people's homes, to places where there's foster children's care, drug treatment centers, and so on because these are vulnerable populations that are being hit hard by the crisis. One of the things that he pointed out in our conversation is that the government is taking advantage of the postponement of the election for electoral advantage by handing out dry goods to citizens and even medical supplies through the political party rather than as an impartial governmental service to the people. So the question that he posed was, even during lockdown, is there a way that our network of over 1,000 people could begin to document this and report it so that we can lift up to the public the nature of this problem that's coming about and see if we can't get some accountability and get them to cut back. So even during a lockdown, it's possible for the citizen observer groups to do things that are extraordinarily relevant. JB: Yeah, I mean it seems like there are certainly opportunities for electoral observers to be monitoring the kinds of things that they would normally be looking at in a pre-election period when their elections are delayed... Issues related to is the government still helping to create conditions for a credible and competitive process in the midst of a public health emergency. Are conditions being put in place to ensure that marginalized populations are not sidelined from the process. But it also kind of expands it a little bit too in that there are these potentially other issues that that groups may consider looking at. Like you mentioned, how health resources are being distributed and what kinds of policy changes are being made and how were those being made? What's the decision-making process around things like delaying the elections, around emergency voting procedures? Are they inclusive? Are all the parties being brought in to them? Is civil society be brought into these discussions and taking a look at some of these new conditions that observers may otherwise not necessarily be monitoring in a pre-election period. I think the other issue here is there are constraints here in terms of potentially being able to deploy a bunch observers out into the field to collect information if you're in a lockdown situation. So it's been interesting talking with groups to see how they're thinking creatively about how they can collect some of this information remotely. What kind of data exists that you can collect whether it's open data sources from the government looking at budgets, looking at how budgets are changing and how resources are moving. You mentioned looking at disinformation, being able to monitor social media and seeing what data could be collected from that. It's been interesting to see how citizen election observers around the world are getting creative and still doing their jobs while being sometimes trapped at home. PM: Absolutely. You mentioned the disinformation... One of the things that we've been seeing is that in Russia for example, they have been making use of the COVID crisis to begin to track people even more carefully to introduce facial recognition technologies and cameras. The term that's been throwing around is cybergulags being created there. With China's facial recognition technologies and the way that's been used to suppress the weaker minorities, China has been introducing that working with governments and other places in the world to try to get that into voter registration so that you have biometric voter registration data that includes facial recognition technology. So in this era, getting access to government decision making, getting access even to the health data and disaggregated by gender, by vulnerable groups and so on is part of the work that election observers normally do. Demanding open electoral data can lead easily to the same kinds of advocacy around open health data. One of the other things I thought that you've touched on that's interesting is the states of emergencies and the relationships between that and postponement. There's more than 45 countries at this point that have postponed elections at the national and sub-national level. Not all of them are problematic by any means, but in a lot of countries, there have been extended states of emergency without any end date. The postponements have no end date on them. One of the things that election observers can do is to join with... And many of them are human rights organizations and bringing about the rules that have been established in the international arena for limiting the duration of states of emergencies, that the measures that are taken have to be proportionate to the nature of the threat to the nation to bring those issues up and do advocacy around them and to help those of us in the international arena be aware of where these problems are in various countries. JB: With that, I think we'll take a quick break. We'll be back after this quick message. One of the things that Secretary Albright has said is that it's absolutely essential for young people to understand that they must participate and that they are the energy behind democracy. You can hear more from other democracy heroes by listening to our Dem Works podcast. It is available on iTunes and SoundCloud. So before the break, we were talking about the role that citizen election monitors are playing in the COVID-19 crisis and its impact on electoral integrity. Are there other considerations that citizen election groups should be thinking about in the need for electoral integrity in their countries? I'm thinking especially related to how groups can make sure that their observers are safe while also being able to collect information and an advocate for critical processes and good governance. PM: That's really a critical question, Julia. A good example that comes to mind is in Mali, which has had very few reported cases of COVID-19, there was a parliamentary election just two weeks ago. The government, for national security reasons, has had to postpone those elections for almost two years and they were really in a phase of saying we need to push it ahead. In fact, there had not been a reported COVID-19 death until just a few hours before the election date. So it went forward and the citizen observers with which NDI has been working in that country in the weeks leading up to that advocated that the polling stations had to have masks for the staff; had to have gloves; had to have hand sanitizers or hand washing stations because hand sanitizer is hard to get in a lot of places in Mali. They made sure that their observers had those materials themselves. I think 1,500 observers went out to polling stations across the country. In their own headquarters and gathering data, there was social distancing that took place and they did a lot of checking in with their observers about how they were doing, how they were feeling over the course of the day. So one thing that the citizen observers can do is to join with organizations that are health advocates for those places where either voter registration is about to take place or voting is about to take place to ensure that the conditions minimize the risk. We just saw this over this past weekend in the elections that were held in South Korea. Whether or not you might think that the election should go forward, there was a country where there's a lot of public confidence in what the government has been doing and in the integrity of the election authorities and voter turnout was not terribly affected by this. So there is something that can be done immediately and as you have mentioned, there are numerous things that can be looked at by citizen observers without ever really leaving their homes or their headquarters. One of those, as you mentioned, is disinformation. Our partners in Georgia, for example, have uncovered a link between Russian propaganda, which has gone up around disinformation around COVID-19 and linking it to destabilizing public trust in Georgia's government. There's a really interesting report that they came out with just last week on that front. So how does COVID-19 and elections interface is something that can be explored in a number of dimensions. JB: We've talked mostly about the work of nonpartisan civil society organizations and their own countries that are confronting this challenge. Is there a role for international election observers on terms of electoral oversight during a public crisis, especially knowing that they will have some of the same if not even more constraints than citizen election monitors? PM: It's a very difficult role at the moment for international election observers. We've been in touch with our colleagues at the African Union and the European Union, at the United Nations and Organization of American States and so on. Many of them have been bringing teams home from countries. Some of them have been postponing or canceling sending teams out. At the same time, there are a number of things that international observers can do. As you mentioned, you can look at things from a distance. You can review the legal framework, which is part of what every international election observation and citizen observers do. You can compare what has been done over the past few cycles of elections, where recommendations have been made, whether those recommendations were acted upon or whether you find the same problem repeating in the next report and prioritize the issues that you might look to and even be able to inform diplomats and others about things that they should be raising with government. You can look at disinformation and other information disorder, hate speech and so on, from afar. Certainly you can tune in with what the critical people inside a country who are working on these issues have been doing. You can conduct some long distance interviews with key people in the citizen groups and in the election authorities and the political leaders to learn their opinions about what the state of play is in the country and their concerns going forward. But when it comes time to put people on the ground, we have to look at travel restrictions. We have to look at countries where foreigners have been seen as people who bring in COVID-19 and there's been violence against them; so security of observers is important. And the numbers of people who may go or where they may be deployed depending upon hotspots in the country and so on. So this is something that over the course of this year will be a challenge. And the next thing will be a challenge for international election observers is that as so many elections are being postponed, they're being postponed probably towards the end of this year or the beginning of next year, which already has many scheduled elections. So there may be an overwhelming demand for which the supply of financial and human resources runs short. JB: It does seem like at this point, especially knowing that international election observers in a lot of the places just can't deploy right now, one of the roles to play here is really trying to raise the voices of the citizen groups on the ground that are able to actually do some on the ground observation. Also keeping in mind, especially for the places we're concerned about authoritarian overreach, thinking about how we can use some of these international mechanisms to push back on democratic backsliding and mitigate tensions in places where it could potentially be a bit more unstable with the current situation. PM: You're right. That's the contribution that the international community can do, too... To really amplify the voices of the citizenry and to augment their efforts to bring about respect for civil and political rights. When you have a network of thousands of citizens who have taken the time and the effort to go out of their homes, into the street, to look at what the nature of the threats of violence or vote buying or intimidation to document how these things of disproportionally driven women or restricted women's political and electoral participation, would they have taken the time to go into polling stations, sometimes under threat or coercion? These people have become a solid core of citizen empowerment in so many countries around the world, and each of those citizens, of course, is using WhatsApp and other ways of talking and they're influencers within a country. They can gather information, they can give accurate information out, but as they report up through their networks, if there's good collaboration between the reputable citizen groups and the credible international election observers and the international community more broadly, we can use that cooperation that we've been working on over the years to try to bring attention, even when it's hard to shine a light directly on problems in countries that are being affected by this crisis and facing political challenges and stress. JB: Well, thank you again, Pat, for joining us. I think this has been a particularly relevant discussion. I'd also like to say thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI or to listen to other Dem Works podcasts, please visit our website@www.ndi.org PM: Thank you, Julia and thank you to the listeners.
Abstrak Patriarkiadalah salah satumasalahbesar bagisetiapwanita di dunia, masalah iniakhirnyadiwakilidengankarya sastra, dansalah satunya adalahAtiqRahimiBatuKesabaran.Terdapat Perempuan, sebagai karakter utamadiceritakandengan semuakesedihan, menikahdengan dipaksa, menikahdengan foto, sampai diaharus membuathamil dengantanpajalan dandia memilikibayi daripria laindia tidak pernahtahu. Berdasarkanfakta-fakta, ini memberikan dua pertanyaanutama sebagairespondarimasalah, adalah(1) GambaranbelenggupatriarkimelaluisuaradiamPerempuandiAtiqRahimiBatuKesabaran?(2) DampaksuaradiamPerempuandiAtiqRahimi, BatuKesabaran?Untuk mengatasi hal itudengan analisis, membutuhkanmetode yangmembaca, mengumpulkan data, dan interpretasi, teknik yang digunakanadalahinterpretasi, dan pendekatanmimesis. Sebagaihasil dariini, itu akanmenemukan sesuatu, suaradiamPerempuan, dan initerjadidi Afghanistan, oleh karena itu,dapat dikatakanbahwa sistempatriarkibisa mengambilhak-hak perempuan, dan apahal-hal yangdapat memberikanPerempuanadalahsuaradiam,suarayang dapat menjadigerakan feminisuntuk setiapsimpatiuntuknya. Ini mewakili, untukberkatadalam bisikanyang sangathalus yangmasih adaketimpanganyang disebabkan olehpatriarki, danWanitatidak dapatberbuat apa-apa. Kata Kunci: Patriarki, perempuan, suaradiam, danfeminisme. Abstract Patriarchy is one of the great problem for every women in the world, this problem finally is represented to a literary work, and one of it is AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. There, the Woman, as the main character is told with all sorrow, marrying by being forced, marrying with a photo, until she has to make pregnant with regardless the way and she has baby from another guy she never knows. Based on the facts, it delivers two main questions as the response of problems, they are (1) Depiction of patriarchy's handcuffthrough the Woman's Silent Voicein AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone? (2) The impact ofthe Woman's Silent Voice in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone? To solve it by analysis, it requires a method that is reading, collecting data, and interpretation, the used technique is interpretation, and the approach is mimesis. As the result of this, it will find something, the silent voice of the Woman, and this is happen in Afghanistan, therefore, it can be said that patriarchy system can grab the rights of women, and what things that the Woman can deliver is the silent voice, the voice that can be a feminist movement for every sympathy to it. It represents, it says in very smooth whispers that there are still inequality caused by patriarchy, and the Woman cannot do anything. Keywords: Patriarchy, women, silent voice, and feminism. INTRODUCTION Human lives in the world are like corrosion on the ply of metal in the process of abrasion. What the core of this analogy is the way human wear their brain shell to think and find the solution of every problem they face to. Human are divided in to two genders normally, they are men and women. Men, a creature whose penis sticks strongly with dignity and power to dig every hole in front of it. Women, a creature whose vagina decorates beautifully with softness and warmness for everything that prepares for digging it. Based on the differences of the two, the conflicts arise. It starts when women begin realizing that what they think is their right, is grabbed by the creature, called men. In addition, this thought probably can be supposed as the basic thought of feminism movement. Before going further to the meant feminism, it is important to see what feminism fights to, and it is patriarchy system. Patriarchy system is a system that has been rooted in society generally. Erich From asserts that Patriarchy system is where men is fated to dictate/control women, and it rules to all part in the world. (Fromm, 2002: 177). To add it, to make the establishment of this system of men, chronologically there are some experts that give distance between men and women where men are supposed to be the better one. Classically, women are inequality creature, and it is added by Aristotle who views women as an imperfectness of nature (Beauvoir, 2003:ix). Francis Bacon comments that the more negative assertion that women are the jail of men because women give bad effect or influence to men (Arivia, 2002:40). Kant even says that women does not have any ability to use their cognitive ability therefore women should not be allowed to deliver what they think (Arivia, 2002:40). While, St. Thomas supposes women as "imperfect men", women are creature who are created not deliberately, and it is proven by the symbolic story where Eve is portrayed by Bossuet as a creature who is made of the "Adam's Rib" (Beauvoir, 2003:xi). According to Cixous, the term of men and women pinpoints to the difference of the two where the first term must posit the higher or better meaning, and it is placed by men. Therefore, men are self and women are the Liyan. Women live in men's world, therefore women are considered as the Liyan for men. (Tong, 2009: 292). Based on those facts, society finally construct a system where men dominate the whole contents of social life. J. Douglas (1976: 34) adds that many feminists use the term patriarchy as a generic term for male privilege, supremacy, and domination, referring to their current as well as past forms. The attraction of this usage is readily apparent: first, its rhetorical punch and strongly pejorative connotations; second, its reminder of the tenacity and continuity of male domination. Despite earth-shaking social changes, not the least of which are the women's Movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century, male power remains. Therefore, what the things that can be inferred into these facts are the problems between men and women. Feminism moves to throw everything that involves in men's domination because they dictate women, women seem to live in a coop. It means that what women fight is the system of men. In general, feminism is the theory of women's liberation since the intrinsic in all its approaches is the belief that women suffer injustice because of women's sex (Humm, 1989: 74). From the inequality that exists between both gender, women want to search equality in the society, they start to speak up their voices in the publicarena. Women themselves must articulate who they are and what role they play in the society. Most importantly, they must reject the patriarchal assumption that women are inferior to men. This started the feminist movement. It was started by the reality that male-female relations is a form of power structure in which men dominate women (Thebaud, 1994: 290). From this starting point the feminist believe that existing inequalities between dominant and marginalized groups can and should be removed. In the practive the feminist scholars attempt to examine beliefs and practices from the viewpoint of the "other", in this case women, treating them as subjects, not merely objects. Based on those views, it can be said that feminism simply is a thought that focuses on the equality between men and women, especially to talk about the rights of women. Therefore, what things that can be put into the main topic of this, is the all things relates to the inequality between men and women where men are supposed to be the superiority ones. Feminism itself is part of cultural studies in literature, which arises since women feel discredited and being treated unequal to men as human. Yet, what is not acceptable is the differentiation in position, that men are superior to women. That awareness prompts women to rise up and fight for their rights. Feminism deals with freedom, appreciation, and fair treatment for women. It is not women's disability to sit equal with men, but the systems in their social life discourage women to gain self-assertion to actualize themselves as well as men. Meanwhile, women want to grow as human beings who have equal role and opportunity in their own life and society. In the West and East alike, feminists were up against home-grown patriarchalist opponents who used sundry means to denigrate feminism and its supporters. In the West, detractors portrayed feminists as man-haters. In the East, enemies branded feminists as agents of cultural subversion and, ironically in so doing 'colluded' with westerners in declaring feminism western. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, what can be integrated from this Islam feminism understanding is the way Islam see the equality between men and women, from the agents of truth about the equality between men and women, not creating women to hate men just to beg an equality as what west feminism says to. It is clear to see that this problem finally inspires some authors to write it down in beautiful work, and one of it is AtiqRahimi with his novel entitled The Patience Stone. The main thing that is hidden in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is the way feminism is shown up. This novel, especially the main character, the woman, erodes the feeling of the readers to give sympathy and tears on what has happened to the woman. The woman cannot fight to the system of men he faces on, but she just can deliver it through a telling to her comate husband, which is not changing anything to her fair life. Specifically, in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone, there is told a woman sits in front of his comate husband. She tells everything she never confesses before because of some reasons. She is the wife of a soldier who is lying unconscious with a bullet in his neck, and she calls her husband withThe Patience Stone or "Sang-e Saboor," it is a mythical stone accords to Persian folklore that absorbs the pain of those who confide in it, until it eventually explodes. When the novel opens, the man has been comatose for over two weeks, and shows no signs of recovery. Frustration and despair on the woman's part gradually turns to angry rebellion and, uncertain whether or not he can hear her words, she becomes ever more talkative and outgoing as she gathers over their ten-year marriage. The thing that is important to know is that the couple didn't meet before their wedding, nor even during it, since he was away fighting. Instead a ceremony was performed between the teen bride (the Woman) and a photograph, after which she spent three years as a married virgin. She is not allowed to be out of house of seeing friends and family. When the Husband returns, she discovers that she is married to a violent, because the Husband brutally detaches sex at the first sex time. It can be seen that the woman as main character reflects "handcuff" of women life against patriarchy in the social life of the novel. The Women uses her inability to comprehend and talk back to tell him things that she will not dare to say otherwise. With his disability she has been left to feed herself, her two children and continue buying medicine to keep her husband alive. The only job available for an Afghan woman in her desperate situation it seems is prostitution. It is an interested topic to explore because AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is part of a Persian myth about a stone that has this phenomenal strength to listen to stories of suffering and sorrow. What sorrow that is delivered is from the heart voice of a woman that lives in the unfair world. The unfair world is caused by the inequality. Thus, to respond it, the readers must have attention to give sympathy to the woman indirectly, and to call this feeling, it is not too naïve when it said as the feminist movement that calls everyone in talking the equality women should have. To classify it, this thought belongs to first wave, where women have voice to utter although it is not a fight directly. Then, the voice that is not changing anything significantly to what the Woman faces, is the silent voice. Silent voice is the voice that is not heard, listened, and sensed. However, this voice exists, and the existence gnaws sympathy to see how unequal the social system the Woman faces, the sympathy that dribbles to feminism thought indirectly to get the equal rights. Based on the reasons above, this thesis then conveys analysis on the life and some aspect of main characters thorough feminism approach accords to patriarchy concepts and understanding in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. Finally, the planned title can be written as The Woman's Silent Voice toward Patriarchy's Handcuff Reflected in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience. For more additional support that this thesis uses credible object, it is important to see that AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is the winner of Prix Goncourt Prize in 2008. Therefore, this thesis hopefully can be a great product and be great donation of literary critics and analysis. Indeed, the decision to select AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone rather than the other works of him is caused by the main topic of the work. AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone delivers more complex problem between men and women, that finally grabs the problem of Patriarchy and Feminism, while the feminism that is used is based on the glasses of Islam because the setting is in Afghan. In AtiqRahimi'sEarth and Ashes is told about the patriotic father that struggle with his blind son during the Russia invasion in Afghanistan, while in AtiqRahimi'sA Thousands Room of Dream and Fear delivers a student who exiles form his life because he is chased, he loves someone saves him. Based on the two reference, AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone becomes the best one to analyze accords to men and women problem culturally. RESEARCH METHOD This study is taking one of the Atiq Rahimi's stories entitled The Patience Stone as the primary source. In case of analyzing this story, library research is used in order to find some theories, which are relevant to the topic. Finally, Mimesis approach will be used in analyzing this story because the topic that will be discussed about the main character's silent voice as a woman against patriarchy in her social life as the universal truth. In collecting data, this research focuses on analysis and citations. The first step is reading novel. In this step, novel becomes the object of the research. The novel is entitled The Patience Stone, written by Atiq Rahimi. This is to reach the understanding all contents completely with all possibilities both intrinsically and extrinsically. The second is inventorying data. This step is collecting data through noting the quotations related to the statement of the problems and objectives of the study, it is including in words, sentences, and discourse that can represent patriarchy and feminism in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. The third is classification data. This step to classify the data based on the statement of the problems including the portrayal patriarchy and the way the Woman posits herself against it. The fourth is tabling the data. It is to simplify reading the data and classify data that is used in the analysis for the readers. Those collected data are continuosly intrepreted to react the statement of the problems. The handling of a technique is a duty to do, it is to keep the analysis not jumping out of the limitation in order to solve the statement of the problems. Furthermore, it is significant to be on familiar terms with the data that it is from the novel entitled The Patience Stone, written in 136 pages plus 4 pages of brief introduction by KhaledHossaeni. It is written by AtiqRahimi with original title of SynguéSabour. Pierre de patience, published with ISBN: 9780701184102, and by Chatto&Windus. It is addressed at Random House, 20 Vauxhall Bridge Road, in London at 7wiv 25a. The book design is created Chatto and Windus group and translated by Polly McLean. On the dark cover, there is laid a stamp of Goncourt Winner 2008. CULTURAL APPROACH The term culture is a description of a particular way of life, which expresses certain meanings and values not only in art and learning but also in institutions and ordinary behavior (Frow, 1996: 8). Frow also states that culture is the way of life and is the meanings and values in that way of life. Therefore, basically a cultural approach is a way to think about a literary text based on the ideas or customs of certain society in which the text is made. According to Stanley Fish, J. Hillis, and Michael Foucault, language helps create what we call objective reality, thus reality is a social construct since it is created from language which is a product of customs produced by certain society. (Bressler, 1999: 264) Each society or culture contains in itself a dominant cultural group which determines that culture's ideology, its dominant values it sense of right and wrong, and its sense of personal self worth. (Bressler, 1999: 264) Culrural approach is divided into some theories. Those are: Marxism, post colonialism, new historicism, and feminism (Bressler, 1999: 178). As stated above, cultural approach investigates the domination and the dominated groups. Therefore, this approach will be used to analyze Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone and since the dominated group in this novel is women, the theory of feminism will be used for further analysis. Before going deeper to the feminism, it is important to see that feminism that will be used is the feminism from the glasses of Islam. In the West and East alike, feminists were up against home-grown patriarchalist opponents who used sundry means to denigrate feminism and its supporters. In the West, detractors portrayed feminists as man-haters. In the East, enemies branded feminists as agents of cultural subversion and, ironically in so doing 'colluded' with westerners in declaring feminism western. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, what can be integrated from this Islam feminism understanding is the way Islam see the equality between men and women, from the agents of truth about the equality between men and women, not creating women to hate men just to beg an equality as what west feminism says to. This thought is also influence to the way of the culture move by times, Eastern as universal truth sees, is culturally have features of moral, politeness, differences, and those all shape a unity of eastern culture that is very cultural. While, in Western, thought, rationality, and will or dreams becomes the subjects that move them to be better, and it shapes their mind and finally becomes the culture of west, therefore, the freedom of women seems to be radical rather that to grab the equality. PATRIARCHY Patriarchy system is a system that has been rooted in society generally. Erich From asserts that Patriarchy system is where men is fated to dictate/control women, and it rules to all part in the world. (Fromm, 2002: 177). Engels gives different perspective that patriarchy system is begun when human have already understood about privacy owning, and it marks the birth of system of class. (Budiman, 1981: 21). What Engels means, must reflect to the birth of system of class of men and women. To add it, to make the establishment of this system of men, chronologically there are some experts that give distance between men and women where men are supposed to be the better one.Classically, women are inequality creature, and it is added by Aristotle who views women as an imperfectness of nature (Beauvoir, 2003:ix). Francis Bacon comments that the more negative assertion that women are the jail of men because women give bad effect or influence to men (Arivia, 2002:40). Kant even says that women does not have any ability to use their cognitive ability therefore women should not be allowed to deliver what they think (Arivia, 2002:40). While, St. Thomas supposes women as "imperfect men", women are creature who are created not deliberately, and it is proven by the symbolic story where Eve is portrayed by Bossuet as a creature who is made of the "Adam's Rib" (Beauvoir, 2003:xi). According to Cixous, the term of men and women pinpoints to the difference of the two where the first term must posit the higher or better meaning, and it is placed by men. Therefore, men are self and women are the Liyan. Women live in men's world, therefore women are considered as the Liyan for men. (Tong, 2009:292). Based on those facts, society finally construct a system where men dominate the whole contents of social life. J. Douglas (1976: 34) adds that many feminists use the term patriarchy as a generic term for male privilege, supremacy, and domination, referring to their current as well as past forms. The attraction of this usage is readily apparent: first, its rhetorical punch and strongly pejorative connotations; second, its reminder of the tenacity and continuity of male domination. Despite earth-shaking social changes, not the least of which are the women's Movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century, male power remains. These all continuously give a perspective that women are really controlled, handled, and dictated by men particularly in society. The representation of society can be found in family. Family is the crucial institution in society (Millet, 1972: 33) because it can represent to what happens in the society. In a family the women mostly being the victim of oppressed by their husband or brother. Furthermore, feminist knowledge develops and becomes more sophisticated throughout the 1970s; the family comes to be an important object of analysis. In many cases, it is the crucial site of women s oppression, the space where, unheeded by the world outside, women are at the mercy of fathers or husbands; where the law of patriarchy holds its most primitive form (Pilcher&Whelehan, 2004: 44). Engels as quoted by Millet explains that the ideal type of the patriarchal family and the ancestor is the Roman family, whence come both the term and the legal forms and precedents in the west. Engels informed the word familiaas follow: signify the composite ideal of sentimentality and domestic strife in the present day philistine mind. Among the Romans it did not even apply in the beginning to the leading couple and its children, but to the slave alone. Famulus means domestic slave, and familia is the aggregate number of slaves belonging to one man the expression [familia] was invented by the Romans in order to designate a new social organism the head of which had a wife, children and a number of slaves under his paternal authority and according to Roman law, the right of life and death over all of them(Millet, 1972: 123—124). In family, Gough as quoted by Jo, mentions that men and women cooperate through a division of labor based on gender. Child care, household tasks and crafts closely connect with the household, tend to be done by women; war, hunting, and government by men. Besides that, men in general have higher status and authority over the women of their families, although older women may have influence, even some authority, over junior men (Jo, 1984: 84). Therefore, what things can be inferred to those all understandings, are the problem that is faced by women in the society, the society is like the jail of women and it is sourced by thoughts where place men in a good position to control women. This is also what things reflected on AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone that finally makes the main character, the woman, whispers something as the silent voice in the middle of patriarchy system. This reaction potentially can be said as the thing to get attention and sympathy about what happens to women in Afghanistan, and this can be said as the movement of feminism. FEMINISM In general, feminism is the theory of women's liberation since the intrinsic in all its approaches is the belief that women suffer injustice because of women's sex (Humm, 1989: 74). From the inequality that exists between both gender, women want to search equality in the society, they start to speak up their voices in the publicarena. Women themselves must articulate who they are and what role they play in the society. Most importantly, they must reject the patriarchal assumption that women are inferior to men. This started the feminist movement. It was started by the reality that male-female relations is a form of power structure in which men dominate women (Thebaud, 1994: 290). From this starting point the feminist believe that existing inequalities between dominant and marginalized groups can and should be removed. In the practive the feminist scholars attempt to examine beliefs and practices from the viewpoint of the "other", in this case women, treating them as subjects, not merely objects. Based on all general understanding, it is important to sharpen it into the good shape for not going out of the limitation and wasting buss of explanation of the theory. First of all, it is a long discussion of talking about feminism and its complex sources. To maintain the stability of this research that uses feminism as the knife to slice the discourse of patriarchy reflected in AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone, thus the first feminism, the main slicer, continuously will be the main point of theory to discuss. The first wave of feminism appeared in the 19th and early 20th centuries, when women's suffrage was at the pole position of an industrializing world. In other word, it happened at the age of Victorian age. In 1800, women had little control over their lot in life. The average married female gave birth to seven children. Higher education was off-limits. Wealthier women could use limited authority in the domestic scope but possessed no property rights or economic autonomy. Lower-class women toiled alongside men, but the same social and legal restrictions applied to this stratum of society as well. Somewhat ironically, religion fueled some of the initial social advancements women made at the beginning of the 19th century. The Second Great Awakening, which started in 1790, emphasized emotional experience over dogma, allowing women more leadership opportunities outside of the home. Abolition and temperance movements that shared Protestant undercurrents activated women as well. It is like to what Stuurman, as quoted by Bryson, says that feminist theological arguments were further elaborated in the seventeenth century: for example, some writers used the creation story to argue that Eve was superior to Adam because she wascreated last, or because she was created out of Adam's rib rather than out of mud and slime (Bryson, 2003: 6). Thus, it can be seen, that in religion, or theologically, the inequality women have, has been rooting to put them down under the knee of men. That means, men are taking higher position in human life where men and women separate them. To talk about the theologically term about the inequality, then women want to get the equality, means that women have something different from the way theology thinks about it and the way of thought is Cartesian with all rationality to think. Bryson notes that the inspiration for these new ways of thinking (feminisms) was the revolution in western philosophy, which had been started in the first half of the seventeenth century by Descartes. According to Cartesian philosophy, all people possess reason, and true knowledge, which is based on experience and self-discovery rather than study of the classics or sacred texts, is in principle available to all. This means that traditional authority is rejected in favor of rational analysis and independent thought, and that customs and institutions which are not in accordance with reason should be rejected. (Bryson, 2003: 6). Therefore, what has been done by feminist is breaking the old thought that is sourced by the empirical way of theology. Moreover, what becomes the main point of this born is the equality that is thought as the right that has been robbed by men and their all system. The first-wave of feminism began in the United Kingdom and the United States around the nineteenth century and lasted until the early twentieth century. The focus of this movement at this time was on de jure inequalities, or officially mandated inequalities. There were many people during this time who were considered to be feminists, Mary Wollstonecraft, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Olympia Brown, and Helen Pitts; there are countless more. The first-wave of feminism was monumental to the movement, however, without the continuing second-wave, there would be no hope for feminism in current times, for each wave is connected and dependent on the other's history. In simpler words, feminism is not some simple thing that people can generalize, like it is just an excuse for women to kick men in the balls, and not take care of themselves, or that men and women must be equal at all costs. Feminism is a movement, which has been incredibly important to the success and failures of this country and has been a necessary journey for the women in our country to travel upon so that they can discover and create their own unique place in society. First wave feminists spent hundreds of years in activism, writing, protesting and working for the betterment and equality of their sex and gender. First wave feminists worked not only for suffrage, or the right to vote, but also for the right to an education, the right to work, the right to work safely, the right to the money they earned when they worked, the right to a divorce, the right to their children and the right to themselves and their own bodies. Rights for women can be traced back to the Middle Ages in the Middle East when early reforms under Islam gave women greater rights in marriage, divorce and inheritance. Women in other cultures were not afforded such rights until centuries later. Further improvements of the status of Arab women included things such as the prohibition of female infanticide and recognizing women's full personhood. The things mentioned above are necessary and were necessary, and in some case, came at the end of long efforts. First wave feminists had to work against this impression, and they had to work against the society that allowed an unmarried woman to be property of her father and a married woman to be property of her husband. The first wave of feminism was the longest, and it is the most taken for granted. It is common now to speak with women who do not identify as feminists who think that feminism is a dirty word, who simultaneously pursue careers and an education, who exercise their right to vote, who own property and benefit from the fruits of their labor. Understanding the history and the efforts of feminism, understanding how much progress they made and how long it took them is important both to those who think they are not feminists, and those who identify as feminists and who live life trying to better the world by the feminist ideal. (Retrieved from uic.edu and pacificu.edu). Victorian feminism is a difficult concept to analyze. On the one hand, some of the greatest reforms of women's social and legal position before those of the late twentieth century occurred in a few decades of the nineteenth century; on the other, many of those women who were active campaigners—Caroline Norton, Florence Nightingale, Emily Davies, and Barbara Bodichon—were ambivalent about the extent of their own feminism, and over-anxious to distance themselves from unconventional lifestyles and behavior. Moreover, they seemed concerned mainly with the plight of intelligent middle-class single women. Their commitment to respectability gave them something of a timorous or half-hearted allegiance to a more wide-ranging kind of feminism; in any case, their contribution to the feminist cause was often narrowly specialized as they concentrated on a particular campaign—whether for women's colleges at Cambridge or child custody rights—to the exclusion of others, and many still relied on men to help them with the legal or parliamentary part of their activism. For some, however, it was impossible to avoid being drawn into a wider examination of women's rights, as happened with Caroline Norton and Harriet Martineau, for example, and by the end of the century, most of the major journals were carrying heated debates about the unsatisfied needs of the modern woman. Beginning initially with spasmodic bursts of activism, first wave feminism gathered pace through the work of specific individuals working for specific ends, until the momentum of events made concern for women's full participation in social and political life a matter of public interest across the whole political spectrum. This in itself was no mean achievement (Gamble, 2006: 24). According to those all explanations about first wave feminism, that is majorly from west, then it is continued to see this based on the glasses of Islam feminism reflected to AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. There is a woman that faces a fact of patriarchy system, she cannot do anything except confessing something about the inequality that indirectly getting sympathy for anyone who read to pay the pity about equality of thee Woman should have. The equality is something has been robbed by the patriarchy system, and the way the Woman acts, can be said as feminist movement. As Muslim, this thought can be clearly is seen as east feminist movement. It is like to what Kynsilheto says that it was in this context that some of us reported that Muslim women were subverting the patriarchal Islamist project through what appeared to be a new form of feminism-in-the-making which Muslim women in different parts of the world would soon call Islamic feminism. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, the understanding of this feminism toward this research goes clearer to see as the relevant theory that will be used to slice the data just to become a good shape of analysis without going out of the limitation. STATUS WOMEN IN AFGHANISTAN The position of women in Afghanistan traditionally has been inferiorto that of men. This position has been continuing to age, socio-culturalnorms, and ethnicity. In fact, Afghan women, even until the beginning of 20thcentury are still being the slaves of their father, husband, father-in-law, and elder brother. Thus, it can be said that the status of women are silence and obedience. The essence of attitude towards women could be clearly seen in the relationshipof the family after the birth of a female baby.The birth of a female baby,particularly in those cases where the mother gives birth to several girls, is the main cause of contracting a second marriage, and it is still happened until nowadays. Girls areusually raised to be good mothers and tolerant housewives. Thus no one pays attention to their education, except in very rare cases in some well-to-do families. Furthermore, they are married to young and even to very old men, in most caseswealthy ones between the ages of 13 and 16, and in certain cases between the ages of 10 and 12, if their parents desire. They were exchanged for what is called "Toyana" or marriage price. Young girls had no right to choose theirfuture husbands, or question their engagement, which is arranged by theirparents. Early marriage is the main cause of suffering for girls in Afghansociety. Such marriages are both physically and psychologically unhealthy,and often resulted in sickness and psycho-neurotic diseases. Many youngmothers pass away during releasing it because of physiological reasons and earlymotherhood.Divorce is an easy act if the husband wants it. Afghan women do not have any right to ask for divorce. The man is the governor, the controller, the dictator, of every authorizing in divorcing. It is a slur for both families.Occasionally, wives were deprived of their rights and claims on their ownchildren. Traditional women refer to their husbands as "Sahib", the lord. Wives aregreatly trusted by their husbands. This great confidence rendered byhusbands has led Afghan wives towards great honesty, chastity, courage, andproper manners. Women are mainly occupied with rearing children, cooking,sewing, milking, weaving, spinning, and other similar house-works. For thosewho can pay for servants, their servants free them from the burden of home duties. Women take part in social occasions and family entertainments,but they separate from men. On all occasions where both sexes take part,they remainsto be separated. According to Scharmann (Kakar, 1971), thedivision of men and women into two separate worlds is pronounced inAfghan society. In entering the world outside their homes, women are toveil themselves. They usually try to hide their faces from men, calling them "Namahram", though the exception was for women in upper class families,the number of which was very small. Afghan women are patriotic. They love their native land. That is whyAfghan women in time of war helped Afghan warriors in the battle fields byproviding services such as carrying supplies, removing bodies, helpingwounded soldiers, etc. For example, in the second Afghan war with theBritish, Maiden Malalyis known as the symbol of courage at Maiwand war.At present, women take an active part in defending the revolution. They areorganized in committees for such defense. Based on the paraphrasing of Wali M. Rahimi in his book Status of Women: Afghanistan that is supported by UNESCO, therefore it can be accepted that what things happen to the Woman in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone, is not only a kind of play of the plots of a fiction, but it can be related to the reflection of the reality world, where women are still living in the jail, they live in the armpits of men that are very rotten. HOW AL-QURAN VIEWS PATRIARCHY As a religion that is always involved in patriarchy, Islam actually seems to be like a scapegoat religion. By the showing from the first creature of Adam, the duty of men of being a leader and women should follow their husband, until the greater rights of wealth heritage. Those all constantly strike Islam as a religion that gives privilege to men rather than to women. This all happen, potentially from the miss understanding toward the interpretation of Al Quran.In Al Quran, the holly book of all Muslim, there is told some reason of those wrong perceptions. In a verse from Surah An-NAhl. There is written, Anyone who works righteousness, male or female, while believing, we will surely grant them a happy life in this world, and we will surely pay them their full recompense (on the Day of Judgment) for their righteous works(16:97). This is what is said as the equality of Men and Women. Both men and women are treated with same treatment, and those all based on what they do in the world with regardless what sex they have. Additionally, there are some verses and Surah that show Islam give similar position between men and women, and the difference of the two is not a hierarchal system, but difference of patching each other. This is very different to what patriarchy understands about, therefore, there is no reason to call Islam as patriarchal religion. SILENT VOICE This is a new term that will be a source of question, what does it mean? How can this term raise among all problems that this thesis emerges up? And many questions follow to trace with no end. However, this term is actually taken from the basic problem of the Woman, as the main character, in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. The Woman faces problems of patriarchy system, she cannot do anything except following that system. She is just woman, and she has no voice to demonstrate what she feels, but, when her husband comes back in comate condition, she finally can utter everything she feels. Based on this fact, it can be said that the Woman has a chance to say what she feels from the comate condition of her husband, with that moment she says. She voices something, something that is always hidden and repressed. This repressed voice, finally can be seen as the silent voice, because silent literally mean cannot be uttered directly, it exists but it is not heard and listened, even it cannot be heard nor listened. The voice symbolically shows the heart, the feel, and experience. Therefore, it is completely seen as the silent voice of the Woman, definitely. DEPICTION OF PATRIARCHY'S HANDCUFF THROUGH THE WOMAN'S SILENT VOICE IN ATIQ RAHIMI'S THE PATIENCE STONE The things become the crucial issue in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is the problem that is faced by the Woman. The Woman here is unnamed character, she has a comate husband after taking back from the war. Here, the Woman delivers everything she has kept, hid, and buried. These feelings are blown up by what she utters to the "dead" husband. Here the conflict emerges as long she delivers it. To start it, the conflict can be rushed to the conflict where the Woman has a sex with her husband at the first night, 'Oh yes bleeding…I was lying to him, of course.' She glances keenly at the man, more mischievous than submissive. 'Just as I've lied to you…more than once!' she pulls her legs up to her chest and wedges her chin between her knees. 'But there is something I'd better tell you…' (Rahimi, 2010: 28). There is something different going wrong in this case. On the quotation, the Woman admits to her comate husband that she has been lying to him. What she lies, is the thing happens when they firstly sleep in gathering. Pulling the plot before, the man comes after homing from war. He is as nervous as the woman in facing the first having sex. Then, they finally have a sex. The Husband feels happy because he thinks that the woman is still virgin. The proof is, the blood melts down while the Husband penetrates his penis down. It is accepted because, in oriental countries, culture, women are like the special things. Therefore, the virginity of women is the crucial thing every man should have got. It can be thought carefully when it is compared with western culture. In western culture, a man and a woman can live together although they have not been married, but it is not accepted in mostly eastern culture, moreover in Afghanistan. To get it, men's culture construct a jail where women are prohibited to be out of house in order to make them saves of being not virgin. However, the blood that melts on the Woman's vagina is the blood of menstruation. The Husband does not know, and he does not want to know. The way the Husband does it, the way the Husband treats his wife with regardless the condition of the wife appears something. It is a kind of a force, the insisting seems that the Husband, as a man, has a power and right to do everything to the wife. This authority can be belonged to an action of domination of a man to his wife. Further explanation, the way these two creatures marry, is not in a proper equal right. What is meant by this statement is, the Woman marries to her husband in a condition where she has to be sit with a photo because the Husband in on process of war. That is the pity thing for every woman to marry with someone she never sees directly and physically. This marriage happens because the Woman is believed as a woman who has been already of being married. With regardless the love, the feeling, and the desire to marry, the Woman is insisted to marry. This is harsh thing, the hard thing for women to neglect it. Women are poisoned by this system, because if women try to make a move of changing it means that women have not been ruling the law, and it is considered as fighting to God's rule. As it can be mirrored directly that, this system, this marriage gives something pleasant for the men because they (men) do not have to be so serious in facing the marriage because they can represent their appearance, their existence, in the ceremony. Another fact is, when the Husband has a sex with the Woman, actually the Woman is in the period that means she has menstruation. However, what thing that can stick to every eye is the fact that the Husband firstly meet the Woman, his wife, three years after they marry.'When you and I went to bed for the first time after three years of marriage, remember! Anyway, that night, I had my period.' (Rahimi, 2010: 28).From the quotation above, it can be read unmistakably that the Woman meets her husband firstly after three years passed. This is added the explanation above that the Woman is jailed in the system of patriarchy. The Woman cannot break the rule, she has to follow the rule, she has to be laid down on the feet of a man. It can be imagined, how can a marriage is not attended by one of the couple? It is really strange and seemed not to be a fair marriage. Additionally, the Woman marries to her husband is caused by the time she has to marry. Moreover, her sister has been sold to a man because her father cannot pay the debt after being lost in his bet. After having a sex, the days after, the Husband should go to the war again. It means that he has to leave his wife again. The Woman, as a woman generally in the world, must feel sad of being left by the husband. Therefore, the Husband looks to be a pride thing for everyone in Afghanistan, because he struggles for nation, for religion, for Afghanistan. Although, what the Husband does is sacrificing the happiness of the Woman. This is the voice of the Woman in front of the comate Husband. She utters everything she feels, what she utters means that she has been keeping, holding, and defending her emotion and anger because of the relation with her husband. She marries with a man, and during the marriage, for ten years, she never speaks, she never does something husband-wife does generally such a chit-chatting, joking, giving romantically action, and other actions. The coming of the Husband is only run out by drinking, partying, and laughing with all his friend, then he wants to have sex with his husband, the Woman. Therefore, it means that the woman is only an object of sexuality, object to deliver the Husband desire of sexuality, the object that is only for satisfying his ambition of the desire. Within this context, within this culture that asks every woman to fulfill the desire of the husband, becomes the thing that can be good and bad. Generally, it is good for a normal relation that has good husband and wife. For example, the filling what husband desires can strengthen the relation of the two, between the husband and the wife. However, the context that the Woman faces is different. She is very seldom of meeting with his husband, she never speaks, talks, and make conversations. Then the Husband comes home, and wants to have sex after drinking and partying. Can it be looked as a duty for every woman in the world to fill what the husband wants? This is unfair thing. This is the thing that can slice the feel of every woman. Women are also creature, they are human being, they also have feeling and desire. They want to be felt, they want to treated humanely. If the Husband just want to throw out his desire and after that he goes off again. It makes the impression of the Woman that she just a whore of the man, she is just a slut of the Husband, she is only a harlot of his husband. This s irony, but this is what happens to the Woman in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. Because the setting is in Afghanistan, it can be reflected that something happens to the Woman, is what the things happen to some women in Afghanistan. Talking about Afghanistan, it must relate to the system they use. Afghanistan is a complicated country. Therefore, what can be inferred from the explanation has been noted in the understanding before about the position women in Afghanistan, is the women have no freedom to move, to express something, to say something such as "Excuse me, I want to divorce you." Or something like "Um… Sorry we need to discuss it before." The fate of women seems to have been robbed out. They do not have anything in the world, everything they want to say, everything they want to deliver based on what they feel, based on what they think is unfair, is unsaid, and it is kept in heart. What else that has to be said that this system is called as patriarchy system. Indeed, it is Islam, but it is longer used as what equality in Islam has been written on the holy Koran. This is caused by the wrong interpretation of human, the wrong interpretations are finally used as the culture, and for the God's sake, it is inherited. The Quran makes it clear that Women and Men are equal in the eyes of God. This is the weakness of human, to see something they always see it by what they can accept, although God has different point of view. One of the most misunderstood areas in Islam is the position, the situation, and the condition of women in the religion. The universal view in the West is that Muslim women are subjugated and almost seen as property or the object of men. Although, not all Muslims deal with that statement that women as inferior, this is unfortunately true in some segments of the Muslim world and this treatment is supposedly reasonable thing by the religion. However, when it is looked at the basis of the religion, the Quran, it can be seen a different picture. In the Quran God makes it very clear that men and women are equal. Their Lord responded to them: "I never fail to reward any worker among you for any work you do, be you male or female - you are equal to one another. Thus, those who immigrate, and get evicted from their homes, and are persecuted because of Me, and fight and get killed, I will surely remit their sins and admit them into gardens with flowing streams." Such is the reward from GOD. GOD possesses the ultimate reward. (3: 195). The only criterion for distinguishing among the people. Based on what those show, it can be articulated that God seems to have no distinguishing, or special thing to differ between men and women. The two can have sins, the two can hbe living in the paradise, the promised place. If the God seems to say that, why men creates their own understanding to control women in their armpits, is that a kind of breaking the rule of God whereas God say that there is no difference between men and women, the two can live in paradise and have sins. If the paradise is for good human, and men try to be good by slaving women, and women try to be good women by being slaved by men, is that a kind of justice? Men can live freely by slaving women in the world, and slaving is kind of joyful action. They do not have to be pregnant, they do not have to be working at house, wiping the shits of the baby, feeding the baby, menstruation, and busy of massaging their husband. If they (women) have to do so as their duty, they should have the same result of what they have done, the same right of not being slaved. They should have similarity, because of what they do for men are rightfully consisted of rights. However, men, the culture of men, the system of men, the wrong interpretation, makes them fall to the disgusting thinking about women. How can that clear verses be ignored? Why are women treated so poorly in some Muslim communities? The answer lies in the fact that those communities take other sources besides the Quran as the basis of their religion. There are many Hadiths that degrade women. In addition, the pre-Islamic cultures of much of the Muslim world do not value women and have little use for them. The following verses demonstrate this fact: Long and complicated, the tradition that brings and leads the system of men to mostly Muslim nations, here is Afghanistan. However, it can be traced that what makes this becomes the intimate problems of Afghanistan is their condition. Their variety of religion and the territorial that is surrounded by West and East culture makes them are easy to be got down, especially in their rule. Islam, where the verses are delivered beautifully, but it is interpreted wrongly, and makes the wrong system of men. There are difference between men and women, but the difference does not mean they are not equal. They have same duty and right, the same means to the effect rather than the direct meaning of duty, so does the right. However, this right does not longer exist for many women, and it can be represented by the Woman in AtiqRahimi. Again, she has to admit that to be married with the Husband is not what she wants. 'Your mother, with her enormous bust, coming to our place to ask for the hand of my younger sister. It wasn't her turn to get married. It was my turn. So your mother simply said, "no problem, we'll take her instead!", pointing her fleshy finger at me as I poured the tea. I panicked and knocked the pot over.' She hides her face in her hands.in shame, or to dispel the image of a mocking mother in law. 'as for you, you didn't even know this was happening. My father, who wanted nothing more, accepted without the slightest hesitation. He didn't give a damn that you weren't around! Who were you, really? No one knew. To all of us, you were just a title: the hero! And, like every hero, far away. Engagement to a hero was a lovely thing, for a seventeen year old girl. I said to myself. (Rahimi, 2010: 53—54). Here is told that the Woman does not have any right to choose which man she wants to be married to, because her mother selects the man for her. It shows that the power of parents is strongly grabbing the children, and the children that gets the bigger grab is woman. Women are considered as slow, weak, and brittle. Thus, it is not right if women are given a chance to choose men. Furthermore, the Women does not love the man she marries. It is a kind of insisting. Why should be woman? This is the patriarchy system, the system that control women. The more ironical thing happens to the Woman in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is, she marries with a man she never knows, and even in the marriage ceremony, she marries to a photo. '… they celebrated our engagement without the fiancé. Your mother said. "don't worry, victory is coming! It will soon be the end of the war, we will be free and my son will return!" Nearly a year later, your mother came back. Victory was still a long way off. "It's dangerous to leave a young, engagement woman with her parents for such a long time!" she said. And so I had to be married, despite your absence. At the ceremony, you were present in the form of photo and that wretched khanjar, which they put next to me in place of you. (Rahimi, 2010: 54). Based on the quotation above, it can be read obviously that the Woman marries to a man she never knows and during the marriage ceremony, she just sits next to a photo, not the man she marries to. This is an irony fact, the Woman must feel sad, besides the force of marrying the man she never knows, she must also feel sad of this moment. This is an unfair thing for woman, and can it be said that this is the fair thing for woman to marry with a photo? Furthermore, for years the Woman is not allowed to jostle, to join with a group, with neighbors, and friends. She has to be in home, doing everything in home. The home is like the jail of her, she is prohibited of talking to anyone. And I had to wait another three years. Three years! For three years I wasn't allowed to see my friends, or my family…it was not considered proper for a young married virgin to spend time with other married women. Such rubbish1 I had to sleep in the same room as your mother, who kept watch over me, or rather my chastity. And it all seemed so normal, so natural to everyone. To me, too! I didn't even know how lonely I was.' (Rahimi, 2010: 54). The way her mother in law treats her can be analogized that the Woman seems like a prisoner. She is forbidden to interact with the other side of the house, she has to sleep with her mother in law while the Husband is in war. The mother always keeps watching on her, and it is like a guard in the jail, and the woman is the prisoner. She is like a creature who is born to be kept watching, with no right to do, every move she makes is something her mother in law catches.When she is like a prisoner, she must be the fault one whether she is fine or doing a mistake. It is portrayed to this below quotation. Those all are what the Woman feels and it is portrayed in a conclusion where patriarchy system in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is drawn. The Woman is the representation of this portrayal, she feels in jail, she feels like a prisoner, no right and no freedom to move. She marries to a man she never knows, her sister becomes the stake of her father's bet, and she forced to be pregnant although the Husband is the unfertile one. She is insisted to meet someone like a priest to consult the pregnant, and the priest is actually a procurer. She is asked to get in a room, and a man with blindfolded penetrates her until she gets pregnant. The way her mother insists her to get pregnant with not knowing the condition of her son, makes the Woman has a baby from a man she does not know. This the cruel of the patriarchy, when women do not have any right to speak something, they are jailed, and the only one thing the Woman in the story can do is, delivering everything she feels to her comate husband. With a silent voice, she utters and posits herself. THE IMPACT OF THE WOMAN'S SILENT VOICE IN ATIQ RAHIMI'S THE PATIENCE STONE As the response of facing this problem, the Woman cannot do anything except telling the truth of what she feels, what she hides, what she wants to deliver, because she does not want to hurt anyone. Therefore, she wants to tell it to no one, besides that she must be afraid of telling what she feels because what she faces is the culture, the misunderstood religion, and social truth. This problem is delivered through this below quotation, she thinks that it is better to keep silent and to tell to no one. 'I never wanted anyone to know that. Never! Not even my sisters!' she leaves the room, upset. Her fears echo down the passage. 'He's driving me mad. Sapping my strength.Forcing me to speak.To confess my sins, my mistakes.He's listening to me. Hearing me.I'm sure of it. He wants to get to me…to destroy me!' (Rahimi, 2010: 60—61). This is what happens to the Woman's sister. Her sister is forced to marry, her father sells her sister because her father defeats in bet. However, what can the Woman do? She is just a woman, she has no voice, her voice is not to be heard or listened, she is just a creature that is created by not deliberation, therefore, woman should be in room, cooking, bearing baby, feeding baby, and doing "female" activity. She does not have to have something like man, like voicing voice. This shows that the Woman posits herself in a mute, in silence, and in the broken heart with no fight back. The culture has constructed them t be like this, silence and mute. This is the best position the Woman can replace because if she wants to break the rule, she must be destroyed, tortured, and punished by the law the men create. One of the best way, besides keeping silence, is telling the truth to God. When her husband is comate, the Woman always prays on her Husband. Her Husband is just comate, cannot respond, cannot do anything. A hand, a woman hand, is resting on his chest, rising and falling in time with his breath. The woman is seated. Knees pulled into her chest. Head sunk between her knees. In the other hand, the left, she holds a long string of black prayer beads. She moves them between her fingers, telling them. Silently.Slowly.In time with her shoulders. In time with the man's breath. Within reach, open at the flyleaf and placed on a velvet pillow, is a book, the Koran. Her plump, dry, pale lips are softly and slowly repeating the same word of prayer. (Rahimi, 2010: 2—3). This is what the Woman does, he prays for the Husband, although everyday it seems no worth, no use, and it even seems to be in vain. However, as a Good wife, she always prays, and never quits for stopping praying. This is the way the Woman posits herself, although she gets unfair life, although her life is grabbed by the system of men, although her happiness is robbed by the injustice, she just tries and keeps trying to be a good wife fro her evil Husband. The way the Husband keeps silence and receives all things the Woman tells, is analogized as the Patience Stone. It is the mythical stone for Muslim in Hajj, the stone that is very soft and can release all burden. Probably, this is why the Woman tells it to her comate Husband. There are so many internal conflicts the Woman faces, and she almost has a plan to leave her comate Husband. However, she is a god wife, and she is so sorry of having it. It is reflected on this below quotation. 'Forgive me', as she strokes his arm. 'I'm tired. At breaking point. Don't abandon me, you're all I have left.' She raises her voice : 'Without you, I have nothing. Think your daughters! What will I do with them? They're so young…' She stops stroking him. 'The Mullah won't come today,' she says with some relief (Rahimi, 2010: 14—15). In this quotation, it shown and portrayed that the Woman is almost surrendered, she almost quits, she is almost getting tiring. Her frustration is caused by the condition of the Husband that is not different days by days. However, she remembers about her daughter, and it adds something in her heart not to leave the Husband. Based on this fact it can be seen that the Woman is trying to posit herself in a god way, she is just trying to be a good wife, a good Muslim who works the rule of not leaving the Husband and doing everything for the Husband, although the Husband is in comate condition. This portrayal, is the form of faith, the Woman is really special woman, by the condition that can strike her, the situation that can make her angry, the experience that can make her has a revenge for the injustice, she keeps having a feeling to take care of her Husband. Then, the reflection of the Woman to posit herself is clearly seen b this quotation. As a good mother, the Woman also treats her children with lovely treatments. It is shown by this quotation below that shows that the children are not allowed to disturb the comate father. 'Don't be frightened, darling. I'm here.' The mother reassures her : 'I wasn't shouting. I was talking to your father.' They walk away from the door. 'Why are you calling my father Al-Qahhar? Is he cross?' 'No, but he will be if we disturb him.' The little girl falls silent (Rahimi, 2010: 17). The way the Woman asks to her children not to disturb their father who is comate shows that the Woman keeps the Husband, she does not want her Husband gets worse by the disturbing. This is showing the Woman posits herself in treating her Husband. Based on the experience when she has to marry with a photo, the experience where she has to be penetrated while she has menstruation, until her Husband's brothers who always spy the Woman while she takes a bath, she does not have any revenge. If she has, she must kill the Husband easily because the Husband is between the condition of dead and alive. He is comate, and it is very easy for everybody to kill him, no exce
Mary Elizabeth King on Civil Action for Social Change, the Transnational Women's Movement, and the Arab Awakening
Nonviolent resistance remains by and large a marginal topic to IR. Yet it constitutes an influential idea among idealist social movements and non-Western populations alike, one that has moved to the center stage in recent events in the Middle East. In this Talk, Mary King—who has spent over 40 years promoting nonviolence—elaborates on, amongst others, the women's movement, nonviolence, and civil action more broadly.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the central challenge or principal debate in International Relations? And what is your position regarding this challenge/in this debate?
The field of International Relations is different from Peace and Conflict Studies; it has essentially to do with relationships between states and developed after World War I. In the 1920s, the big debates concerned whether international cooperation was possible, and the diplomatic elite were very different from diplomats today. The roots of Peace and Conflict Studies go back much further. By the late 1800s peace studies already existed in the Scandinavian countries. Studies of industrial strikes in the United States were added by the 1930s, and the field had spread to Europe by the 1940s. Peace and Conflict Studies had firmly cohered by the 1980s, and soon encircled the globe. Broad in spectrum and inherently multi-disciplinary, it is not possible to walk through one portal to enter the field.
To me it is also important that Peace and Conflict studies is not wary of asking the bigger hypothetical questions such as 'Can we built a better world?' 'How do we do a better job at resolving conflicts before they become destructive?' 'How do we create more peaceable societies?' If we do not pose these questions, we are unlikely to find the answers. Some political scientists say that they do not wish to privilege either violence or nonviolent action. I am not in that category, trying not to privilege violence or nonviolent action. The field of peace and conflict studies is value-laden in its pursuit of more peaceable societies. We need more knowledge and study of how conflicts can be addressed without violence, including to the eventual benefit of all the parties and the larger society. When in 1964 Martin Luther King Jr received the Nobel Peace Prize, his remarks in Oslo that December tied the nonviolent struggle in the United States to the whole planet's need for disarmament. He said that the most exceptional characteristic of the civil rights movement was the direct participation of masses of people in it. King's remarks in Oslo were also his toughest call for the use of nonviolent resistance on issues other than racial injustice. International nonviolent action, he said, could be utilized to let global leaders know that beyond racial and economic justice, individuals across the world were concerned about world peace:
I venture to suggest [above all] . . . that . . . nonviolence become immediately a subject for study and for serious experimentation in every field of human conflict, by no means excluding relations between nations . . . which [ultimately] make war. . . .
In the half century since King made his address in Oslo, nonviolent civil resistance has not been allocated even a tiny fraction of the resources for study that have been dedicated to the fields of democratization, development, the environment, human rights, and aspects of national security. Many, many questions beg for research, including intensive interrogation of failures. Among the new global developments with which to be reckoned is the enlarging role of non-state, non-governmental organizations as intermediaries, leading dialogue groups comprised of adversaries discussing disputatious issues and working 'hands-on' to intervene directly in local disputes. The role of the churches and laity in ending Mozambique's civil war comes to mind. One challenge within IR is how to become more flexible in viewing the world, in which the nation state cannot control social change, and with the widening of civil space.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?
I came from a family that was deeply engaged with social issues. My father was the eighth Methodist minister in six generations from North Carolina and Virginia. The Methodist church in both Britain and the United States has a history of concern for social responsibility ― a topic of constant discussion in my home as a child and young adult. When four African American students began the southern student sit-in movement in Greensboro, North Carolina, on February 1, 1960, by sitting-in at a Woolworth's lunch counter, I was still in college. Although I am white, I began to think about how to join the young black people who were intentionally violating the laws of racial segregation by conducting sit-ins at lunch counters across the South. Soon more white people, very like me, were joining them, and the sweep of student sit-ins had become truly inter-racial. The sit-in movement is what provided the regional base for what would become a mass U.S. civil rights movement, with tens of thousands of participants, defined by the necessity for fierce nonviolent discipline. So, coming from a home where social issues were regularly discussed it was almost natural for me to become engaged in the civil rights movement. And I have remained engaged with such issues for the rest of my life, while widening my aperture. Today I work on a host of questions related to conflict, building peace, gender, the combined field of gender and peace-building, and nonviolent or civil resistance. At a very young age, I had started thinking as a citizen of the world and watching what was happening worldwide, rather than merely in the United States.
Martin Luther King (to whom I am not related) would become one of history's most influential agents for propagating knowledge of the potential for constructive social change without resorting to violence. He was the most significant exemplar for what we simply called The Movement. Yet the movement had two southern organizations: in 1957 after the success of the Montgomery bus boycott of 1955-56, he created, along with others, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The other organization was the one for which I worked for four years: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pron. snick), which initially came into being literally to coordinate among the leaders of the student sit-in campaigns. As the sit-ins spread across the South, 70,000 black, and, increasingly, white, students participated. By the end of 1960, 3,600 would have been jailed.
SCLC and SNCC worked together but had different emphases: one of our emphases in SNCC was on eliciting leadership representing the voices of those who had been ignored in the past. We identified many women with remarkable leadership skills and sought to strengthen them. We wanted to build institutions that would make it easier for poor black southern communities to become independent and move out of the 'serfdom' in which they lived. Thus we put less prominence on large demonstrations, which SCLC often emphasized. Rather, we stressed the building of alternative (or parallel) institutions, including voter registration, alternative political parties, cooperatives, and credit unions.
What would a student need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
One requirement is a subject that has virtually disappeared from the schools in the United States: the field of geography. It used to be taught on every level starting in kindergarten, but has now been melded into a mélange called 'social sciences'. You would be surprised at how much ignorance exists and how it affects effectiveness. I served for years on the board of directors of an esteemed international non-profit private voluntary organization and recall a secretary who thought that Africa was a country. This is not simplistic — if you don't know the names of continents, countries, regions, and the basic political and economic history, it's much harder to think critically about the world. Secondly, students need to possess an attitude of reciprocity and mutuality. No perfect country exists; there is no nirvana without intractable problems in our world. No society, for example, has solved the serious problems of gender inequity that impede all spheres of life. Every society has predicaments and problems that need to be addressed, necessitating a constant process. So we each need to stand on a platform in which every nation can improve the preservation of the natural environment, the way it monitors and protects human rights, transitions to democratic systems, the priority it places on the empowerment of women, and so on. On this platform, concepts of inferior and superior are of little value.
You also co-authored an article in 1965 about the role of women and how working in a political movement for equality (the civil rights movement) has affected your perceptions of the relationship between men and women. Do you believe that the involvement of women in the Civil Rights Movement brought more gender equality in the USA and do you think involvement in Nonviolent Resistance movements in other places in the world could start such a process?
From within the heart of the civil rights movement I wrote an article with Casey Hayden, with whom I worked in Atlanta in the main office of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and in the Mississippi Freedom Summer of 1964. Casey (Sandra Cason) and I were deeply engaged in a series of conversations involving other women in SNCC about what we had been learning, the lessons from our work aiding poor black people to organize, and asking ourselves whether our insights from being part of SNCC could be applied to other forms of injustice, such as inequality for women. The document reflected our growth and enlarging understanding of how to mobilize communities, how to strategize, how to achieve lasting change, and was a manifestation of this expanding awareness. The title was Sex and Caste – A Kind of Memo. Caste is an ancient Hindu demarcation that not only determines an individual's social standing on the basis of the group into which one is born, but also differentiates and assigns occupational and economic roles. It cannot be changed. Casey and I thought of caste as comparable to the sex of one's birth. Women endure many forms of prejudice, bias, discrimination, and cruelty merely because they are female. For these reasons we chose the term caste. We sent our memorandum to forty women working in local peace and civil rights movements of the United States. The anecdotal evidence is strong that it inspired other women, who started coming together collectively to work on their own self-emancipation in 'consciousness raising groups.' It had appeared in Liberation magazine of the War Resisters League in April 1966 and was a catalyst in spurring the U.S. women's movement; indeed, the consciousness-raising groups fuelled the women's movement in the United States during the 1970s. Historians reflect that the article provided tinder for what is now called 'second-wave feminism', and the 1965 original is anthologized as one of the generative documents of twentieth-century gender studies.
We have to remember that women's organizations are nothing new, but have been poorly documented in history and that much information has been lost. Women have been prime actors for nonviolent social change in many parts of the world for a long time. New Zealand was the first country to grant women the vote, in 1893, after decades of organizing. Other countries followed: China, Iran, later the United States and the United Kingdom. Women in Japan would not vote until 1946. IR expert Fred Halliday contends that one of the most remarkable transnational movements of the modern age was the women's suffrage movement. The movement to enfranchise women may have been the biggest transnational nonviolent movement of human history. It was a significant historical phenomenon that throws light on how it is sometimes easier to bring about social and political change now than in the past.
Nonviolent movements seem to be growing around the world, and not only in dictatorships but also in democracies in Europe and the USA. How do you explain this?
I think that the sharing of knowledge is the answer to this question. Study in the field of nonviolent action has accelerated since the 1970s, often done by people who are both practitioners and scholars, as am I. Organizing nonviolently for social justice is not new, but the knowledge that has consolidated during the last 40 years has been major. The works of Gene Sharp have been significant, widely translated, and are accessible through the Albert EinsteinInstitution. His first major work, The Politics of Nonviolent Action, in three volumes, came out in 1973 (Boston: Porter Sargent Publishers). It marked the development of a new understanding of how this form of cooperative action works, the conditions under which it can be optimized, and the ways in which one can improve effectiveness. Sharp's works have since been translated into more than 40 languages. Also valuable are the works and translations of dozens of other scholars, who often stand on his shoulders. Today there may be 200 scholar-activists in this field worldwide, with a great deal of work now underway in related fields. Knowledge is being shared not only through translated works, but also through organizations and their training programs, such as the War Resisters League International and the International Fellowship of Reconciliation, each of which came into existence in Britain around World War I. Both are still running seminars, training programs, and distributing books. George Lakey's Training for Change and a new database at Swarthmore College that he has developed are sharing knowledge. So is the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict, which has built a dramatic record in a short time, having run more than 400 seminars and workshops in more than 139 countries. The three major films that ICNC has produced (for example, 'Bringing Down a Dictator'), have been translated into 20 languages and been publicly broadcast to more than 20 million viewers.
After its success, leaders from the Serbian youth movement Otpor! (Resistance) that in 2000 disintegrated the Slobodan Milošević dictatorship formed a network of activists, including experienced veterans from civil-resistance struggles in South Africa, the Philippines, Lebanon, Georgia, and Ukraine to share their experiences with other movements. People can now more easily find knowledge on the World Wide Web, often in their original language or a second language, and they can find networks that share information about their experiences, including their successes and failures.
I reject the Twitter explanation for the increased use of nonviolent action or civil resistance, because all nonviolent movements appropriate the most advanced technologies available. This pattern is related to the importance of communications for their basic success. Nonviolent mobilizations must be very shrewd in putting across their purpose, their goals and objectives, preparing slogans, and conveying information on how people can become involved. In order for people to join—bearing in mind that numbers are important for success—it is critically important to make clear what goal(s) you are seeking and why you have elected to work with civil resistance. This decision is sometimes hard to understand for people who have suffered great cruelty from their opponent, and who maintain 'but we are the victims', making the sharing of the logic of the technique of civil resistance vital.
What would you say is the importance of Nonviolent Resistance Studies in the field of International Relations and Political Science? And how do you counter those who argue that some forms of structural domination are only ended through violence?
In this case we can look at the evidence and stay away from arguing beliefs or ideology. Thanks to political scientists Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan, who have produced a discerning work, Why Civil Resistance Works (2011), we now have empirical evidence that removes this question from mystery. They studied 323 violent and nonviolent movements that occurred between 1900 and 2006 and found that the nonviolent campaigns were twice as effective as violent struggles in achieving their goals, while incurring fewer costly fatalities and producing much greater prospects for democratic outcomes after the end of the campaign. They found only one area in which violent movements have been more successful, and that is in secessions. So, we don't need to dwell in the realm of opinion, but can read their findings. Other scholars have written about the same issues using qualitative data ― by doing interviews, developing case studies, and analytical descriptions ― but the work of Chenoweth and Stephan is quantitative, putting it in a different category due to its research methods.
Reading 'Why Civil Resistance Works' it caught my eye that nonviolent campaigns seem less successful in the Middle East and Asia than in other regions. Did you see that also in your own work? And if so, do you have an explanation for it? In addition, do you believe that the 'Arab Awakening' is a significant turn in history, or did the name arise too quickly and will it remain a temporary popular phrase?
What I encountered in working in the Middle East was an expectation, notion, or hope among people that a great leader would save them and bring them out of darkness. This belief seems often to have kept the populace in a state of passivity. Sometimes such pervasive theories of leadership are deeply elitist: one must be well educated to be a leader, one must be born into that role, one must be male, or the first son, etc. Such concepts of leadership discourage the taking of independent civil action.
I think that the Arab Awakening has been significant for a number of reasons. As one example, there had been a widespread (and patronizing) assumption in the United States and the West that the Arabs were not interested in democracy. We have heard from various sources including Israel for decades that Arabs are not attracted to democracy. As a matter of fact, I think that all people want a voice. All human beings wish to be listened to and to be able to express their hopes and aspirations. This is a fundamental basis of democracy and widely applicable, although democracy may take different forms. The Arab Awakening rebutted this arrogant assumption. This does not mean that the course will be easy. One of my Egyptian colleagues said to me, 'We have had dictatorship since 1952, but after Tahir Square you expect us to build a perfect democracy in 52 weeks! It cannot happen!'
Among the first concessions sought by the 2011 Arab revolts was rejection of the right of a dictator's sons to succeed him. The passing of power from father to son has been a characteristic of patriarchal societies, in the Arab world and elsewhere. Anthropologist John Borneman notes, 'The public renunciation of the son's claim to inherit the father's power definitively ends the specific Arab model of succession that has been incorporated into state dictatorships among tribal authorities'. In Tunisia to Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen (not all of which are successes), such movements have sought to end the presumption of father-son inheritance of rule.
I believe that we are seeing the start of a broad democratization process in the Middle East, not its end. The learning and preparation that had been occurring in Egypt prior to Tahrir Square was extensive. Workshops had been underway for 10 to 15 years before people filled Tahrir Square. Women bloggers had for years been monitoring torture and sharing news from outside. One woman blogger translated a comic book into Arabic about the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, from the 1960s, and had it distributed all over Cairo. Labor unions had been very active. According to historian Joel Beinin, from 1998 to 2010 some 3 million laborers took part in 3,500 to 4,000 strikes, sit-ins, demonstrations, and other actions, realizing more than 600 collective labor actions per year in 2007 and 2008. In the years immediately before the revolution, these actions became more coherent. Wael Ghonim, a 30-year-old Google executive, set up a Facebook page and used Google technologies to share ideas and knowledge about what ordinary people can do. The April 6 Youth Movement, set up in 2008, three years before Tahrir, sent one of its members to Belgrade in 2009, to learn how Otpor! had galvanized the bringing down of Milošević. He returned to Cairo with materials and films, lessons from other nonviolent movements, and workshop materials. This all goes back to the sharing of knowledge. Yet the Egyptians have now come to the point where they must assume responsibility and accountability for the whole and make difficult decisions for their society. It will be a long and difficult process. And it raises the question of what kind of help from outside is essential.
Why do you raise this point; do you think outside help is essential?
I know from having studied a large number of nonviolent movements in different parts of the globe that the sharing of lessons laterally among mobilizations and nonviolent struggles is highly effective. African American leaders were traveling by steamer ship from 1919 until the outbreak of World War II to the Indian subcontinent, to learn from Gandhi and the Indian independence struggles. This great interchange between black leaders in the United States and the Gandhian activists, as the historian Sudarshan Kapur shows in Raising Up A Prophet (1992), was critically significant in the solidification of consensus in the U.S. black community on nonviolent means. I have written about how the knowledge moved from East to West in my book Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Scholarly exchanges and interchanges among activists from other struggles are both potentiating and illuminating. Most observers fail to see that nonviolent mobilizations often have very deep roots involving the lateral sharing of experience and know-how.
You have written a book about the first uprising, or 'intifada', in the Occupied Palestinian Territories between 1987 and 1993. The second Palestinian uprising did not contain much nonviolent tactics though. Do you foresee another uprising soon? If not, why? If yes, do you think that Nonviolent Actions will play again an important role in that uprising, or is it more likely to turn violent?
Intifada is linguistically a nonviolent word: It means shaking off and has no violent implication whatsoever. (This word is utterly inappropriate for what happened in the so-called Second Intifada, although it started out as a nonviolent endeavor.) In the 1987 intifada, virtually the entire Palestinian society living under Israel's military occupation unified itself with remarkable cohesion on the use of nonviolent tools. The first intifada (1987-1993, especially 1987-1990) benefited from several forces at work in the 1970s and 1980s, about which I write in A Quiet Revolution (2007), one of which came from Palestinian activist intellectuals working with Israeli groups, who wanted to end occupation for their own reasons. These Israeli peace activists thought the occupation degraded them, made them less than human, in addition to oppressing Palestinians. The second so-called intifada was not a 'shaking off'. For the first time, it bade attacks against the Israeli settlements, which had not occurred before.
Let me put it this way: in virtually every situation, there is some potential for human beings to take upon themselves their own liberation through nonviolent action. We may expect that such potential is dormant and waiting for enactment. Disciplined nonviolent action is underway in a number of village-based struggles against the separation barrier in the West Bank right now, in which Israeli allies are among the action takers. As another example, the Freedom Theatre in Jenin is using Freedom Rides, a concept adopted from the U.S. southern Civil Rights Movement, riding buses to the South Hebron Hills villages and along the way using drama, music, and giant puppets as a way of stimulating debate about Israeli occupation. Bloggers and writers share their experiences (see e.g. this post by Nathan Schneider). For the first time, as we speak, the Freedom Bus will travel from the West Bank to make two performances in historic pre-1948 Palestine (Israel), in Haifa and the Golan, in June 2013. A Palestinian 'Empty Stomach' campaign, led by Palestinian political prisoners in Israel, has had some success in using hunger strikes to press Israeli officials for certain demands. With the purpose of prevailing upon Israel to conform to international resolutions pertaining to the Palestinians and to end its military occupation, Palestinian civic organizations in 2005 launched a Boycott, Divestment Sanctions (BDS) campaign, drawing upon the notable example of third-party sanctions applied in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. The Palestinian Authority has called for non-state observer status at the United Nations and supports the boycotting of products from Israeli settlements resistance.
More and more Palestinians are now saying, 'We must fight for our rights with nonviolent resistance'. Many Israelis are also deeply concerned about the future of their country. I recently got an email from an Israeli who was deeply affected by reading Quiet Revolution and has started to reach out to Palestinians and take actions to bring to light the injustices that he perceives. Tremendous debate is underway about new techniques, novel processes, and how to shift gears to more effective mutual action. The United States government and its people continue to pay for Israel's occupation and militarization, which has abetted the continuation of conflict, although it is often done in the name of peace! The United States has not incentivized the building of peace. It has done almost nothing to help the construction of institutions that could assist coexistence.
Also, it is very important for the entire world, including Israelis, to recognize intentional nonviolent action when they see it. The Israeli government persisted in denying that the 1987 Intifada was nonviolent, when the Palestinian populace had been maintaining extraordinary nonviolent discipline for nearly three years, despite harsh reprisals. Israeli officials continued to call it 'unending war' and 'the seventh war'. Indeed, it was not perfect nonviolent discipline, but enough that was indicative of a change in political thinking among the people in the Palestinian areas that could have been built upon. Although some Israeli social scientists accurately perceived the sea change in Palestinian political thought about what methods to use in seeking statehood and the lifting of the military occupation, the government of Israel generally did not seize upon such popularly enacted nonviolent discipline to push for progress. My sources for Quiet Revolution include interviews with Israelis, such as the former Chief Psychologist of the Israel Defense Force and IDF spokesperson.
Your latest book is about the transitions of the Eastern European countries from being under Soviet rule to independent democracies. You chose to illustrate these transitions with New York Times articles. Why did you chose this approach; do you think the NY Times was important as a media agency in any way or is there another reason?
There is another reason: The New York Times and CQ Press approached me and asked if I would write a reference book on the nonviolent revolutions of the Eastern bloc, using articles from the Times that I would choose upon which to hang the garments of the story. The point of the work is to help particularly young people learn that they can study history by studying newspapers. The book gives life to the old adage that newspaper reporters write the first draft of history. In the book's treatment of these nonviolent revolutions, I chose ten Times articles for each of the major ten struggles that are addressed, adding my historical analysis to complete the saga for each country. It had been difficult for Times reporters to get into Poland, for example, in the late 1970s and the crucial year of 1980; they sometimes risked their lives. Yet it's in the nature of journalism that their on-the-spot reportage needed additional analysis; furthermore newspaper accounts often stress description.
After the 1968 Prague Spring, when the Soviet Union sent 750,000 troops and tanks from five Warsaw Pact countries into Czechoslovakia, crushing that revolt, across Eastern Europe a tremendous amount of fervent work got underway by small non-official committees, often below the radar of the communist party states. This included samizdat (Russian for 'self published'), works not published by the state publishing machinery, underground publications that were promoting new ways of thinking about how to address their dilemma. Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Lithuania were the most active in the Eastern bloc with their major but covert samizdat. As it was illegal in Czechoslovakia for a citizen to own a photocopy machine, 'books' were published by using ten pieces of onion-skin paper interspersed with carbon sheets, 'publishing' each page by typing it and its copies on a manual typewriter.
The entire phenomenon of micro-committees, flying universities, samizdat boutiques, seminars, drama with hidden meanings, underground journals, and rock groups transmitting messages eluded outside observers, who were not thinking about what the people could do for themselves. The economists and Kremlinologists who were observing the Eastern bloc did not discern what the playwrights, small committees of activist intellectuals, local movements, labor unions, academicians, and church groups were undertaking. They did not imagine the scope or scale of what the people were doing for themselves with utmost self-reliance. In essence, no one saw these nonviolent revolutions coming, with the exception of the rare onlooker, such as the historian Timothy Garton Ash. Even today the peaceful transitions to democracy of the Eastern bloc are sometimes explained by saying 'Gorby did it', when Gorbachev did not come to power until 1985. Or by attributing the alterations to Reagan's going to Berlin and telling Gorbachov to tear down the Wall.
By December 1981, Poland was under martial law, which unleashed a high degree of underground organizing, countless organizations of self-help, reimagining of the society, and the publishing of samizdat. Still, even so, some people believe that this sweeping political change was top-down. It is indisputably true that nonviolent action usually interacts with other forces and forms of power, but I would say that we need this book for its accessible substantiation of historically significant independent nonviolent citizen action as a critical element in the collapse of the Soviet Union.
You also mention Al Jazeera as an important media agency in your most recent blog post at 'Waging Nonviolence'. You wrote that Al Jazeera has an important role in influencing global affairs. Could you explain why? And more generally, how important is diversification of media for international politics?
Al Jazeera generally has not been taking the point of view of the official organs of governments of Arab countries and has usually not reported news from ministries of information. Additionally, it often carries reports from local correspondents in the country at issue. If you are following a report from Gaza, it is likely to be a Gazan journalist who is transmitting to Al Jazeera. If it is a report from Egypt, it may well be an Egyptian correspondent. Al Jazeera also has made a point of reporting news from Israel, and utilizing reporters in Tel Aviv, which may be a significant development. Certainly in the 2010-2011 Arab Awakening, it made a huge difference that reports were coming directly from the action takers rather than the official news outlets of Arab governments.
President George W. Bush did not want Al Jazeera to come to the United States, because he considered it too anti-American. I remember reading at the time that the first thing that Gen. Colin Powell said to Al Jazeera was 'can you tone it down a little?' when asking why Al Jazeera couldn't be less anti-American in its news. To me, either you support free speech or you do not; it's free or it's not: You can't have a little bit of control and a little bit of freedom.
Until recently, Al Jazeera was not easily available in the United States, except in Brattleboro, Vermont; Washington, DC; and a few other places. It was difficult to get it straight in the United States. I mounted a special satellite so that I could get Al Jazeera more freely. This does not speak well for freedom of the press in the United States. This may change with the advent of Al Jazeera America, although we still do not know to what degree it will represent an editorially free press.
News agencies are important for civil-resistance movements for major reasons. Popular mobilizations need good communications internally and externally! People need to understand clearly what is the purpose and strategy and to be part of the making of decisions. Learning also crucially needs to take place inside the movement: activist intellectuals often act as interpreters, framing issues anew, suggesting that an old grievance is now actionable. No one expects the butcher, the baker, or the candlestick maker, and everyone else in the movement to read history and theory.
When news media are interested and following a popular movement of civil resistance, they can enhance the spread of knowledge. In the U.S. civil rights movement, the Southern white-owned newspapers considered the deaths of black persons or atrocities against African Americans as not being newsworthy. There was basically a 'black-out', if you want to call it that, with no pun. Yet dreadful things were happening while we were trying to mobilize, organize, and get out the word. So SNCC created its own media, and Julian Bond and others and I set up nationwide alternative outlets. Eventually we had 12 photographers across the South. This is very much like what the people of the Eastern bloc did with samizdat — sharing and disseminating papers, articles, chapters, even whole books. The media can offer a tremendous boost, but sometimes you have to create your own.
Last question. You combine scholarship with activism. How do you reconcile the academic claim for 'neutrality' with the emancipatory goals of activism?
To be frank, I am not searching for neutrality in my research. Rather, I strive for accuracy, careful transcription, and scrupulous gathering of evidence. I believe that this is how we can become more effective in working for justice, environmental protection, sustainable development, pursuing human rights, or seeking gender equity as critical tools to build more peaceable societies. Where possible I search for empirical data. So much has been ignored, for example, with regards to the effects of gendered injustice. I do not seek neutrality on this matter, but strong evidence. For example, since the 1970s, experts have known that the education of women has profoundly beneficial and measurable effects across entire societies, benefiting men, children, and women. Data from Kerala, India; Sri Lanka; and elsewhere has shown that when you educate women the entire society is uplifted and that all indicators shift positively. The problem is that the data have for decades been ignored or trivialized. We need much more than neutrality. We need to interpret evidence and data clearly to make them compelling and harder to ignore. I think that we can do this with methodologies that are uncompromisingly scrupulous.
Mary Elizabeth King is professor of peace and conflict studies at the UN-affiliated University for Peace and and is Scholar-in-Residence in the School of International Service, at the American University in Washington, D.C. She is also a Distinguished Fellow of the Rothermere American Institute at the University of Oxford, in the United Kingdom. Her most recent book is The New York Times on Emerging Democracies in Eastern Europe (Washington, D.C.: Times Reference and CQ Press/Sage, 2009), chronicling the nonviolent transitions that took place in Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, the Baltic states, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine in the late 1980s and early 1990s. She is the author of the highly acclaimed A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance (New York: Nation Books, 2007; London: Perseus Books, 2008), which examines crucial aspects of the 1987 uprising overlooked or misunderstood by the media, government officials, and academicians.
Related links
King's personal page Read the book edited by King on Peace Research for Africa (UNU, 2007) here (pdf) Read the book by King Teaching Model: Nonviolent Transformation of Conflict (UNU, 2006) here (pdf)
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
0 0 1 5902 33646 School of Global Studies/University of Gothenburg 280 78 39470 14.0
The subject of this study – The Youth in Croatia and the European Integration – is the relationship of youth toward the European integration process, including the Croatian accession to the European Union, as well as their sociopolitical readiness for integration into a united Europe. The analysis is based on a section of data gathered in early 2004, on the entire Croatian territory, and conducted within the scientific and research project Youth and the European Integration Process. The basic sample of youth, aged 15 to 29, consisted of 2000 examinees, and the control sample of persons older than 30 consisted of 1000 examinees. The obtained findings on youth have been systematically compared to results from the previous research project, The Value System of Youth and Social Changes in Croatia, conducted in early 1999, on an identically structured sample of 1700 young examinees. Data on Croatian youth has also been compared to the corresponding findings of several European researches. European integration is a dynamic and multidimensional process, and in this research, the accent was on the political and normative dimensions of integration. The genesis of the political development of European Union has indicated that, in spite of the oscillations in the process of integration, there is a recognizable progress toward the construction of a Europe of values, where all the included countries meet with equally high democratic demands. The existing research into the European integration process has undoubtedly shown that the relationship of citizens toward the EU varies as a function of time, and depends on the specific situation in certain countries or societies. Croatia is a transitional country that has stepped into the process of democratic consolidation, and after the year 2000, it had also stepped out of a certain kind of international isolation. Today, Croatia is a country trying to join the united Europe, which has managed to obtain the status of a candidate country for accession into the EU, albeit with an uncertain date for accession negotiations. Even though the main obstacle for the start of negotiations is supposedly the lack of satisfaction of the EU with the Croatian cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, the existing tendencies and events in the country indicate that Croatia is not adequately prepared to join the Union: not at the political, nor the social, and especially not at the economic plain. The indicated findings are also the starting points in the research of the relationship of Croatian youth toward the European integration process. A valid analysis of this relationship demands a previous insight into some aspects of the political readiness of youth for European integration of Croatia. With that in mind, special attention was dedicated to political values, attitudes and participation of youth, whose longitudinal monitoring enables a detection of changes that took place during the past five years. The data comparison showed that during the observed period of time, the young people' s otherwise relatively high acceptance of almost all the constitutional values, as well as the harmonious perception of politics and institutional trust have increased, while the lack of hard work, discipline and responsibility are now perceived as a social problem to a greater extent than before. The recent data also indicates that today' s youth perceive the existence of educational, gender and age inequalities in the Croatian society to a larger degree, as well as the worsening of political representation of all marginal groups. On the other hand, the understanding of conflicts and democratic rules (especially the role of the opposition) has weakened, the perception of crime in ownership conversion and privatization as a problem has decreased, there is also a weaker perception of the existence of social and religious inequalities, the social activism and political participation have decreased, and the attitude about inclusion into youth organizations of political parties and the establishment of independent youth parties as forms of activities that might contribute to a more active participation of youth in the society has decreased. From hence comes the conclusion that certain changes tend to lead to further social, most of all political, (self)passivization and marginalization of young people. The continuity of tendencies established in the previous research projects, confirm the finding that the young are not a monolithic group when it comes to acceptance of political values, expression of political attitudes and the level of political participation. The greatest differentiation is present regarding the not so present tolerance toward most observed social phenomena and groups, the perception of unemployment as the most important social problem and the cause of existing difficulties, the perception of existence of political inequalities and the stated interest in politics, as well as the perception of the role of the " diaspora" in the Croatian political life. When these results are observed integrally, it is obvious that the young are mostly differentiated by the level of obtained knowledge and their socio-professional status, then party identification, social origin and the phase of maturity. All the mentioned differentiations of youth can simply be summarized by outlining two large, relatively polarized groups: one consists of socially more competent youth, inclined to the ideological and political options of the left center, and the other consists of a socially inferior youth, inclined toward the right pole of the ideological-political spectrum. The socially more competent youth is more liberal, more critical toward the social reality and the political actors, they manifest a greater respect for democratic institutions and procedures, which is an indicator of the importance of favorable circumstances in the process of political socialization. The recent data enabled us to establish the existence of inter-generational differences, which are not enormous but are significant. The comparative analysis of the attitudes of both the young and the older examinees, demonstrated that the young state a higher degree of trust in the media than the older examinees, that they are more tolerant toward a number of social phenomena and groups, which cause dispute both in the Croatian and the European public opinion arena, as well as more sensitive regarding ethnic inequalities. The young perceive war as the main cause of current difficulties to a greater extent than the elders, they have considerably more trust in their own generation as a social force that could initiate positive trends, they express a greater readiness for inclusion in different civil society activities, and believe more that television and youth organizations could mobilize them into active participation in social affairs. At the same time, the young are slower than the older examinees to accept the value of a democratic order, however, they are also less prone to have a harmonious understanding of politics, they are less socially sensitive, they express less trust in the institutions of power, the socioeconomic goals and the preservation of tradition are less often among their political priorities, they less often think immorality and criminal activities in the privatization process are the cause of current problems, they perceive a smaller level of corruption in all areas of social life (aside from education), they believe less in the positive contribution of experts and entrepreneurs to overcoming the trends of crisis, they are less interested in politics and participate less in political parties, and they have a smaller level of faith in the mobilization role of education for democracy, volunteer work, political parties and non-governmental organizations, as well as the contribution of the family and education system in the stimulation of the young people' s social engagement. The established inter-generational differentiation can be explained through the life cycle theory, meaning the mentioned differences are mostly the effect of differing social statuses and the complete experiences of the young and the older examinees. That means that most young people have not assumed some of the permanent social roles, and that their immediate experiences are limited only to some social areas among which politics do not have a prominent place. The existing inter-generational differences are also the result of the fact that most older examinees draw on their experience gained in a different social and political regime, which to a certain measure forms their existing system of political values that is, in certain elements, especially those related to the social dimension, different than the youth' s system of political values. On the other hand, the congruence of the young and older examinees is contributed to by a common experience of an era, that is, life in a specific socio-historic period. The absence of deep inter-generational ambiguities also indicates that, in spite of the radical changes that have appeared through the decomposition of the old and the set-up of a new social and political order, the mechanism for transposing political values from the older generations to the young ones, functions to a considerable degree, along with the transfer of the shortcomings that exist in the structured political awareness of the older generation. Even though it was established that the youth in Croatia accept the traditional values to a smaller degree compared to the elders, the young are at the same time somewhat more conservative in certain areas than their European counterparts. Pointing to this finding is the greater orientation of the Croatian youth toward the family and a smaller extent of tolerance of certain phenomena and groups in the contemporary society. At that, the social participation of the Croatian young generation is at a lower level than the participation of their European peers. The attitude toward human rights is also one of the indicators of political preparedness of Croatian youth for integration into a democratic Europe, which promotes high standards in the protection of human rights and freedoms. The research results about the evaluation of individual human rights and freedoms, show that the youth accept the right to an education, the right to work and personal security, the right to privacy, the social protection of the elderly and those in other precarious situations, the equality before the law, the rights of women and the right to ownership the most. The analysis has shown that the preference of individual human rights and freedoms is not caused by the observed socio-demographic and socio-structural characteristics of the young, aside from education, which points to the significance of the education system as an agent of improvement of the state of human rights. Approximately a third of the young examinees were not satisfied with the respect for human rights in Croatia today nor were they satisfied five years ago, the percentage of the undecided has decreased in that period of time, and the number of those that think human rights in Croatia are mostly or completely respected has increased. The results of the analysis of social attributes of youth indicate that the ability of assessment and a higher degree of criticism toward the status of human rights in Croatia is related to life in economically more prosperous regions, a left ideological-political orientation as well as the female gender. The comparison of the evaluation of the contribution of institutions, organizations and significant individuals in the population of youth in 1999 and in 2004, established that the generation of youth today perceives a higher level of contribution of all observed participants (except for the opposition) to the protection of human rights and freedoms in Croatia. More precisely, most of the young assess that all the participants, completely or mostly, contribute to the realization of human rights in Croatia, which especially refers to the perception of the contribution of the highest institutions of power. The perception of the status of human rights in Croatia and the contribution of the observed actors to the realization of those rights, are considerably highly influenced by regional affiliation and party identification, followed by their social background, their gender and the religious self-identification of the young. The comparison of acceptance of the observed human rights and freedoms of the populations of young and older examinees in Croatia, indicates that the elders accept most individual human rights and freedoms more than the young, and that they also express less criticism toward today' s respect for those rights and freedoms in Croatia, while validating the contribution of all the observed actors to a higher degree. To summarize, the analysis has shown that the young accept human rights and freedoms very highly at the level of principle, but that there is a certain disagreement when it comes to concrete rights and practices in Croatia. Even though the degree of acceptance of the value of human rights and freedoms is high among the young, there are also deviations indicating an increased need for additional engagement of certain agents of socialization, especially the education system and the political actors. The national affiliation of youth is another indicator relevant to its relationship toward the European integration. The research has shown that the attitude most represented with the youth is one of moderate national identification, then the ones signifying an openness toward the world, while ethno-centric statements are at the back of the obtained hierarchy. The attitude that had demonstrated the highest representation of national identification is for the first time at the top of the rank in all our research projects, just as it is evident that nationally tinted attitudes, both moderate and extreme, are more represented now than in 1986 or in 1999. Such an increase of the national affiliation of the young can be interpreted by the fact that there is more emphasis on existential problems and that there is a higher uncertainty regarding the future, then the increase of differences between the rich and the poor, as well as a smaller degree of trust in the political leadership. The immediate confrontation with this type of social instability, results in a search for safer modes of relationships with other people, the society as a whole and some of its parts, where the nation represents one of the safe havens, much like family and church. However, it is necessary to emphasize that the attitudes of openness toward the world are quite stabile, and that they are often complementary instead of being opposite to attitudes of national identification. At the same time, this points to the complexity of the problem of national affiliation and the fact that it does not have to be exclusive, but can actually coexist with attitudes that enhance the process of European association. Regarding their national affiliation the young are, of course, not homogenous. The results of the analysis have shown that the nationally oriented youth is significantly more religious than the others, they prefer the conservative parties, live in Dalmatia, Central and Eastern Croatia, they originate more often from rural areas and families, where the father has a lower degree of education, they personally have a lower level of education and, within the youth sample, they belong to the youngest age cohort (age 15 to 19), and the groups of pupils and the unemployed. On the other hand, a significantly lower national affiliation is expressed by youth coming from the Istrian, Zagreb and Northern Croatia provenience, those indecisive about religion or atheists, youth of urban background and a higher family and personal education status. However, regarding cosmopolitism, the young demonstrate significantly more homogenous results. It is especially indicative that the more ethno-centric examinees and, to a smaller degree, those with a pronounced national identification, more often have a negative perception of the European Union, while the nationally more exclusive examinees refuse to even support the accession of Croatia into the European Union. The examination of the social (ethnic) distance toward certain nations has demonstrated that the young have put members of the former Yugoslav federation and Russians at the back of the scale, while, with an under-average evaluation, the center of the scale is occupied by members of certain Central and Eastern European nations (the Czech and the Hungarian). Inhabitants of the European Western and Southwestern territories, especially the Italians, which occupy the first position after form the Croats, and the Germans, demonstrate satisfactory results just by being evaluated by average grades. However, the degree of social closeness that the young citizens of Croatia feel toward other Croatian men and women, indicates a certain dose of self-criticism, because approximately one third of the young do not feel an especially high level of affinity toward, for the most part, their own nationals. The older examinees differ from the young in that they more pronouncedly represent attitudes at the center of the national affiliation scale, as well as indicate a higher ethnical distance on average. However, the fact is that, in spite of the existence of inter-generational differences when it comes to national affiliation where the older examinees dominate, there are also inter-generational differences that indicate a better position of the youngest examinees in our sample (aged 15 to 19). This phenomenon has already been described in literature by the so-called U-curve, which vividly illustrates a higher national affiliation of individuals at their earlier and later periods of life. Thus, the greater national affiliation, on the one hand, seems to appear as an expression of an adolescent transitional crisis, and on the other, as a consequence of a long-term perseverance of the perception and production of (most probably) negative experiences with a specific out-group. The relationship of the examinees toward the European integration and the European Union has been investigated via numerous indicators, where the emphasis was on the perception of the possible consequences of Croatian accession to the EU. However, other aspects of the relationship toward Europe and the EU have been the object of research, presenting a wider context for understanding the perception of consequences of joining the Union. The obtained results demonstrated that most of the young and of the older examinees in Croatia actually had a neutral image of the EU, even though those with a positive image exceed those that perceive the EU negatively. Actually, nine tenths of the examinees have in the beginning of 2004, supported the Croatian integration into the Union, but among those examinees, there is a highest number of euro-skeptics, that is, those that believe that too much is expected from the accession. At the same time, there were considerably less euro-enthusiasts (those that expect all-around benefits from the integration) and euro-realists (who believe that integration is inevitable for the survival of small countries). As for the difficulties standing in the way of the Croatian road to a united Europe, the examinees had equally addressed them to both Croatia and the European Union, however, the number of young emphasizing the accountability of the EU has increased from 1999 to 2004, and the number of those accenting Croatia' s responsibility has, in the same period of time, decreased. The finding that the young expect significantly more positive than negative consequences after the Croatian accession into the European Union, is especially important. However, in this regard, there has been a mild decrease in the expectation of the positive, and an increase of the negative consequences among the young during the last five years. The highest positive expectations have been registered at the individual and the socio-cultural planes, while the optimism regarding the socio-economic progress has decreased. Indeed, the lack of socio-economic preparedness of Croatia for the entrance into the developed European surrounding is expected to yield the most negative consequences. The research of the expected development of the EU in the coming ten years, has shown that only the possibility of easier travel, work, study and life in Europe is expected by most of the examinees, especially the young ones. The young are quite fearful of the costs Croatia might have from the integration and of the worsening position of the agricultural population. The negative conesquences expecting their own country are, however, less perceived by the youth in Croatia, than by their counterparts in Europe. Related to the fears from the construction of a united Europe and European Union, we have established that the youth in Croatia is most afraid of the abolition of the Croatian currency and the increase of crime, and its smallest fear has to do with the potential loss of social privileges. The fears of examinees in the enlarged Europe are somewhat different – the most expressed fear is that of labor transfer into other countries, the increase of crime and drug trade, the difficulties expecting the farmers and the price their country has to pay due to the development of the EU. Both the young and the old examinees in Croatia are less worried about the loss of national identity, language and their social privileges than the European examinees. All our examinees emphasize the multiple benefits of the EU enlargement, followed by the positive effects of that enlargement for Croatia, while the efforts of the Croatian government, regarding the accession to the Union, are valued quite poorly. The potential accession of Croatia into the European Union shall also signify a change in the decision-making process, meaning that some of those decisions will be reached at the national level, and some jointly with the EU. Our examinees have, in this regard, demonstrated a high level of readiness for integration, because more than half of them believes that four fifths of the observed areas should be the object of joint decision-making by the EU and Croatia. The only areas in which, in the opinion of the young examinees, Croatia should decide autonomously are the acceptance of refugees, the judiciary, culture, agriculture, fisheries and the police. The Europeans differ in their opinions on these issues from the Croats, and believe two thirds of the observed affairs should be decided on jointly by their country and the EU, while their country should be autonomous in deciding about education, basic rules about the media, health and social care and unemployment. Different social groups have, based on the perception of youth, been grouped into potential losers of the integration (farmers, the retired, workers, the unemployed), potential winners of the integration process (such as the inhabitants of the capital and certain regions, the young, as well as the Croatian population as a whole), and certain winners of the process of integration, which are also the best prepared for Croatian accession into the EU (experts, foreign language speakers, the political elite, managers, large companies). Actually, it was shown that the young consider the social groups which are in a relatively better position in the Croatian society today to be the greatest winners of EU integration, and those whose current status is unenviable, who are in the greatest need of a better future, were perceived as those that will potentially gain the least. The only encouraging fact is that the young are seeing themselves as the potential winners, meaning they believe the existing abilities and potentials of the young generation only need optimal circumstances in order to reach their peak. However, the data about the knowledge of foreign languages in Croatia are not very exhilarating, especially compared to the knowledge of foreign languages of the youth in the European Union countries. Within this research, we have also found that approximately three quarters of our examinees are proud of being Croatian citizens, while around half of the young, and somewhat less of the elders are proud to be European. The young are the ones to be more critical toward their national identity, and at the same time they lead in the positive validation of their European identity. However, the most interesting finding concerns the fact that all the Croatian examinees feel less national pride than the inhabitants of the European Union, while it is understandable that the examinees in the EU emphasize their pride of being European more. The answers of the examinees regarding the question about the contents of the concept " being a citizen of the European Union" indicate that neither the young, nor the older examinees posses a coherent understanding of the EU citizenship. Still, the right to work, live and study in any EU member, represents the key element for the understanding of EU citizenship, both with the young people in Croatia and with the youth in the Union. The young and the older Croatian examinees believe that active suffrage is the least important, regardless of whether the elections in question include the European Parliament, the national or the local representative bodies. Only one out of four Croatian examinees believes the Croatian membership in the EU might benefit them personally, while almost half of all the young and a third of the older examinees do not posses a defined opinion on this issue. It is clear that this feeling is closely related to the question of the personal meaning the European Union holds for the examinees, where neither the young nor the elders have a homogenous perception of the meaning of the EU. A single response appeared in an above-average number of cases – the EU is a way of creating a better future for the young – while the claim that the EU signifies a sort of " European government" , superimposed to the national states which are members of the Union, received a small level of support. Unlike that, the young from the Union countries emphasize the freedom of movement most often, while in time, the very concept of " European government" became more pronounced in the attitudes of the European youth. The young people in Croatia, as well as in the EU, express an equally small level of fear of the euro-bureaucracy, the loss of cultural diversity and the utopian idea of Europe. Considering the readiness of the young to live outside of Croatian borders, we have found that almost two fifths of them would like to live (and work and study) abroad for a while, while a quarter of the Croatian youth would like to leave the country forever. The older examinees, on the other hand, demonstrate a higher level of conservativeness toward the possible departure of their children into one of the countries of the Union, but they are, however, ready to accept their possible studying and training in the EU, while only one out of seven examinees would like his/her children to permanently live or spend their entire working life in one of the countries, which are members of the European Union. The analysis of the differentiation of the young in their relationship toward the European integration and the EU, has indicated that the used social characteristics have a limited influence. In other words, the young are relatively homogenous in their perception of a united Europe and the expectations from the Croatian accession to the European Union. However, certain differences do exist, and they are mostly caused by party identification, socio-professional status, regional affiliation and religious self-identification. This means that the most influential attributes, when it comes to attitudes toward the European integration process, are the ones consisting of ideological-political attitudes and the current social status along with the specifics of the wider environment. Thus, we have found that the sympathizers of parties that belong to the left center, then pupils and students, the inhabitants of the more developed regions and the non-religious examinees are more inclined toward the EU and the integration process, and at that, they emphasize the positive consequences and the potential gains from the Croatian accession into the Union, more than they express their concerns with the negative consequences. Hence, the concise conclusion would be that the greater social competence of the young is reflected in the establishment of a stable and more consistent pro-European orientation. Otherwise, the young differ from their older counterparts in their higher expectance of positive effects from the Croatian integration into the EU and, at the same time, in the lower perception of expected problems and undesirable consequences. Considering information sources and the level of information of the young in Croatia, the results show that the young follow the news in all the media outlets relatively often, but that they do lag behind the older examinees, and the examinees coming from the former EU candidate countries. This finding does not apply only to the use of the Internet as a source of information, where the young people are far superior to the older examinees. With that in mind, it is interesting that the young differ the most among each other, in the use of Internet and the reading of daily newspapers, where the socially more qualified young examinees (the more educated, coming from an urban environment and richer regions and averagely older ones) are the ones that use both media for obtaining information more often. As for the contents the examinees look for in the media, it is visible that the young are much more interested in events from the social and cultural life, and much less in issues related to politics. A comparison with the examinees from 13 countries that were EU candidates, demonstrated that they are far more interested in all the contents (aside from sports) than the Croatian examinees. Regarding the assessment of their own level of information about the EU, somewhat more than half of the young have stated that they are well informed about the European Union and events in it, compared to two thirds of the older examinees believing they are well informed. On the other hand, the results of both the young and the older examinees are surprisingly high, compared to the data on the level of information of the inhabitants in the 25 countries of the European Union, where three quarters of the examinees thought they were poorly informed about the issue. Closely related to the question of the level of information about the European Union itself, is the question about the general level of information about the Croatian accession to that association. The results demonstrate a somewhat different trend than the previous finding. In this case, less than half of the young consider themselves to be well informed about the process. It is interesting that the identically gathered data on this issue, from the former EU candidate countries, yielded a much lower evaluation by the examinees on their own level of information. Regarding issues and problems related to the EU that the examinees would like more information on, we have established that both the youth in Croatia and the examinees from the former EU candidate countries, find issues related to the Union' s policy on youth and education to be the most interesting, followed by the economy and social policy. Along with that, the issues regarding the enlargement of the EU, the cultural policy, the international relations, the regional policy and the EU budget are the ones the young find to be the least interesting. The manner in which the examinees gather information on the European Union mostly include the mass media outlets (the press, the television and the radio), and only then other forms of information gathering, such as discussions with their families and friends, surfing the Internet, specialized books and other published material, and the activities of non-governmental organizations. There are no significant differences in the use of the stated sources of information between the young and the older examinees, except in the case of the Internet. Considering the examinees from the 25 EU member countries, they use all of the observed sources as a way of getting information about the European Union, its policies and institutions, in a smaller amount. The examination of the objective knowledge of the examinees on specific issues related to the European Union has yielded devastating results. Thus, when asked about the phase Croatia was in, regarding the accession process into the EU, at the moment the research was being conducted, the correct answer was given by only a third of both the young and the older examinees. The second question asked, dealt with the familiarity of certain institutions of the European Union. The young and the older examinees do not differ very much from each other regarding their knowledge of this issue: the most familiar institution to both of them is the European Parliament, followed by the European Commission, then the EU Council of Ministers, then the European Central Bank, while all the other institutions were familiar to less than two fifths of the Croatian examinees. The examined citizens of the European Union are, understandably, more familiar with each of the observed institutions. The social attributes of the young, causing the greatest differences regarding their level of information, are mostly the ones connected to their level of socio-cultural qualifications (the socio-professional status and the level of education), followed by gender, and then provenience, regional affiliation and the age of the examinees. The highest level of information and knowledge belongs to men from the oldest age cohort of youth, those born and living in large cities, the inhabitants of the most developed regions, students and the employed examinees, as well as those with a higher education degree, the non-religious and examinees preferring liberal and left-wing parties. Along with all that, it is important to stress that a better level of knowledge and information about the European Union, its policies, institutions and enlargement process, correlates to positive attitudes about the different aspects of the European Union (the image of the EU, the following of issues related to it, the support for the Croatian accession to the Union, and so on), which, most probably, means that they are mutually determined. The inter-generational comparison has, on the other hand, indicated that the older examinees are more interested in most issues appearing in the media, especially politics, and that they assess their level of information to be better than do the young examinees. To put it shortly, the results of the research on the information level and knowledge of the Croatian citizens – both young and old – about the European Union, have indicated that they are not that interested in the European Union issues, as much as their level of presence in the media and the political agenda might imply, and the examinee' s knowledge about the relationship of Croatia and the EU is at an even lower level. Henceforth, it is necessary to conduct a strong and comprehensive public campaign directed precisely at the increase of the level of information and knowledge of the citizens about the European Union and what it represents, so that when the issue comes to the agenda, the Croatian inhabitants might make an educated decision about their country' s accession to that community of European states. The research results presented above may be summarized into a number of tendencies and statements of a wider nature. The political culture of the young testifies, in a number of aspects, to an approximation to the desirable democratic standards – especially regarding the acceptance of basic liberal-democratic values and the readiness for social engagement, at lease in principle – however, their social power and social capital are at a low level. At that, the young are aware of their own social and political marginalization, and recognize an entire plethora of measures that might help them gain a certain measure of power and become active citizens, as is desirable in a democratic society, but they do not use sufficiently the channels of social and political promotion, which are at their disposal. Today' s generation of youth expresses a lower level of social sensitivity and is more oriented toward individual efforts and family resources in the realization of life goals. At that, it seems that the young are not aware of the fact that an unequal access to existing social resources of the young generation today will have generated an unequal social status when they come of age. Hence, we can expect a widening and deepening of the process of social decomposition, that should be corrected through mechanisms that are supposed to ensure the highest possible equality of chances in the access to social resources (most of all, education). What we mean to say is that human capital is what Croatia, as a small and an insufficiently developed country, should deal with very thoughtfully. This, at the same time, signifies a maximum of investment into the development of human potentials, where the young generation certainly comes first. The inter-generational differences regarding the readiness of Croatia for accession into the European Union, and the relationship toward the European integration, are not of such a type and scale that there could be any mention of a generational gap, however, they are indicative. The most visible fact is that the young have demonstrated a more liberal, tolerant and flexible disposition, that they have a higher belief in the potentials of their own generation, and that they are consistent in their pro-European orientation, where they see their own generation as one of the certain winners of the Croatian accession into a united Europe. These trends suggest that the potentials of the young are a resource to be seriously reckoned with on the Croatian road into the EU. The process of the Croatian accession into the European Union is linked to different difficulties that affect the attitudes of citizens about the importance of Croatian entrance into the EU. Through this research, we have clearly detected that, unlike the Croatian political elite, both the young and the older citizens do not consider the Croatian integration into EU, to be the most important political goal. The political priorities of the citizens seem to be quite different, and their support to the project of European integration is weakening. It is, then, realistic to expect this trend to continue if the problematic events in the European Union persist, just as the difficulties in the relationship of Croatia and the EU, as well as the unfavorable economic and social trends in Croatia itself. This is why there are two equally important political tasks facing the ruling political elite: the initiation of the development of Croatia and an well-argumented explanation to the Croatian citizens why the country' s integration in the united Europe is purposeful.
Issue 26.1 of the Review for Religious, 1967. ; impl~m~ntation of. Vaticaffllf~ '~- Monastic Pr~opbsal for Canon Law~, ~ by Monasticum Consilium Iuris Canonici 19 " Interview With Abbot Butldr ~' ~ e~tri~ ~fi~1~ '~ ~6 '. _POverty ~n Rehg~ous Life 4, by Ladiilqk. M. ~0~, S.J. . 60 Sanctificati~p t~oug~he Apostolate ~ ' b~ C~rles ~. Schleck, O,S.C. 83" Religious Life and the Christian Life 7' , by Sist~ Elaine Marie,~ S.'L.~ 1~37 ;? Complementarity by ~vid B. Burrell, C.S.C. ~ 149, Bibliography f6r R~enewal " by: Damien ~Isabell, O.F.M., . and Brot~r . Joach(m, O.F.M.~ 16~ Survey of Roman Documents 174 Views, News, PreVie"ws 180 Questions and Answers 183 Book Reviews 191 VOLUM~ 26 NUMBER 1 January 1967 Volume 26 1967 EDITORIAL OFFICE St. Mary's College St. Marys, Kansas 66536 BUSINESS OFFICE 428 East Preston Street Baltimore, Maryland 21202 ASSOCIATE EDITORS Everett' A. Diederich, S.J. Augustine G. Ellard, S.$. ASSISTANT EDITORS Ralph F. Taylor, S.J. William J. Weiler, S.J. DEPARTMENTAL EDITORS Questions and Answers Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. St. Joseph's Church 321 Willings Alley Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19106 Book Reviews William J. Mountain, S.J. Bellarmine School of Theology of Loyola University 230 South Lincoln Way North Aurora, Illinois 60542 Published in January, March, May, July, September, Novem. her on the fifteenth of the month. REVIEW FOR RELI. GIOUS is indexed in the CATHOLIC PERIODICAL IN-DEX and in BOOK REVIEW INDEX Notice to Subscribers Because of constantly increasing costs, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS finds it necessary to increase the cost of its individual issues as well as of its sub-scriptions. The new rates, effective in' 1967, are the following: (1) Individual issues of the REWEW now cost one dollar; this price applies not only to all issues beginning with 1967 but also to all previously published issues. (2) Subscriptions in the United States, Canada, and Mexico now cost $5.00 per year; $9.00 for two years. (3) Subscriptions to other countries now cost ,$5.50 per year; $10.00 for two years. (4) All the above prices are in terms of U.S.A. dollars; accordingly all payments must be made in U.S.A. funds. These prices affect all individual issues sold on or after January 1, 1967. The new subscription prices are applicable to all subscriptions--new and renewed--beginning with the January, 1967, issue of the REVIEW. JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S.J. Implementation of Vatican II on Religious Life The postconciliar motu proprio of August 6, effective October 11, 1966, obliges all Latin and Oriental religious institutes to put into effect the pertinent norms of Vati-can Council II. The institutes are to promote primarily a newness of spirit and through this effect a renewal and adaptation of life and discipline. Renewal is not accom-plished once for all time. It is a continuous process that is to be maintained by the fervor of the members and the care of chapters and superiors. The documents of the Council that are principally to be studied are the Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life and Chapters V and VI of the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, but all other conciliar documents should also be considered. The principal part in renewal and adaptation apper-tains to the religious institutes themselves, especially through their general chapters. The chapter is not merely to legislate but should also further the spiritual and apostolic activity of the institute. To promote renewal and adaptation, a special general chapter, ordinary or extraordinary, is to be assembled within two or at the most three years in all institutes, whether pontifical or diocesan. This special chapter may be divided into two distinct periods of sessions, if the chapter itself so decrees in'a secret vote. The interval between the periods should not generally extend beyond a year. The general chapter has the authority to change cer-tain norms of the constitutions experimentally, provided the purpose, nature, and character of the institute are preserved. Prudent experiments contrary to the common law of the Church, if judged profitable, will be freely permitted by the Holy See. These experiments may be Joseph F. Gal-len, s.J., resides at Saint Joseph's Church; 321 Wil-lings Alley; Phila-delphia, Pennsyl-vania 19106. VOLUME 26, 1967 5 4. 4. 4. Joseph F. Gallen, S.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 6 extended to the next ordinary general chapter, which also has the power to extend them but not beyond the following ordinary general chapter. The general council possesses the same authority of experimentation accord-ing to the conditions determined by the chapters in the intervals between these chapters. The definitive approba-tion of the constitutions is reserved to the Holy See for pontifical congregations and to the unanimous consent of all the local ordinaries in whose dioceses the congrega-tion has houses, in the case of a diocesan congregation. ,The cooperation of all superiors and members is necessary for the renewal of the religious life in them-selves, to prepare the spirit of the chapters, for accom-plishing the work of the chapters, and for the faithful observance of the norms enacted by the chapters. In preparing the special general chapter, the general council shall make provision for a wide and free consultation of the members and shall suitably collate and arrange the ideas received in this consultation to help and direct the work of the chapter. This can be accomplished through reports of community and provincial chapter discussions, appointment of commissions, sending out questionnaires, and so forth. The constitutions should contain the evangelical and theological principles on the religious life and on its union with the Church, as also the spirit and purposes of the founder and the sound traditions which constitute the spiritual patrimony of an institute. They should also include adequate but not superfluous juridical norms. The constitutions are to be imbued with the true spirit and be a vital rule. They must therefore contain both the spiritual and juridical norms and avoid a text that is merely exhortatory or merely juridical. The general chapters of institutes of simple vows should decree whether the constitutions are to permit or oblige to the renunciation of personal patrimonial property, whether already acquired or to be acquired, and whether the renunciation is to be made before perpetual profession or some years afterward. Superiors of all levels should have sufficient authority and be freed of the necessity of useless and too frequent recourse to higher authorities. Chapters and councils, each in their own way, should manifest the participation and care of all the members for the entire community, which will be verified especially if the members have a truly efficacious part in choosing those who constitute the chapters and councils. The study and meditation of the gospel and of all of Sacred Scripture is to be more intensely fostered in all the members from the noviceship, as also participation by more apt means in the life and mystery of the Church. For a closer participation in the liturgy, it is recom-mended that the entire or part of the Divine Office be substituted for a Little Office. A wider place is to be given to mental prayer instead of a multitude of vocal prayers, but the pious exercises commonly received in the Church are to be maintained. Religious more than the rest of the faithful should be devoted to penance and mortification. Penitential practices of an institute, if necessary, should be suitably adapted. In the present practice of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, an ordinary general chapter is one that takes place at the expiration of the term of office of the su-perior general, and on his or her death, resignation, or deposition; when convoked for any other reason, the chapter is extraordinary. The term of office of a superior general is ordinarily six years. The general chapter to be assembled within the next three years is special because its purpose is to promote renewal and adaptation. It may coincide with an ordinary general chapter; otherwise, it will be an extraordinary chapter of affairs, but no per-mission of the Holy See or of local ordinaries will be necessary to convoke it. The particular law of a lay religious congregation commonly consists of a Rule, if the congregation follows one, constitutions, directory, custom book, ordinances of the general chapter, regulations of higher superiors, book of common prayers, and a ceremonial. The congregation has had and still possesses the authority to change all of these except the Rule and constitutions. Any change in the Rule, e.g., of St. Augustine or St. Francis of Assisi, still demands the same authorization from the Holy See. Number six of the new norms of August 6 states: This general chapter has the right to change experimentally some norms of the constitutions . Prudent experiments contrary to the common law, if suitable, will be freely per-mitted by the Holy See. The expression, "some norms," is evidently vague. How-ever, the norms explicitly require the permission of the Holy See only for a change contrary to the common law, i.e., canon law. If permission were required for an ex-perimental change in any other type of article or with regard to any individual article, the necessity of such permission should have been stated; otherwise, the re-ligious institutes would be left with a highly obscure and sufficiently impractical power of experimentation, which would be contrary to the explicit purpose of the document. Obviously a congregation may not change any law of God that may be repeated in its constitutions, but it may experimentally change on its own authority any other norms of the constitutions, whether spiritual, ÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation o~ Vatican 11 VOLUME 26, 1967 7 ÷ ÷ ÷ 1oseph F~ Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 8 merely disciplinary, or juridical or legal, with the ex-ception of changes that would be contrary to canon law. A list is appended of changes that would or would not be contrary to canon law. The new document also gives permission for one sus-pension and reconvening of the special general chapter. This matter was quite fully treated in the RzviEw FOg P, ZLICIOtJS, 2'1 (1965), 476-7. The doctrine there given was that an institute may have that number of distinct periods of sessions that is required for the proper carry-mg out of its work. The treatment of the question in the. RzwEw concluded as follows: A chapter should ordinarily be completed in the one session or series of sittings, simply because this is the usual practice and understanding. A suspension and reconvening of a chap-ter is permissible for a proportionate reason. This is forbidden neither by canon law nor, at least generally speaking, by the constitutions. It is also at times necessary or very useful for the satisfactory completion of the work of the chapter and there-fore in accord with the very nature of a chapter. Finally, canon law and the practice of .the Holy See in a.pproving, constitu-tions admit the suspension of a chapter in particular cases without any indication whatever thatsuspension is confined to these cases. C. before a paragraph means that the matter is con-trar. y to canon law and thus demands the permission of the Holy See for the experimental change. If there is no G. before the paragraph, the particular matter is not contrary to canon law and may therefore be changed experimentally without the permission of the Holy See in the case of pontifical institutes or that of the local ordinaries in the case of diocesan congregations. C. Change of the name of the institute or of its spe-cial purpose. Addition of new works. C. Changing a Rule, e.g., of St. Augustine or St. Francis. C. Subjection, care, and direction of a congregation of sisters by a~n institute of men. C. Elimination of the class of lay sisters and their transfer to the one class of sisters. Change in the rights and obligations of a class of sis-ters, e.g., of lay sisters. Change in active and passive voice for the election of delegates to the general or provincial chapter. C. To give less suffrages to the professed of temporary vows or to the novices. Giving, changing, or eliminating greater suffrages to those who have died in office or held office. Change or elimination, except in voting in a chapter, of precedence among members of the same institute. C. Elimination of precedence in voting in a chapter. Change in titles or names of sisters, e.g., with regard to title of mother and change from the name of a saint or mystery to the baptismal and family names of the in-dividual. Change in the habit and in the dress of the postulants provided the latter remains different from the habit of the novices. C. Change in the obligation of the professed and novices of wearing the religious habit. To exact or not exact a dowry, to exact it only condi-tionally, i.e., that the superior who admits should de-mand a dowry if and as far as this is possible; to exact it only from choir and not from lay sisters; to leave the determination of the amotmt of the dowry to the general chapter, mother general, mother provincial, or to the superior who admits; to determine when the dowry is to be given to the institute; to admit the candidate without a dowry when a just reason exists for doing so; to estab-lish that the candidate who was dispensed from the dowry or admitted without it must establish a dowry !ater if she receives any substantial gift or bequest. Establishment, change, elimination oL and dispensa-tion from the wardrobe and the sum to be paid for the expenses of the postulancy. Establishment, change, or elimination of the record o~ property that a candidate brings with her as also of witnesses for this record. Establishment, change, or elimination of the civilly valid document signed on admission to the postulancy in which the candidate declares that she will not seek compensation for services given to the institute before or after profession, if she leaves or is dismissed, as also with regard to the renewal of the document at the time of perpetual profession. Establishing or changing higher superiors competent to admit to the postulancy. Establishing, changing, or eliminating a vote of a council required for this admis-sion. C. Changing or eliminating any o~ the invalidating or merely prohibiting impediments to the noviceship established by canon 542, i.e., membership in a non- Catholic sect, and so forth. Change or elimination of any or all of the impediments to the noviceship established by the particular constitu-tions, e.g., the illegitimate who have not been legiti-mated, those over thirty years of age, widows, those who were postulants or novices in another religious institute, converts, and so forth. Establishing or changing the higher superiors com-petent to dispense from the impediments of the particu-÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation Vatican II VOLUME 26, 1967 9~ ]oseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 10 ]ar constitutions as also the vote of a council for such dispensations. . C. Ghange or elimination of the testimonial letters required for a professed religious who passes from one to another institute, and for those who have been in an ec-clesiastical college, postulancy, or noviceship of another institute. G. Ghange or elimination of certificates of baptism and confirmation required for admission to the novice-ship. Ghange or elimination of certificates of character and of good health as also of other testimonials required by the constitutions, e.g., parents' marriage certificate, cel'- tificates of studies and academic degrees, consent of parents or guardians, and so forth. C. To eliminate, shorten to less than six months, or dispense from the postulancy prescribed by canon law. To eliminate, abbreviate, or extend a postulancy or a duration o~ postulancy commanded only by the particu-lar constitutions, e.g., to extend a postulancy of nine months to a year. To give higher superiors the power of dispensing from such a postulancy or duration. Establishing or changing higher superiors competent to dismiss postulants. Establishing, changing, or elimi-nating a vote of a council required for this dismissal. Giving a local superior the right of dismissing a postu-lant, e.g., in an urgent case. Changing the discipline and formation, study, and occupation in external works during the postulancy, and the separation or association of the postulants with the novices and]or the professed. Establishing or changing the frequency and content of the reports to higher superiors on the postulants, novices, and professed of temporary vows. C. Prolongation of the postulancy for a period longer than six months. Establishment, change, or elimination of request to higher superiors ~or admission to the noviceship and the professions. To change the vote for admission to the noviceship from deliberative to consultative or vice versa. To establish or change a prescription that the mother provincial admits to the noviceship with the deliberative or consultative vote of her council but that this must be. supplemented by the confirmation, approval, or consent of the mother general either alone or with the delibera-tive or consultative vote of the general council, or a prescription that the mother provincial with the deliber-ative or consultative vote of her council merely proposes the admission to the noviceship to the mother general, who admits with the deliberative or consultative vote of her council. C. To change the norms on the canonical examina-tion by the local ordinary or his delegate before entrance into the noviceship, first profession, and perpetual pro-fession. C. To change the duration of the eight-day retreat and the norms for general confession before the noviceship. To change the higher superior competent to establish or transfer a novitiate and the vote of the council for these acts. C. To change the prescription that the permission of the Holy See is necessary for the valid establishment or transfer of a novitiate in a pontifical institute or the pro-hibition of establishing more than one novitiate in the same province without a serious reason and a special apostolic indult. To change a prescription that the permission of the local ordinary is necessary for the valid establishment or transfer of a novitiate in a diocesan congregation. To establish, change, or eliminate the prescription that each province must have its own novitiate. C. To change the separation of the novices and pro-fessed and the prohibition of communication between them. C. To change the prescription that superiors are to assign only exemplary professed to the novitiate house. C. To enact the canonical year as valid before the completion of the fifteenth year, or when made for a period less than an entire and continuous year, or made in a house not legitimately designated as a novitiate house. To permit the canonical year of noviceship to be made other than in the first year, e.g., in a noviceship of two years or eighteen months. To change the manner of beginning the noviceship. C. To change the manner of computing the canoni-cal year. C. To change the norms for the interruption of the canonical year, i.e., (1) if a novice is dismissed by the superior and leaves the house; (2) if a novice, without the permission of the superior, leaves the house with the in-tention of not returning; (3) if a novice has remained outside the house for more than thirty days; or the norm for the suspension of the canonical year, i.e., if a novice has been absent from the novitiate house for more than fifteen but not beyond thirty days. To change the manner of computing a noviceship that is longer than a year, e.g., to change the profession day to the second anniversary of the beginning of the novice-ship from the day after this second anniversay. C. To change the norm that absence from the noviti. ate house during the canonical year is to be permitted only for a just and grave reason. Implementation Vatican H VOLUME 26, 1967 ÷ ÷ 4. Joseph F. Gallen, S.l. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS C. To change the norm that a noviceship made for one class is not valid for another. C. To change the norms that during the canonical year novices (1) must not be employed in external works of the congregation; (2) nor should they apply them-selves intensively to the study of letters, sciences, or the arts; or that during the second year (3) the novices should not be employed in the external works beyond that per-mitted in the Instruction of the Sacred Congregation of Religious of November 3, 1921. C. To change the norm that the noviceship is not to be prolonged for more than six months. To change the vote of the council that the higher su-perior may need for a prolongation of the noviceship, e.g., from consultative to deliberative or vice versa. To change the higher superior competent for the dis-missal of a novice as also the vote for this dismissal. C. To change the duration of the eight-day retreat before first profession. To change the prescription that each novice is to be given a complete copy of the constitutions from the be-ginning of the noviceship. To establish or change those competent to admit a novice in danger of death to profession. C. To change the vote of the council for first pro-fession from deliberative to consultative or to no vote. C. To abbreviate or eliminate the three full years of temporary vows required before perpetual profession or to establish a period of temporary vows longer than six years. To prolong temporary profession in such a way that the total time in temporary vows is longer than six years. To change the manner of computing temporary profession (August 15, 1966-August 15, 1969). To establish or change the duration of the various temporary professions, e,g., five annual professions, three annual and one of two years, two annual and one of three years, one of two years and one of three, one of three and one of two years. To establish, abbreviate, extend, or abrogate a period of temporary vows longer than three but not longer than six years before perpetual profession. To dispense in whole or in part from a period of tem-porary vows beyond three years. C. To enact or permit that the first temporary pro-fession be made outside the novitiate house. To establish or change the place for renewals and pro-longation of temporary vows and for perpetual profes-sion. To establish or change the superior competent to de-cree a prolongation of temporary profession. C. To permit the anticipation of the renewal of temporary profession by more than a month or to permit the anticipation of perpetual profession. To change the formula and rite of profession. C. To change the prescription that there is to be no interval without vows between temporary professions or between temporary and perpetual profession. C. To change the prescription that the written decla-ration of a profession must be signed by the professed and the one who received the profession. To establish, change, or abrogate a prescription that the written declaration of a profession must be signed by other witnesses. C. To abrogate or change the canonical requisites for the validity of any juridical religious profession of canons 572-3, e.g., the sixteen and twenty-one full years necessary for the validity of temporary and perpetual profession. C. To change the norm that an invalid noviceship in-validates any subsequent religious profession. To establish or change the higher superior competent for admission to profession, the norms on the consent or confirmation of the mother general of an admission by the mother provincial, or on requests to the mother gen-eral by the mother provincial for admission, to enact a deliberative or consultative vote for perpetual profession and for renewal of temporary w)ws; and to establish or change to no vote a deliberative or consultative vote for the prolongation of temporary vows. To establish or change the higher superiors competent for the reception of various professions; to change this superior from the local ordinary to a higher superior of the institute; to delegate others also by the law of the constitutions for reception, e.g., provincial, regional, and local superiors, and their legitimate substitutes. C. To change the canonical norms on the convalida-tion and sanation of an invalid religious profession. C. To change the definition of the religious vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. C. To eliminate or restrict the right of professed of simple vows to retain or acquire property for themselves (c. 101, § l, 2o). , C. To abrogate or change th~ prescription that a pro-fessed of simple vows must ced~ the administration and dispose of the use and nsufruct o! property already owned or acquired. | C. To abrogate or change the prescription that the permission of the Holy See is r ecessary for a change in favor of the congregation of a m~table part of this cession and disposition. C. To abrogate or change the prescription that a + 4. Implementation Vatican 11 VOLUME 26, 1967 13 ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 14 novice in religious congregations, before profession of temporary vows, is to make a civilly valid will concern-ing all the property she actually possesses or may subse-quently acquire. C. To abrogate or change the permission demanded by canon law for a change in this will. C. To permit a peculium, to change or abrogate the norm that the material necessities are at least ordinarily and habitually to be requested from and supplied by the institute, or to eliminate the obligation of avoiding superfluities. To change the formula required for the imposition of a precept in virtue of the vow of obedience, to change the superiors competent to give such a precept, e.g., to give this power or take it away from local superiors. To change the prescribed frequency of confession. C. "To change the canonical norms on the place for the confessions of women. C. To eliminate or change the necessity of special jurisdiction for the confessions of professed religiou,s women and novices. C. To have more than one ordinary confessor for reasons beyond those stated in canon law. C. To change the canonical norms on the special or-dinary confessor, the extraordinary, supplementary, and occasional confessors, the confessor of a seriously sick sister, and the confessor of anyone in danger of death. G. To change the canonical norms on the duration of the term and the reappointment of the ordinary confes-sor. C. To change the prohibition of interference into the internal and external government of the community by ordinary and extraordinary confessors. To change the canonical norms on manifestation of conscience. G. To change the prescriptions concerning daily at-tendance at Mass, or the promotion of frequent and daily Communion, or the power of a superior to forbid a subject to receive Holy Communion in the case of grave scandal or of a serious external fault until she has ap-proached the sacrament of penance. To adopt the Divine Office, e.g., Lauds, Vespers, and Compline, and in the vernacular. To determine the part of the Office that is to be said in common. To legislate on the duration, hour, and place of mental prayer; on vocal prayer, e.g., on the quantity and the specific vocal prayers to be said; on the preparation for mental prayer; the particular and general examen; spiri. tual reading; the number and duration of prescribed visits to the Blessed Sacrament; duration of the annual retreat and duration of other retreats; on tridua; deter- mination of the precise day, d~ making the monthly recollectiox and devotional practices; and t tional renewal of vows and to ~ rite of this renewal. To eliminate, lessen, or chang. the chapter of faults. To chanf mortification and penance impo~ constitutions. C. To change the canonic~ cloister. To extend the prohibition of tered sections also to those of tl the same prohibition. To change the law of compan approved by the Sacred Congr the approval of constitntions, e. to. leave the house without a judgment of the superior, there so." "No sister shall go out with~ superior, who should if possibl trustworthy person as her comF To legislate on silence. To change the norms on th, for correspondence. To change tion of correspondence. To change the norms on or table. To change the suffrages [or tl~ C. To change the canonica ofa professed religious to anoth~ C. To change the canonical the expiration of temporary and secularization, dismissal, professed to secular life, and t] To enact that a canonical d: [essed of perpetual vows from ai To establish or change the d~ the general chapter, e.g., three, sembly. To change the place or dat~ specified in the constitutions. To establish or change the let deferring of the general chapter, To change the date of the ass ter after the death, resignatio: mother general, e.g., three or si To establish or change ex ot general chapter given to [orm~ establish or change a system of ration, and manner of t; on seasonal devotions ) legislate on the devo- :hange the formula and the manner of holding or adapt practices of ed or encouraged in the prescriptions on the entrance into the clois- ~e same sex; to abrogate ion to one of the norms .-'.gation of Religious in ,,., "Sisters are permitted ::ompanion when, in the is a just cause for doing .ut the permission of her '.: send, a sister or some lnion. ' necessity of permission or eliminate the inspec-to eliminate reading at deceased. norms on the transfer .~ institute. norms on departure at .rofession, exclaustration :,rovisional return of a ~ charitable subsidy. smissal frees also a pro- 1 her religious vows. ~te of the convocation of six months before its as-of the general chapter th of an anticipation or e.g., three or six months. ~mbly of a general chap- 1, or deposition of the ¢ months. ficio membership in the .r superiors general. To ~lelegates for the general ÷ + ÷ Irat~lementation ol Vatican 11 VOLUME 26, 1967 ]5 ÷ ÷ ÷ .~oseph F. Gailen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 16 or provincial chapter. To give ex officio membership in the general chapter to regional superiors. To establish that the mother general may summon others sisters who are not capitulars to assist in the clerical and similar work of the chapter, also to invite such sisters and externs to present and discuss questions with the chapter. To establish more than two tellers. To establish or change the number of capitulars who must be present for the validity of the acts of a general, provincial, or local chapter, e.g., two-thirds. To establish that a vote may be given by letter or proxy. C. To eliminate the presidency of the local ordinary at the election of the mother general or his right of con-firming this election in diocesan congregations. To enact or change a prescription that all sisters are obliged to accept any office to which they were elected. To enact or change, according to the system, a norm of the following tenor; from the date of the letter of convocation until the completion of the election of delegates, no vocal shall be transferred from one house to another; neither shall local superiors be changed until after the general or provincial chapter. In congregations divided into provinces, to establish or change the delegates to the general chapter from houses immediately subject to the mother general. To establish or change the number of de.legates to the general chapter from each province, e.g., two, three, four, five. To enact such delegates according to the number of sisters in a province. To give the provincial chapter authority to make proposals to the general chapter; to give it also the authority to make enactments for the province, which, however~ are not effective until approved by the mother general with the consent of her council. To eliminate the provincial chapter, i.e., to have the delegates elected merely by mailing in the votes from the houses to the mother provincial. To establish a norm on prudent consultation regard-ing the qualities of those eligible for office. To establish that the ballots are to be burned only after each session. To enact that before the election of the mother gen-eral, each and every capitular shall promise by oath to elect the one who, before God, she judges should be chosen. To forbid postulation in elections. To establish or change a retreat before the general or provincial chapter as also its duration and exposition of the Blessed Sacrament during it. C. To change the canonical mother general, i.e., ten years and forty years of age. To change the duration in off the length of her term; to estalz tion of her immediate reelectio: To enact that the secretary I eral are to be elected in the appointed by the mother gene, council and with or without a ~ ¯ To change the qualities reqt e.g., the age. To establish or change the n c6uncilor elected is also the assi a special election for this afv have been elected. To establish or change the n eral councilors except the assis secretary or treasurer general. To establish that the voting the chapter of affairs. To establish who have the to the general or provincial which the proposals must be p To establish that committee~, be appointed before the chapte lars by the mother general or 1 To establish that all ordina~ are to be confirmed, modified, chapter or that they remain i: abrogated by a subsequent cha[ To establish the norms on tt one province to another. C. To change the canonica nial report to the Holy See. To establish or change th~ visitation by higher superiors. To establish or exclude the for the higher superior in canor To establish or change the n another sister to make the car To enact that three general side the motherhouse. To enact the frequency of provincial, regional, and local ~ To determine the matters th a council by the law of the co~ To enact or abrogate an adx To enact the frequency of treasurer general to the mothe from the provincial and regior qualities required for a ff profession, legitimacy, ce of the mother general; lish or change a prohibi- ~.:neral and treasurer gen- 'eneral chapter or to be with the consent of her 'etermined term of office. !ired in a general official, :,rm that the first general stant general and to have ~r all general councilors orm that any of the gen- :ant general may also be ;~to be public or secret in ght of making, proposals :hapter and the time at ~sented. for the proposals are to v from among the capitu-aother provincial. ices of a general chapter or abrogated in the next ~ force until modified or transfer of a sister from norms on the quinquen-frequency of canonical aecessity of a companion ~ical visitations. wms for the delegation of 0nical visitation. councilors may live out-meetings of the general, :ouncils. at require a secret vote of ~stitutions. aonitor for superiors. tnancial reports from the general and her council, al superior to the mother ÷ ÷ Impleraentation o] Vatican II VOLUME 26, 1967 17 ÷ ÷ ÷ lo~eph F. Gallen, $.1. general; and from local superiors to the mother general, provincial, or regional superior. To establish norms for the investment of money. To establish the tax on houses, regions, and provinces for regional, provincial, and general expenses. To es-tablish norms for extraordinary taxes. C. To change the canonical norms on alienation, con-tracting of debts and obligations, or business and trade. To establish whether each province is to have its own house of studies. C. To change the canonical norms on the establish-ment, union, and suppression of provinces. C. To change the thirty years of age, legitimacy, and ten years of profession required by canon law for a mother provincial. To enact or change a higher age for the mother provin-cial, e.g., thirty-five years. To enact or change the number of provincial coun-cilors, i.e., two or four. To determine the duration in office and the norms for immediate reelection or reappointment of the mother provincial, provincial councilors, secretary, and treasurer. To enact whether all or some of these are to be appointed by the mother general with the consent of her council or elected in the provincial chapter. To determine the authority of a regional superior, the number of her councilors, frequency of council meetings, and the qualities necessary in a regional superior and officials. C. To change the canonical norms on the erection and suppression of houses. To enact that a local superior in office for sever~il suc-cessive years, e.g., six or twelve, may not again be ap-pointed local superior in any house, outside of a case of serious necessity, before the lapse of a certain number of years, e.g., one, two, three, six. To determine the number of local councilors. To establish or change a term of office for the mistress of novices; to forbid her continuation in office beyond a certain number of years, e.g., twelve. To establish that the mother general may authentically interpret the ordinances of the general chapter. To establish or change a two-thirds vote of the general chapter required for a change in the constitutions. To legislate on the juniorate, the education, and for-mation of the members of the congregation. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 18 CONSILIU~ MONASTICIM CANONICI A Monastic P Introductory Remarks [These introductory remarks wet meeting of the Canon Law Society 1966.] "The Monastic Proposal for Law" had its origin in early 1964 Canon Law Society, Monsignor Spencer Abbey. Monsignor tol~ board had decided to sponsor "in problematic areas in canonical ] which is almost wholly lacking il is such a problematic area. Mon., in the work of the Society in thi: After consulting with variot with Monsignor Harrington, it ~ the active collaboration of all the United States and Canada who enter into the project. This C( we came to call this gathering o to elaborate a proposal for mon: discussed in some general way i~ national convention and present mission for the Revision of the In the months following I vi teries and came into contact canonists. With the help of the~ tionnaire .was prepared and set periors of the United States and The whole question of mona~ into twelve topical sections. Tw( took to prepare background stm IURIS :oposal for Revision of anon Law given at the twenty-eighth ,f America, October ! 1-13, the Revision of Canon ~vhen the president of the Paul Harrington, visited me that the executive depth studies" of various .~gislation. Monastic law, the present codification, gnor invited me to assist area. ; abbots and at length as decided we would seek monastic canonists of the were willing and able to ,nsilium Monasticum, as [ monastic canonists, was ~stic law which would be a workshop of the 1965 ~.~d to the Pontifical Cora-l: ode of Canon Law. Jted over twenty monas-vith thirty-five monastic men an extensive ques-to all the monastic su- Canada in January, 1965. tic provision was divided , or three canonists under-lies in each of these areas. ÷ ÷ ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, !.967 19 MoCnoanstsii~lluumm REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 2O As replies to the questionnaire were received, the pertinent matter was forwarded to the respective canonists. In April, 1965, twenty-five monastic canonists and scholars assem-bled for a week's meeting at New Melleray Abbey near Dubuque. Father Paul Boyle, C.P., president of the Canon Law Society, took an active part in the discussions, as did Father James Richardson, C.M., chairman of the canon law committee of the Conference of Major Superiors of Men, and Abbot Lawrence Vohs, O.S.B., chairman of the Benedictine Canon Law Committee. After the twelve topical areas had been discussed at length, the canonists voted on some sixty-four conclusions, all of which were passed by a sizable majority. In a number of cases they were unanimously adopted by all. These conclusions were then sent to the responding superiors and participating canonists, and further comment and elaboration were in-vited. In the course of the following summer a workshop took place at St. Joseph's Abbey; Spencer, Massachusetts. Since it was thought that a" concrete proposal would receive more serious attention, this workshop undertook to pre-pare a schema of such a proposal entitled "Propositum Monasticum de Codice Iuris Canonici Recognoscendo." At this time the project began to elicit international atten-tion in monastic circles. Written communications were received from all parts of the world. The summer work-shop, which was a rather informal affair, received visits from such men as the abbot general of the Olivetans, com-ing from Italy; a Benedictine Abbot from the pontifical abbey in Jerusalem; and a representative of the abbots of France, who met in Paris in July to discuss the conclusions of our meeting at New Melleray. In September, 1965, a schema of the "Propositum" was sent out to the superiors and canonists, suggestions and recommendations being again invited. In October, a meet-ing of monastic canonists was held in Chicago to consider the schema, canon by canon. At this meeting we were privi-leged to have the foremost scholar of monasticism of our times, Dom Jean Leclercq, O.S.B., a professor of the Bene-dictine International College in Rome and a peritus of the Council. While all the conclusions incorporated into the schema had bee.n adopted by a large majority of the participating canonists, unanimity had not been obtained on a number of points. In view of this the Chicago monastic meeting voted that two spokesmen should prepare a statement of the minority positions to accompany our proposals. Un-fortunately, they decided after two months of deliberation not to present their views with the "Propositum Monastio cum." As a result of this delay it was only at: their January meeting that most of the members of the Society's execu-tive board received copies of the "Proposit,um." However, i after due deliberation, the exect mously that the president of th, the "Propositum" to the chairm mission as the contribution of a the Canon Law Society of Ame president of the Society for~ Monasticum" to His Eminence, The "Propositum Monasticurr Copies were sent to all the memh mission and to the consultors co the revision. Many of them hav~ their appreciation of the work nasticum," continues to be stm throughout the world. In gener~ its contents. However, some find In conclusion I would like throughout the world are grat Society of America for the opp! nasticism to make its needs knc sion of canon law. M. Ba Chairman Spen PREFA( Under* the guidance of the S sembled at the Second Ecumenic has so enkindled the spirit of rer no matter what his rank or statu: toward the fullness of Christian ing to all men the witness of a tr This renewal of the Spirit ha,. the People of God. The Churcl~ removing the obsolete, adding both new things and old to pro, the Lord. Since the compilation and pr Code, monasticism in God's p~ all exceptionally vigorous ex[ Council gives eminent witness t~ in the Church today, when in it of religious life, it acknowledge~, importance of monasticism fox Praising the ancient monastic Council requires their adaptatk ent, "so that the monasteries wi] building up the Christian pe~ The new forms of cenobitic * This is an English translation pre[ ticum from the original Latin text wh v. 26 0966), pp. 331-357. tive board voted unani- Society should forward tn of the Revision Corn- ]committee sponsored by !ica. On February 2, the arded the "Propositum Pietro Cardinal Ciriaci. ." has been well received. ~.rs of the Pontifical Com-acerned with this area of written to us expressing The "Propositum Mo-lied by monastic groups d most have agreed with it too extensive. to say that the monks eful to the Canon Law ~rtunity it has given mo- ~n in regard to the revi-il Pennington, O.C.S.O. Consilium Monasticum St. Joseph's Abbey :er, Massachusetts 01562 :E pirit, Christ's Church, as-al Council of the Vatican, ewal that every Christian, ~, can more surely advance life and perfect love, giv-ae follower of Christ. not neglected the law of desires to revise her law, the pertinent, presenting ide for all in the house of ~mulgation of the present )vidence has experienced !ansion. The Ecumenical the value of monastic life proposals on the renewal both the past and present the Church and society. traditions of service, the ,n to the needs of the pres- 1 be, as it were, sources for ple." ~nd eremitic life rising in ared by the Consilium Monas-ich was published in the Jurist, ÷ ÷ ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 21 Consillum Monosticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS many parts of the world today are further indications of monastic vitality. The eremitical life, a ,~ery special ex-pression of monasticism, is to be highly esteemed; for, by God's grace, it engendered men of great h61iness through-out the Christian centuries. The revised Code must neces-sarily provide some legislation to foster and strengthen this way of life. It is fitting that monks take part in the renewal of the law they are to live by. Living in a monastic milieu, follow-ing a rule hallowed by centuries, they more aptly know by experience the authentic needs and desires of this partic-ular way of life. Through this "Proposal" monastic canon-ists from various institutes and countries wish to humbly offer their collaboration, so that the new, corpus of law will be such that all monks may pursue a more faithful and fruitful monastic life before the People of God and all mankind. A concrete proposal of a Titulus:for the revised Code is presented, to obtain, in a complete and orderly way, more satisfactory norms for monks. Since the promulgation of the present Code deeper his-torical and theolo'gical studies of monasticism have been made in various monastic orders and congregations, grad-ually restoring authentic spirit and meaning. Scientific investigations of the ordo monasticus (order of monks) and monastic law have been very fruitful. The Sacred Congre-gation for Religious has issued many documents in our day pertaining to monasticism, e,g., the Law Proper to the Confederation of Monastic Congregations o~ the Order of Saint Benedict, confirmed by Pope Pius XII, and the legis-lation for nuns which has practically revised their entire law. Pius XII's radio addresses to cloistered nuns concern-ing the contemplative life should also be cited. Further-more,: ample provision for monks has been made in the Oriental Code. From these various documents it is evident that the Holy See is vitally concerned about the needs of monasticism. References can be inserted in the monastic title to those laws for religious which may be proportionately applied to monks--in a manner exemplified in Title XVII of Book II of the present Code. The sources given in this Proposal for each canon are not exhaustive. Only those texts issued by the Holy See since the promulgation of the present Code are cited. How-ever, because of its authority, discretion, and paramount influence on Western monasticism we frequently cite the Rule of Saint Benedict, that father and legislator of monks, under whose patronage we humbly offer this "Proposal." Consilium Monasticum Iuris Canonici Office of the Moderator Saint Joseph's Abbey Spencer, Massachusetts 01562 MONASTIC LIFE or THE Section 1. Monastic life. Chapter 1. Monasteries an Article I. Monasteries] Article 2. Federation. Chapter 2. Internal mona Article 1. Admission. Article 2. Studies. Article 3. Obligations Article 4. Transfer. Article 5. Egress. ORDER OF MONKS federation. tic law. Section 2. Specific forms of rc 3nastic life. Chapter 1. Cenobitic life. Article 1. Government. Article 2. Apostolate. Chapter 2. Eremitical life Chapter 3. Integral conte aplative life. 1-22 4-10 4-6 7-10 11-22 11-14 15-16 17-18 19-20 21-22 23--42 23-30 24-28 29-30 31-38 39-42 Monmtic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 23 MONASTIC LIFE or THE ORDER OF MONKS SECTION 1 MONASTIC LIFE .÷ ÷ ÷ C~onsilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR REL]GIdU~; 24 Canon 1 It is of great importance to the Church that the conse-crated life, lived according to :the monastic traditions preserved through the centuries, should continuously be adapted to time and place, that there might always be men of prayer unceasingly imploring divine mercy, draw-ing down every heavenly blessing upon the People of God. NOTE: Monastic life is distinguished" from other forms of religious life because of its proper characteristics, which are expressed in the various monastic rules, among which, in the West, the Rule of Saint Benedict ~holds a special place. In this form of life "the principal occupation is to pray to God" (John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno animo). The apostolic significance of this has in our days become more evident. Solitude and separation from the world pertain to every religious: "Every vocation dedi-cated to God requires them, each in its own proper way" (cf. Pius XII, Allocution, Haud mediocri, Feb. 11, 1958). However in the monastic life they have a very special meaning, both for the Church and for civil society, as Paul VI has clearly taught (cf. Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964). Stability in this state is confirmed "by vows, or by other sacred bonds (e.g., promise, oath, con-secration: c[. Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Provida Mater Ecclesia, Feb. 2, 1947, art. III, par. 2, no. 1) which are like vows in their purpose." (Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, chap. 6; no. 44). The order of monks, then, "though it is not of the hierarchical structure of the Church, nevertheless undeniably belongs to its life and holiness" (ibid.). SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 4, 43, 50, 66, 73; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Re-ligious Life, nos. 2, 5, 9; Decree on the Missionary Activity of the Church, nos. 18, 40; Benedict XV, Encyclical Letter, Principi Apostolorum, Oct. 5, 1920; Plus X'I, Epistle, Non sine animi, Male 28, 1923; Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque wtam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecclesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Epistle, Sedecim ante saeculis, Mar. 25, 1948; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 31M par. 3; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept. 24, 1953; Encyclical Letter, Ecclesiae fastos, June 5, 1954; E.pistle, Sexto decimo revoIuto, May 31, 1956; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; John XXIII, Allocutions, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, Recens a te, Oct. 20, 1960; Paul VI, Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruc-tion, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950. Canon 2 The dispositions concerning monks, even when ex-pressed in the masculine gender, apply equally to nuns, unless it appears otherwise from the context or from the nature of the case. NOTE: Everyone is well aware that women have entered more fruitfully into public affairs. They are becoming continuously more conscious of. their full human dignity. It is wholly undesirable then that they should find them-selves treated as inferiors or minors in the law of the Church. It seems that the law for nuns regarding regular superi-ors should be so revised as to exempt both them and their monasteries, making them solely dependent on the regular superiors of their own order. The principal rea-son for this is to safeguard the spirit proper to theorder. But no one can fail to see the difficulties in having two superiors and having to seek direction from both in many matters. The local ordinary should retain the right and duty to supply for deficiencies if the regular superior is seriously neglectful. But in general, the abbess should rule her own monastery without masculine intervention. To obtain a suitable renewal of the legislation for nuns, their desires and recommendations can be ascer-tained from meetings of federations or from other legiti-mately convoked assemblies. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 490; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Pacem in terris, Apr. I 1, 1963; Paul VI, Allocution, E motivo, Sept. 8, 1965; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree Ior the Order o[ Re[ormed Cister-clans, Dec. 27, 1965, no. 5. Canon 3 Monastic institutes by their nature are neither clerical nor lay. ~qthout prejudice to their constitutions and par-ticular laws, they are subject to the canons that follow. NOTE: Monastic life is not an intermediate state be-tween the clerical and lay states in the divine hierarchical structure of the Church. Rather, the faithful are called by God from both these states of life to enjoy this particu-lar gift in the life of the Church and thus each in his own way to assist in her salvific mission. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 488, no. 4; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 43; Plus XII, Allocution, Annus sacer, Dec. 8, 1950, part I; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 314, par. 3. CHAPTER 1 MONASTERIES AND FEDERATION Article 1--Monasteries Canon 4 1. A monastery, a dwelling in which monastic life is lived, is designated autonomous if the community, in re- Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 25 ÷ Consillum M onasticura REVIEW FOR REI'IGIOUS gard to the ordinary monastic regimen, rules itseff through an abbot, over whom in the internal government there is no other ordinary superior. 2. In law, the term monastery includes also a laura; and the term abbot, any superior of a monastery, without prej-udice to the particular prescriptions in the constitutions of each institute. NOTE: 1. For the sake of clarity the term monastery is here canonically determined as "a dwelling in which monastic life is lived." In law nothing is so dangerous as to call things by the same name, or include them under a single term, when they are to be guided by different norms. It is expedient that things which are to be subject to di-verse laws be distinguished by different names. The concept of an autonomous monastery, already found in the Code, is defined here following the thought common to the authors. Cf. A. Larraona in Commentar,um pro religiosis, III (1922), pp. 133 ff.; A. Vermeersch in Periodica, X (1922), pp. (7) ff.; J. Konrad, The Transfer of Religious to Anott~er Community (Catholic University Press: Washington, 1949), pp. 94 ft.; U. Beste, Introductio in Codicem, ed. 5 (D'Auria: Naples, 1956), p. 331. 2. A laura, the union of several hermitages under one moderator or spiritual father, can be autonomous like a monastery. It belongs to the constitutions of each monastic institute to determine which superiors are to re-ceive the name of abbot or the equivalent office. SOURCES: Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Homily, Exultent hodie, Sept. 18, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21~ 1950: General Statutes, art. VI; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 8; 313, par. 2. Canon 5 1. For the erection of an exempt monastery, in addi-tion to the requirements of the statutes of each institute, the approval of the Apostolic See and the written con-sent of the local ordinary are necessary. 2. The local ordinary may establish a monastery, even an autonomous one, in which the members will seek evan-gelical perfection according to the rules and traditions of monasticism; but he must first consult the Apostolic See or at least the national Conference of Bishops. 3. In the case of nuns who pertain to an order, it is fur-ther required that they be affiliated by an abbot of the first order, at least in regard to spiritual care. 4. The erection of a monastery or the permission to es-tablish a new monastery includes authorization to have a church or public oratory and to carry out sacred func-tions there; it also includes, without prejudice to condi-tions laid down in the decree of erection or the permission, authorization for all the devout works proper to the mon-astery according to its statutes. NOTE: 1. This is the present law. 2. Under the present law a bishop may establish a religious congregation (canon 492, par. 1). Why may he not also establish a monastery? It is certainly desirable that monasteries be formed in federations (i.e., congregations) and confederations, which provide mutual aid both spiritual and temporal. Neverthe-less, each monastic institute has its own proper rule and constitutions which to some extent limit the expressions of monasticism possible within the institute. Provision is needed, especially today, for the expressions evolving from fruitful monastic traditions. The diocesan setting seems most suitable for these experiments, as it has been for new religious congregations and, in an earlier tradition, for the foundation of new monasteries. Ordinarily at the present time when a monk, led by the Spirit, undertakes an experiment in monasticisrn under episcopal auspices, he must seek an indult of exclaustration, or even of secularization, relinquishing his canonical status as a monk. This is not canonical equity. 3. This provision, in force already for tertiaries tcanon 492, par. 1), is advocated so that nuns may receive a ormation according to the true spirit of their own in-stitute (cf. Pius XII, Radio Message. Cddant volontiers, luly 19, 1958), and also other assistance according to the particular form of affiliation. 4. This is the present law. SOURCES: 1. Code of Canon Law, canon 497, par. 1; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 8, par. 3. 2. Code of Canon Law, canon 492, par. I; Second Vatican Council, Deo'ee on the Renewal of Re-ligious LiJe, no. 19; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 8, par. 1. 3. Code of Canon Law, canon 492, par. 1; Plus XII, Radio Message, Cddant volontiers, July 19, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951. 4. Code of Canon Law, canon 497, par. 1; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquara apostollcls, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 9, par. 1. Canon 6 I. Preserving always the spirit of evangelical poverty, every monastery can acquire and possess temporalities with stable revenues. 2. The temporalities are to be administered according to the norms of the constitutions and the prescriptions of canons 532, 536, and 537. NOTE: According to monastic tradition and the common law of the Church, each monastery, as a moral person, has the right to acquire, retain, "and administer temporal goods, and the obligation to provide a suitable home and sustenance for its monks. The value and need of a spirit of poverty, which is an essential of the Christian message and a first principle of monasticism, does not exempt monks from having a proper esteem for the economic order and from using material goods in conformity with Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 + ÷ ÷ Consilium M onasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS their state. They should be most eager and generous in coming to the aid of the poor. In a true spirit of poverty, they should keep only what is useful to the community, lest their wealth become an occasion of discord, envy, or pride. The faculties concerning administration which are found in the Rescript, Gum admotae, of Nov. 6, 1964, should be incorporated into the common law and be extended to all abbots. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 31-34, 66; Code of Canon Law, canons 496; 531-532; 1495, par. 2; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Lqe, no. 13; Pius XII, Radio Message, Oggi al compiersi, Sept. 1, 1944; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 63-64; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Mater et Magistra, May 15, 1961; Paul VI, Encyclical Letter, Ecclesiam Suam, Aug. 6, 1964. Article 2---Federation Canon 7 Federations of monasteries, unions of several autono-mous monasteries under one superior, while maintaining the principle of autonomy, are highly recommended, to promote true monastic life and to foster the full develop-ment of each monk in his vocation. NOTE: Because monastic congregations have the nature of federated unions, the term "federation," which is found in the Apostolic Constitution, Sponsa Christi (General Statutes, article VII), seems preferable. In a federation each monastery retains its own proper independence and juridic personality. The superior of the union can use the title of Abbot President, Abbot General, or Archabbot. His powers within the federation, which are determined by the constitutions, are ordinarily to be quite restricted. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 488, no. 2; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 22; Pius XII, Homily, Exsultent hodie, Sept. 18, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VII; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 11; 313, par. 1, no. 1; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept. 24, 1953; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous. Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, II tempio massimo, July 2, 1962; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950, no. XVII; Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951. Canon 8 Confederations, fraternal associations of several mo-nastic federations under one primate, are also strongly recommended. NOTE: Confederations of monastic federations are to be set up that through the fraternal unity and cooperation of the federations, according to the norms and within the limits defincd by the Holy See, monastic life will be faith- fully upheld. Adapted to the needs of our days, it will be sustained by the fraternal assistance in personnel, posses-sions, and activities shared among the federations. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal of Religious Life, no. 22; Pius XII, Homily, Ex-sultent hodie, Sept. 18, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VII; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 313, par. 1, no. 1; Brief, Pacis vinculum, Mar. 21, 1952; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept. 24, 1953; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXI/I, Allocution, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree of Mar. 21, 1952, "Lex propria," nos. 4, 21, 22. Canon 9 The establishment of a federation or confederation with its own proper laws is reserved to the Apostolic See. Such unions exercise only an office of service toward the monasteries and the monks, especially through visitation, appellate judicature, and fraternal assistance. NOTE: Federation and confederation presuppose some general laws accepted by all the monasteries but do not exclude particular norms and customs in each monastery. The list of functions of a federation or confederation in the canon is not exhaustive. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canons 488, no. 8; 501, par. 3; Pius XI, Encyclical Letter, Quadragesimo anno, May 15, 1931; Plus XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VII; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 11; 28; 41, par. 2; Brief, Pacis vinculum, Mar. 21, 1952; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Mater et Magistra, May 15, 1961; En-cyclical Letter, Pacem in terris, Apr. 11, 1963; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950, nos. XXIII-XXIV; Decree of Mar. 21, 1952, "Lex propria," Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd.; nos. 25 ft. CHAPTER 2 INTERNAL MONASTIC LAW Article 1--Admission Canon I0 1. Each autonomous monastery has an inherent right to have its own novitiate. 2. If a monastery is incapable of fulfilling the prescrip- ÷ tions concerning the formation of novices, the abbot has a + serious obligation to send them to another monastery. + NOTE: Monastic formation implies that monks in the service of Christ the Lord, the true King, are instructed, trained, and formed as integral men to Christian perfec-tion through prayer, contemplation of divine realities, and legitimate apostolic activity. Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 ~9 + ÷ ÷ onsillum Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS According to Saint Benedict and other monastic fathers, a monk lives in a permanent family under a rule and abbot, who holds the place of Christ. Therefore novices and professed, in so far as possible, should be formed in their own monastery. SOURCES: Rule o[ St. Benedict, Prologue, chs. 1, 58; Pius XI, Apostolic Letter, Monachorura vitae, Jan. 26, 1925; Plus xII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 86; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertira studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, nos. 11-12. Canon 11 The abbot may train all his novices without distinc-tion in one novitiate under one director. NOTE: In view of the gradual development that has taken place among those who under theP aternal authority of .th.e abbot make up the monastic family, a single novxuate is required, returning to a unity and simplicity which is more consonant with monastic traditions: This is true even if different members take a greater or lesser part in the celebration of the Divine Office. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal o[ Religious Li[e, no. 15; Sacred Congregation for Religious. Decree for the French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965; Decree [or the Order o[ Re[ormed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965, no. 1. Canon 12 In admitting candidates the constitutions are to be fol-lowed, sa[eguarding canons 538, 541-546, 581, and 582. NOTE: It should be noted that the impediments to the novitiate need to be clarified. The text of canon 542 places in grave doubt the validity of many professions which per-haps are never questioned. For example, how would one determine "fraud" in the case of a candidate who did not properly represent his true character? Canon 544, also, needs to be simplified. Canon 13 The whole o[ monastic formation pertains properly to the father of the monastery. However it is ordinarily ex-pedient that a novice master be named, following can-ons 559-560. Under the direction of the abbot, he will guide the formation of the novices according to the pro-gram proper to the institute. NOTE: This is the present law. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 2, 58; Code of Canon Law, canons 559-562; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation for Re-ligious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 19, par. I; Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Introd., par. 20; nos. 2-5. Canon 14. After a novitiate of at least one year, and another pro-longed probation with some form of commitment, of at least three years according to the constitutions, profes-sion is made with the consent of the chapter and the mo-nastic blessing is received from the father of the monas-tery; and thus the monk becomes a member of the com-munity forever. NOTE: The profession of a monk is fundamentally a lifelong commitment before God to the monastic way of life. Therefore, the distinction between simple and solemn profession or temporary and perpetual vows is not suit-able for monks. During the prolon.ged probation, which certainly should precede a monasuc consecration which is perpetual and inviolable, it is fitting that some sort of bond exist--a promise, an oath, but preferably not a vow properly so called (so that the full significance of the monastic consecration through monastic vows is not ob-scured: "The Church not only raises the religious profes-sion to the dignity of a canonical state by her approval, but even manifests that this profession is a state conse-crated to God by the liturgical setting of that profes-sion."-- Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Constztution on the Church, no. 45). Through this bond the candidate, in a way which is proportionate to the nature of the bond and the time involved, commits himself to the community and is dedicated to God. This bond could be perpetual on ¯ the part of the subject (e.g., first vows in the Society of Jesus). The obligation it places on the community in-creases with time (cf. below, canon 21). SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict. chs. 3, 58; Code of Canon Law, canons 572, par. 2; 574-575; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 44; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: Gen-eral Statutes, art. III, par. 2; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 108-109; 112, par. 2; Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapienliae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation for Religious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 7-8. Article 2--Studies Canon 15 1. Every autonomous monastery may have its own scho-lasticate. 2. If a monastery is not able to have a properly qnalified scholasticate, the monks shall be sent for studies to the scholasticate of another monastery or of a religious insti-tute which does meet the necessary requirements, or to the courses at a diocesan seminary. NOTE: Cf. the note under canon 10 above. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 587; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 123: Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis + ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME~ 26, 1967 ÷ ÷ ÷ Consilium M onastivum REVIEW FOR REklGIOUS prae'sertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par: 9~ no. 31. Canon 16 In regard to the program of studies, each institute should follow its own particular statutes, approved by the Apostolic See, providing an integral monastic formation, and also a full priestly training for those who are destined. to the priesthood. This formation should be inspired by the gospels, in harmony with tradition, drawing from the font of the liturgy, adapted to the present day, and inti. mately united with the celebration of the sacred liturgy and the contemplation of divine realities. NOTE: In the Apostolic Constitution, Sedes Sapientiae, and the accompanying General Statutes, Plus XII in-structed each institute to have its own program of forma-tion, especially for studies, adapted to the particular needs and circumstances of the institute. The monastic pro-gram ought to provide not only for the clerics, but for all the members of the monastic family, including the lay brothers, if there be such. "The primary, if not the sole purpose of those who have consecrated themselves to God is to pray to Him and to contemplate or meditate on divine realities; now how can they fulfill this important duty unless they have a profound and thorough knowledge of the teachings of our faith?"--Pius XI, Apostolic Epistle, Unigenitus Dei Filius, Mar. 19, 1924, no. 5. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Const. on the Sacred Liturgy, nos. 16-17; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Lqe, no. 18; Decree on Priestly Formation; Pius XI, Apostolic Epistle, Unigenitus Dei Filius, Mar. 19, 1924; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation . for Religious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 19; Ratzo ~nstztutmn,s praesert~m stu&orum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, no. 32; Decree for the French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965; Decree the Order of Reformed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965; Sacred Congregation of Rites, Instruction, Inter Oecumenici Concilii, Sept. 26, 1964, nos. 11-12, 18. Article 3.--Obligations Canon 17 All monks are bound to offer daily the prayer of the Church in a form approved by the Church, according to the norms of their statutes. NOTE: Tradition has always assigned to monks the duty of prayer. In some monastic institutes, due to the develop-ment among the various members of the monastic family, recognized by the Second Vatican Council (Decree on the Renewal of Religious LiIe, no. 15), all are now acknowl-edged to be truly monks. They have diverse duties and functions, even in regard to the Divine Office or some other public prayer of the Church, their participation being determined by the abbot, weighing individual ob- ¯ ligations and talents. Therefore it is necessary for common law to allow the constitutions of each monastic institute to specify the personal and choral obligations of its mem-bers. Moreover, it Should be noted that hermits, true monks, have their own proper traditions in this matter. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 18, 43, 50; Second Vatican Council, Const. on the Sacred Liturgy, nos. 95, 98; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 9, 15; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. V; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apos-tolio's, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 157; John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno anirao, Sept. 25,.1959; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree for the French (Solesmes) Congre-gation O.S.B., Apr. 8,' 1965; Decree for the Order of Re. formed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965; Sacred Congregation of Rites, Instruction, Inter Oecumenici Concilii, Sept. 26, 1964, no. 82. Canon 18 Monastic work should be in keeping with the rule, constitutions, and traditions of each institute, assuring, with the aid of divine providence, appropriate support for the community. NOTE: All monks, including contemplatives, are obliged to manual or intellectual work by the natural law and by their duty of penance and reparation. Moreover, labor is a standard means of withdrawing the soul from dangers and guiding it toward spiritual horizons; it tenders part-nership with divine providence in the natural and super-natural orders; in labor charity matures. As the axiom, "ora et labora," proclaims, work has always been a basic norm and law of monastic life. However work is only one of the traditional triad: labor, liturgy, and lectio (sacred reading). A harmonious equilibrium must be maintained among these three. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 4, 48; Second Vati-can Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 13; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radmtur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VIII; Radio Message, Si Nous avons, July 26, 1958; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, Recens a te, Oct. 20, 1960; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950; nos, XXVI-XXVII; Epistle to the Apostolic Nun-cios, Mar. 7, 1951. Article 4.--Trans[er Canon 19 A monk may transfer from one autonomous monastery to another with the permission of both abbots and the consent of the chapter of the recipient monastery. NOTE: Here transfer is limited to within the order of monks, where monastic status will remain intact. A transfer to another form of consecrated life requires the. authorizati6n of the Apostolic See. ÷ ÷ ÷ Mmfastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 To require and accept, without requiring further re-course, the judgment of the abbots, who are close to the situation and know the monk better, is fully consonant with monastic tradition and the "principle of subsidi-arity." (Cf. Pius XI, Encyclical Letter, Quadragesimo anno, May 15, 1931; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Mater et Magistra, May 15, 1961.) SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 61; Code o{ Canon Law, canon 632; Plus XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 182, par. 1; Sacred Con-gregation for Religious, Decree of Mar. 21, 1952, "Lex propria," nos. 77, 96. Canon 20 A monk transferring to another institute must make a new novitiate or profession according to the require-ments of its constitutions. If the constitutions enjoin no obligation, novitiate is omitted and, after a trial period, the monk is definitively incorporated or returns to his original monastery. NOTE: Because the fundamental principles of the mo-nastic life are common to all monastic institutes, the repetition of the novitiate is not necessary; but because each institute has its own customs and traditions, some period of probation in the new institute is called for. However, if the probation is unduly prolonged this would be contrary to equity toward the monk and the other institute. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 1, 61; Code of Canon Law, canons 633-634; Plus XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 183, par. 2. Article 5.--Egress Consilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Canon 21 In regard to the departure of members the constitu-tions of each institute and, with due proportion, canons 638-641, 646, and 668 are to be observed, as well as the following: 1. The abbot of an autonomous monastery with his council's consent, manifested by secret voting, can dis-miss or dispense a member from the commitment under-taken during the probation period. 2. In the case of a dismissal, there is a grave obligation in conscience to have truly proportionate causes and to give the member full liberty to make his response. 3. For the dismissal of a professed monk, the confirma-tion of the Sacred Congregation is required; therefore the abbot must immediately forward to it the decree of dismissal, the evidence, and the monk's responses. 4. The subject has the right, during ten days on which he can act, to appeal to the Apostolic See against the decree of dismissal. While this appeal is pending, a dis-missal has no juridic effect. NOTE: In restoring a member to secular life, a simplifi-cation of processes and the application of the "principle of subsidiarity" are very desirable. The local abbot and his counselors can better judge a case than a superior who is far removed. Such a procedure is more in accord with the concept of an autonomous monastery. The rights of the members are properly safeguarded by the power of appeal to the Holy See and, in the case of the professed monk, by the required confirmation of the Sacred Congre-gation. Note well that "professed monk" here means a member definitively incorporated into the community by monastic profession which is of its nature perpetual (cf. canon 14.). SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 28; Code of Canon Law, canons 646-648, 656-662, 666, 668; Secretary of State, Rescript, Cure admotae, Nov. 4, no. 14. Canon 22 Dismissal frees the subject from all his commitments, including monastic vows, except those connected with major orders, safeguarding the prescriptions of canon 641, paragraph 1. NOTE: It seems more profitable to his spiritual well-being to free one dismissed from all his commitments to monastic life, as is ordinarily done in present practice. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canons 640, par. 1; 648. SECTION 2 SPECIFIC FORMS OF MONASTIC LIFE CENOBITIC LIFE Canon 23 The cenobitic life is one lived in community under a rule and an abbot, following Christ together in fraternal love, radiating in the Church a witness of generous, vigi-lant apostolic life. NOTE: Rule here is not limited to some rule already ap-proved by the Apostolic See, but extends to any rule, based on the ancient traditions, which may be approved in the future. That the abbot govern his community under the guidance of a rule is essential to maintain a stable and peaceful community life under an extensive personal authority. "Together" (in communi) is the element which distinguishes the cenobite from the hermit. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, Prologue, chap. 1; Sec-ond Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal o[ Religious Li[e, no. 15; Pius XI, Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Plus xII Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radi- + + + Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 35 ÷ ÷ ~on~ilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS atur, Mar. 21, 1947; Epistle, Sedecim ante saecula, Mar. 25, 1948; Epistle, Sexto decimo revoluto, May 31, 1956; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 5; nos. I, 6, 11. Article 1.--Government Canon 24 I. The abbot, father and shepherd of his monks in the spiritual and temporal orders, should have a long, even life-tenure of office, as long as he remains capable of ful-filling his duties, unless the constitutions provide other-wise. 2. The importance and gravity of the abbatial office requires of abbots and equivalent superiors that they tender their resignation, on their own initiative or at the invitation of competent authority, when the pressure advanced age or another serious cause undermines the proper execution of their office. NOTE: Although the abbot's spiritual paternity of its nature does not require perpetuxty in office, but only a rather extended term, nevertheless through the centuries life-tenure has almost always prevailed. (Cf. P. Salmon, L'abbd clans la tradition monastique [Paris, Sirey, 1962].) Such tenure is more desirable where more rests on the discretion and judgment of the superior lest there be incessant change, a cause of instability in men and organizations. Nevertheless common law should respect particular traditions which favor temporary abbots. But what is most important is that the constitutions of each institute provide very practical means whereby an incapable abbot can be released from office. An example can be drawn from the Declarations of the Subiaco Con-gregation of the Order of Saint Benedict: If it happens that an abbot through infirmity, age, or some other just cause becomes incapable of governing his monastery and tend-ers his resignation, it is sent to the Abbot General, who examines and decides the matter with the consent of his council. ; if however the abbot does not offer his resignation, ,the Abbot Visitor, with the greatest charity, should firmly admonish fiim to resign or request a co-adjutor before the monastery suffers from a lack of proper government. If the admonition fails, the Visitor is obliged to inform the chapter. ; when the chapter is not in session, the Visitor, with the counsel of other superiors in the province, examines and decides the case according to his own conscience. However the Abbot General's confirmation of the decision is required for validity. (No. 197) SOURCES: Rule o~ St. Benedict, chs. 2, 31, 49, 64, 65; Code of Canon Law, canons 505, 530; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Pastoral O0~ce of Bishops in the Church, no. 21; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apos-tolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 32, par. 1; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 20; nos. 2, 20, 23, 30, 35; Decree Ior the French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965. Canon 25 From the day of his installation the abbot, besides the other rights of major superiors, has jurisdiction in both forums, according to the norms of the constitutions. NOTE: Jurisdiction is essential for an abbot to fulfill his oblig.ations as spiritual father and shepherd of his community. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 2, 3, 60, 62, 64, 65; Code of Canon Law, canons 488, no. 8; 501, par. 1; 503; 514, par. 1; 647; 896; 1395, par. 3; 1579, par. 1; 2385; 2386; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VI, no. 2; Apostolic Letter, Post-quam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 26; 46, par. 1. Canon 26 Abbots, legitimately elected, should within three months of their election receive the abbatial blessing; and then they may use the abbatial insignia. NOTE: This is in accord with canon 625 oE the present law. The insignia which traditionally belong to the ab-batial office signify the autonomy of the monastery. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 625; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 174. Canon 27 1. The abbot may call his monks to the priesthood or diaconate, providing them with dimissorial letters in conformity with the norms of common law and the con-stitutions of the institute. 2. The canonical title for the ordination of a monk is that of the monastery of his stability. NOTE: This is the present law. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 62; Code of Canon Law, canons 964, no. 2; 982, par. 1; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 132; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Quantum religiones omnes, Dec. 1, 1931, no. 16; Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, nos. 26, 33. Canon 28 1. The abbot should summon the community for counsel on all important matters, as determined by the constitutions; for lesser matters he need only consult the council of seniors. ÷ ÷ ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME. 26, "1967 Consiliura Monastieum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 2. All who have been definitively received into the monastic family have voice in chapter, unless the con-stitutions expressly provide otherwise. NOTE: Because of its discretion and authority the Rule of St. Benedict in a relatively short time became known throughout Europe and became almost the exclusive rule for monks. Because of this authority and the experience of centuries, it seems good to introduce into the common law, even though it may be something proper to the mind of St. Benedict, that the abbot consult the seniors in lesser matters and the whole community or chapter in more weighty ones. Concerning the equality of voice, cf. the notes under canons 11 and 14. "However, monasteries of men., ac-cording to their nature and constitutions, may admit clerics and laymen. . on an equal footing and with. equal rights and obhgatlons, apart from those flowing from sacred orders."--Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 15. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 3; Code of Canon Law, canons 516; 578, no. 3; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 15; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree for ihe French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965; Decree for the Order of Reformed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965, no. 1. Article 2.--Apostolate Canon 29 The cenobitic vocation can express itself in some apos-tolate or work of Christian charity legitimately under-taken in harmony with the spirit and authentic nature of the institute. NOTE: This historical fact, which has merited the praise of the Church and society through the centuries, responds to the needs of souls today, making monasteries sources o[ life for the Christian people. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal of Religious Life, nos. 9, 20; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; En-cyclical Letter, Quinquagesimo ante anno, Dec. 23, 1929; Allocution, Tous les Ordres, Mar. 12, 1931; Plus XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apos-tolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apOstolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 154; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept' 24, 1953; Encyclical Letter, Ecclesiae fastos, June 5, 1954; Apostolic Const., Series Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Epistle, Sexto decirao revoluto, May 31, 1956; Epistle, Iam quintum expletur saeculum, Aug. 4, 1956; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Paul VI, Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institu. tionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 15-17: nos. 24, 76. Canon 30 Monks engaged in extending Christ's dominion through the apostolate must endeavor to maintain a solitude and silence in harmony with their vocation. NOTE: Here it is not a question of maintaining papal enclosure for monks who by their institute are dedicated to the external apostolate, but of keeping their monas-teries, according to the mind of Pope Paul VI (cf. Sources), as sanctuaries of prayer. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 4, 43, 66-67; Code of Canon Law, canons 597, 599, 605-606; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const., on the Church, no. 44; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 16, 20; Pius XI, Epistle, Equidem verba, Mar. 21, 1924; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950; Apostolic .Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons .140-142; En-cyclical Letter, Ecclesiae fastos, June 5, 1954; John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Paul VI, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964. CHAPTER 2 EREMITI~AL LIFE Canon 31 Canonically a hermit is a monk withdrawn from the world, pursuing the anchoritic life, to attain complete openness to God in solitude, repose, and silence. Seeking the perfection of love through joyful, ready penance, and assiduous reading and prayer, he must not fail to have solicitude for the whole Church. NOTE: It is evident from tradition and clearly recognized in the Rule of St. Benedict that there are two kinds of monks: cenobites and anchorites or hermits. As there is a renaissance of eremitical life in the Western Church today, the revised Code must provide for it. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. I; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 43; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 1, 5-7, 9; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecclesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Epistle, Compertum est, June 5, 1927; Apostolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935; Pius xII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 313, par. 4; Allocutlon, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958. Canon 32 Four kinds of hermits are to be distinguished: 1. Monks who belong to an eremitical order. 2. Monks or religious who live in solitude while actu-ally remaining under their own superiors. 3. Those who are united in a certain manner in a ÷ + + Mona,tie Proposal VOLUMI: 23, 1967 39 ondlium Mona~ti~um REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS fraternity or laura, without forming a community or federation properly so called. 4. Finally,° those who,live a completely solitary life. NOTE: Because of their differing relationships with ec.~ clesiastical superiors, these four expressions of eremitical life ought to be distinguished. They each require a differ-ent canonical provision. An eremitical order would be almost totally ruled by its own proper constitutions ap-proved by the Apostolic See. SOURCES: Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem re-motamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Epistle, Compertum est, June 5, 1927; Apostolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935. Canon 33 A monk or religious must obtain the permission of his immediate major superior to enter upon the eremitical life as it is defined in number 2 of the preceding canon. This superior may establish certain,no~rms to be observed by the hermit. After he has been duly tried, the superior may not recall him to community life without a serious cause. In the event of such a summons, the monk or re-ligious may appeal to the Apostolic See, his eremitical status remaining intact while the appeal is pending. NOTE: In conformity with the "principle of subsidiarity" the immediate :superior should and can better judge the suitability of his subject's withdrawing into solitude. After an adequate probation, the hermit should justly have some assurance that he may remain in his chbsen state. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 1; Pius XI, Apos-tolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935. Canon 34 I. The canonical establishment of a fraternity or an association of hermits is reserved to the Apostolic See or the local ordinary. 2. Each member in such an association retains his own proper canonical status. Nevertheless all are subject to the local ordina~ry, ev~en by their vow of obedience if they have one, but the ordinary will habitually delegate his jurisdiction over them to a moderator" or spiritual father elected from the association. NOTE: It is highly recommended that hermits be united in a fraternity that they may give each other spiritual and material assistance. Such an association would require that someone function as moderator or father, and it is he who would be responsible before the Church for the good order of the fraternity . Canon 35 One who wishes ,to live a completely solitary life will not be considered canonically a hermit unless he receives the permission of the local ordinary. In this case the bishop, either personally or through another, must watch that the hermit faithfully lives the life he professes. NOTE: In order that a person be established in a canoni-cal state it is necessary that ecclesiastical authority act. This would ordinarily be the bishop, to whom the hermit, by reason of his status, would subject himself in a special manner. In this way false hermits can be distinguished from true ones. Canon 36 1. A professed monk or religious must have the per-mission of his immediate major superior to transfer to an eremitical association or undertake the solitary life. 2. Having obtained such permission, the monk or re-ligious remains bound by his vows and other obligations of his profession which are compatible with his new state, and though deprived of active and passive voice, he en-joys the spiritual privileges of his institute and may wear the habit. After a reasonable period of probation he can-not be recalled to the cloister against his will, nor may he return there without the superior's permission. 3. The preceding, with appropriate changes, is ap-plicable to members of societies without vows and secular institutes. NOTE: 1. Cf. note under canon 33. 2. This norm is almost identical with canon 639 of the present Code with the significant exception of re-taining the habit, because a life publicly consecrated to God is still being pursued. However, he can assume the habit of the eremitical association if it has one. 3. This is an application of canon 681 to a re-stored eremitic state. SOURCES: 1. Rule of St, Benedict, chap. 1; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935. 2. Code of Canon Law, canon 639; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Indults: Protocol Number 15112/65, Mar. 18, 1965; Protocol Number 1755/64, Afig. 8, 1966. 3. Code of Canon Law, canon 681; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 1. Canon 37 The ordinary may not require a hermit, priest or dea-con, to exercise the sacred ministry except in a particular case because of a serious, urgent need. NOTE: When the Church canonically approves the eremitic life, it should also secure its integrity. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal o[ Religious Life, nos. 7, 9, 20; Decree on the Pas-toral Office oI Bishops in the Chu.rch, no. 35. Monast~ Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 41 + ÷ Consilium M onasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Canon 58 1. For serious, external reasons, the ordinary can send a hermit who is a monk or religious to some religious house, or even, if the situation calls for it, reduce him to secular status. In this latter case the hermit must im-mediately put off the religious habit. The ordinary, how-ever, must immediately submit the matter to the judg-ment of the Holy See. 2. For the same reasons, a hermit who is neither a monk or religious can be evicted from his hermitage by the ordinary. He must then lay aside any distinctive garb. For serious offenses proportionate penalties can be imposed according tO t'he norms of law. NOTE: This provision applies the norms of canons 653 and 668 of the present Code to the eremitical state. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canons 653, 668. CHAPTER INTEGRAL CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE Canon 39 However pressing the needs of the active apostolate may be, institutes of men and women which are wholly ordered to contemplation always retain their role in the Mystical Body of Christ. Their members should occnpy themselves with God alone, in solitude and silence, in constant, devoted prayer and joyful, ready penitence. NOTE: All monks live a contemplative life, but according to particular traditions, in varying degrees many also en-gage in an active apostolate. The approved constitutions of individual monastic institutes determine the external apostolate or specify the institute as wholly ordered to the integral contemplative life. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, nos. 44, 46; Decree on the Renewal of Re-ligious Life, nos. 7, 9; Decree on the Mission Activity of the Church, nos. 18, 40; Plus XI, Epistle, Non sine animi, May 28, 1923; Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecc.lesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Epistle, Compertum est, June 5, 1927; Pius XII, Epistle, Quemadmodum Decessor Noster, Nov. 4, 1941; Encyclical Letter, Mystici Corporis, June 29, 1943; Apos-tolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Stat-utes, art. II, par. 2; Allocution, Annus sacer, Dec. 8, 1950; Encyclical Letter, Sacra virginitas, Mar. 25, 1954; Epistle, Iam quintum' expletur saeculum, Aug. 4, 1956; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; Radio Message, Cddant volontiers, July 19, 1958; Radio Message, Si Nous avons, July 26, 1958; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, Recens ate, Oct. 20, 1960; Allocution, Gli innumerevoli ceri, Feb. 2, 1961; Epistle, Il tempio massimo, July 2, 1962; nos. I, III; Epistle, Causa praeclara, July 16, 1962; Allocution, C'est ti Rome, Sept. 1, 1962; Paul VI, Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964; Sacred Congrega-tion for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertim studi-orum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, no. 74; Secred Congrega-tion of Rites, Decree of Feb. 18, 1934; Decree of Apr. 20, 1943; Secretary of State, Epistle of June 5, 1952. Canon 40 1. The contemplative life excludes participation in the external apostolate outside the strict limits of the monas-tery, except in cases where it is truly necessary, and then for a limited time only, concerning which things the abbot is to be the prudent judge. 2. Nevertheless, priests of the order can fittingly fulfill the office of confessor or chaplain among their own nuns. 3. Outside these cases the ordinary of the place may not call upon them to exercise external ministry, so that they might easily be able to effectively fulfill their proper mission toward the whole Church. NOTE: 1. Some ministry is necessary within the monas-tery, some monks being appointed to serve their brethren, others to satisfy the need~ of ~uests and visitors. But it must always and everywhere be evident that the contem-plative life is the first and principal end of the monastery. Therefore the ~ninistry of contemplatives must be of such a nature and so tempered as to place, time, mode, and manner, that a truly and solidly contemplative life, both for the community as a whole and for the individual monks, is preserved and.constant!y nourished and strength-ened. 2. This is necessary so that the nuns can receive a formation truly in harmony with the spirit of the institute. This duty of engendering and nourishing the spirit of the order should not impede but rather enkindle the contemplative life of the chaplain and confessor. 3. Because members of exclusively contemplative institutes are to participate in the pastoral office of the bishops in the Church by their witness of an evangelical life of prayer and penance, they need to be exempted from the active works of the diocese. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal of Religious Life, nos. 7, 9, 20; Decree on the Pas-toral Office of Bishops in the Church, nos. 35; Plus XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. IX, par. 2, no. 2; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 154, par. 1; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951; Decree for the Order of Reformed Cistercians, June 27, 1956; Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.S.C.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., pa~. 17; no. 76, par. 2. 2. Pius XII, Radio Message, Cddant volon-tiers, July 19, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951; Ratio ÷ ÷ ÷ Monasti~ Prtr'posal VOLUME 26, 1967 4. 4. 4. Consilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 24; no. 76, par. 2. 3. Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 46; Decree on the Renewal o[ Religious Li[e, nos. 7, 9; Decree on the Pastoral Office o[ Bishops in the Church, no. 35; Decree on the Mission Activity o] the Church, nos. 18, 40; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecclesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. IX, par. 2, no, 2; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree [or the Order o[ Re[ormed Cistercians, June 27, 1956. Canon 41 1. To preserve recollection and monastic peace, a stricter enclosure should be carefully maintained in all monasteries which profess the integral contemplative life. 2. Abbots must see to the faithful observance of the constitutions in regard to travel and visits. NOTE: 1. In exclusively contemplative monasteries of monks and nuns, papal enclosure should be maintained but, with the consultation of the monasteries, it should be adapted to time and place, abrogating the obsolete and the automatic censures ~[or a breach of enclosure. 2. This is the present law; but fittingly broadened so that an abbot, and by equal right an abbess, for serious reasons may admit visitors of both sexes into the enclosure. SOURCES: 1. Code of Canon Law, canon 1291; Second Vatican Council; Decree on the Renewal o[ Religious Life, nos. 7, 16; Plus XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Mona-chorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Plus xII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes~ art. IV, par. 2; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, nter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950; Decree [or the Order of Re[ormed Cistercians, June 27, 1956; Ratio institutionis praesertim stt~diorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, no. 73. 2. Code of Canon Law, canon 606, par. 1; Plus XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 141, 144. Canon 42 l. In institutes of the integral contemplative life, priestly training ought to conform to the norms of com-mon law as adapted to the contemplative life by their own approved programs of study. 2. If a monk-priest transfers from the contemplative life to the active ministry he should.undergo a period of practical pastoral training. NOTE: Pastoral formation should prepare priests to worthily fulfill their various apostolic duties as the Church desires and their institute requires by its nature and end. For this reason students in exclusively contemplative monasteries ordinarily are not trained in parochial prac-tices but in those duties to which the abbot might assign them. Hence it is good to require additional practical pastoral formation for one transferring. SOURCES: 1. Pius XlI, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapien-tiae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation for Religious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 19; Ratio institutioni~ praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 14-17; no. 76. 2. Second Vatican Council, Decree on Priestly Formation, no. 19; Plus X!I, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Paul VI, Allocution, Magno gaudio, May 23, 1964. + + + Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 45 PATRICK GRANFIELD An Interview with Abbot Butler Patrick Granfield is professor of the-ology at Catholic University and a monk of St. An-selm's Abbey; 19th and South Dakota Ave. N.E.; Wash-ington, D.C. 20017. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 46 Interviewer:* In Rome, at the end of the Council, you said in a public address that the Decree on the Adaptation and Renewal of the Religious Life was a summons to revolution. What did you mean by that? Abbot Butler: The Decree, of course, considers the religious life in the light of the aggiornamento in gen-eral. It spells out the meaning of the word aggiorna-. mento by talking about adapted renovation of religious life. It takes the criteria for adaptation, I think, from the notion of renovation. When it gets back to what it means by renovation, it appears that this means re-covering the spirit in which the founder of your re-ligious institute created the body to which you belong. There is stated, or could very easily be evoked from the document, the distinction between the spirit and pur-poses of the founder's creation and the actual contingent form into which he put it. As I see the meaning of the document, religious are entitled to regard as contingent and expendable not only all the accretions which have been added to the founder's original institution, but even the contingent forms in which he expressed his spirit. Religious are to try to reexpress that spirit in forms which 'are relevant and contemporary. Interviewer: Is that revolution? /lbbot Butler: Technically, it's not revolution, be-cause it's a question of going back to primal sources. But the practical consequences will look very much like revolution, if we. take this seriously, and accept with both hands the invitation that has been offered us by the Church. Interviewer: Perhaps a more fundamental question deals with the desirability of religious life. Do you ¯ This interview will form one chapter in a book of interviews called Theologians at Wor~ to be published by Macmillan during 1967. think that there is any place for religious life in the changing Church? Abbot Butler: It is a little difficult for me to give a revolutionary answer to that question since I was one, in a general way at least as a Council father, who passed the constitution, De Ecclesia. As you know De Ecclesia has consecrated a chapter to the religious life and seemed to give a kind of rationale of it. I feel that that limits one a little here. However, I can say that since religious life has been such a featnre of the life of the Church virtually speaking throughout the ages~ certainly you get that idea from St. Cyprian in the third century writing his treatise on virgins and the virgins of that time were the forerunners of religious life as we know it--that I think it would be very difficult to say that the religious life has no more than a merely transi-tory and passing value in the Church for a particular age. What I think is much more difficult, even after having decided that one has to find room for the re-ligious life in the Church, even in the aggiornamento Church, is to find a rationale for it. In recent discus-sions these difficulties have been accentuated. I had always thought that I knew more or less what the re-ligious life was, although I was rather doubtful how I would give a definition of monasticism as a species of religious life. However, after these discussions I came away feeling completely agnostic about the definition of religious life altogether. Interviewer: What of the suggestion placing religious life between the lay state and the clerical state? Abbot Butler: You cannot locate it in this way. You are applying the wrong criteria if you try to find a place for it between sacred orders and the lay state. Obviously, the vocation to religious life appears to come to men whether they are lay or sacerdotal. Or supposing that they are laymen at the time, it may come along with a vocation to the sacerdotal state. It seems to me that it has to be seen more in the charismatic order than in the sacramental order. There is a sacramental distinction between the clergy and the laity. But the religious life, although it sounds rather paradoxical to put it like this, is a kind of institutionalized charism. Interviewer: Who, then, is a religious? Abbot Butler: A religious is a person who has become aware of and has responded to a more special invitation from God to take Christianity at its maximal signifi-cance, instead of trying to get past with the minimal interpretation. Then, having seen and responding to it, he has wished to safeguard himself against future temp-tations to relapse on the minimizing basis of things by + + Abbot Butler VOLU~E 26, ].967 ÷ ÷ ÷ Patrick Granfield REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 48 committing himself for the future, as well as for the moment, by vows. Interviewer: It seems that you are implying that the lay person is not committed to the maximal exercise of Christianity. Abbot Butler: I think all Christians are called to it, but what makes a bit of difference with religious is that he has become in some special way conscious of that vocation. He has apprehended it as something that appertains to him personally. He has wished to make a response to it and he has desired to commit himself to it by an engagement, which helps keep him from any failure. Interviewer: How is the religious any different from the dedicated Christian who, conscious of his baptismal character, makes every effort to grow in the love of God? Abbot Butler: Leaving aside the question of the pub-lic nature of the religious vocations in the Church, I agree that both have become conscious.of the call to holiness and both of them have willed to make apposite responses. But the religious has added the feature of dedication, 'by which he commits himself for the future. Now~ if anybody does that, whether or not he plays a role in the public life of the Church as a religious, he is dedicated basically in. the same way as a religious pro-vided he has committed himself to the future. ,Interviewer: What do you think about the traditional way of speaking of the religious life as a state of per-fection? Abbot B~ttler: The term comes out of a world of discourse that is so 'alien to us these days that it is more misleading than helpful. Interviewer: Do you think it is theologically inac-curate? Abbot Butler: I suspect that if you take it in its full theological depth, it meant for the medieval people who invented this way of talking much the same sort of thing that I mean by the engagement of oneself for the future in a maximal practice of Christianity. This is what the status pkrfectionis means. Interviewer: How do you relate this to the monastic state? Abbot Btttler: It is difficult enough to settle on what one means by a religious, but it's more difficult to decide what one means by a monk. If you look the world over yo.u.find an extraordinary variety of interpretations of Wtiat monasticism means. This is not merely a modern phenomenon; other ages had a similar problem. This is partly due to the fact that monasticism grew up almost spontaneously in an age which had not developed a con-ceptualized theology. If is rhther like--if I may use an analogy---comparing the British Constitution with the American Constitution. The British Constitution is, practically speaking, undefinable because it is the result of gradual growth. It goes back to periods long before men reflected scientifically on their experiences and their intentions. Whereas the American Constitution came from a highly sophisticated age and was a written con-stitution from the first. Therefore you might compare the Society of Jesus with the American Constitution, since both came from a sophisticated, time and were able to define themselves at the moment they came into origin. But monasticism just grew in the Church. It is extremely difficult to look back and to decide what was the basic and not merely the accidental structure. I was talking about this p,roblem very recently with Canon Charles Moeller. He said that one of his theology professors, who had spent a lifetime studying the fathers of the desert and early monasticism, told him that noth-ing is more difficult than to elucidate the historical origins and theological basis of monasticism. Interviewer: What are your own observations on the nature of monasticism? Abbot Butler: Yes, to return to your question. In Rome, I think it was at the end of the second session, a group of us got together to discuss this question. Some were already a bit frightened about certain proposed changes in canon law that applied to monks. Someone suggested that the formal object of the monastic voca-tion was simple vacate Deo--to have time for God, to be open to God. Other orders and congregations in the Church have specific work, particular ways in which they serve God. But the whole point about monasticism is that there is no special way. It is just vacate Deo-- dedication to God in and for Himself. Interviewer: Do you agree with that explanation? Abbot Butler: Well, I thought it was rather good until the abbot president of a missionary monastic group said: "Well, if that is monasticism, then we are not monks." Another view was given by the Abbot of Montserrat who said that the thing that really makes a monk is the special place he gives to lectio divina--prayer in the wide sense. He explained that while the monk does work like anybody else, what makes him a monk is the "Work of God," the Opus Dei, the official public recitation of the Divine Office. The Rule of St. Benedict supports this and gives great emphasis to lectio divina. It is this dedication to a kind of meditative absorption of the whole Christian spiritual tradition in lectio divina which constitutes the specificity of the monk. Whether that's the case or not, I don't know, but it's the latest suggestions that I've heard of a positive kind. 4- 4- 4- Abbot Butler VOLUME 26, 1967 ,t9 ÷ ÷ ÷ Patrick Granfield REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 50 Interviewer: One frequently hears the criticism that the monastic state is a great waste of talent, time, and effort, a kind of religious escapism from the needs and responsibilities of the world. Abbot Bulter: Yes, this is often heard. One answer can be found in the Constitution of the Church which says that the religious life is a witness to the transcen-dental claims of Christianity, It says that the religious life "not only witnesses to the fact of a new and eternal life acquired by the redemption of Christ," but it "foretells the resurrected state and the glory of the heavenly kingdom." The same document insists that the religious life can be of great advantage to the salvific mission of the Church. Interviewer: Hasn't the time come for immediate re-newal of the religious life? Abbot Butler: I think it is a time for drastic measures. I think that most certainly. One of the things that really rather upset me at the Council was that when-ever the question of religious came up, there was an extreme supersensitiveness on the part of some religious superiors of whom of course I am one. They seemed to have an esprit de corps that was almost neurotic. I felt that they were consistently refusing even to make the effort to get down to the theological depths of the problem. They were continually taking refuge behind canon law. One of the first things we have to do is to delegalize the whole thing. We have to get down to the theological view and leave aside the legalistic view. Interviewer: How do you explain this sheltering be-hind canon law? Abbot Butler: I am not sure how to explain it. I suspect that it indicates a fear of the action of the local hierarchy or the local bishop. For the older orders, of course, the obvious defense against the bishop is ex-emption. But exemption is a pure invention of canon law. The bias that some religious show to canon law distorts the true picture of things. We also have to get behind some of the second-rate theologizing of what we used to call the scholastic tradi-tion. I am becoming extremely skeptical about the old divisions that we've been used to, the distinctions be-tween the active and contemplative life and the mixed life. I don't believe that that has any deep roots in tradition. If you study the fathers, you will discover that they meant something different by the active and contemplative life than the scholastic theologians. Interviewer: Do you have any practical suggestions on how monastic life might be renewed? Abbott Butler: There is a tremendous amount of "clearing of the decks" to be done. To get down to particulars, we should begin with the Divine Office which plays such a prominent part in our lives. For nearly all monks today the articulation of the daily Office into eight separate hours is no longer authentic. It no longer corresponds to a vital need. It was done in St. Benedict's time when they followed the seasons of the year and the hours of the sun and lived in a rural community. A much more meaningful way of dividing up the Office for us would be to take a leaf out of the Constitution on the Liturgy and to see Lauds and Vespers as the two hinges on which the whole Office revolves. That way you have a morning and an evening Office and you can add something in the way of a "Little Hour" at mid-day. Besides that I think that we need a solid block of prayer with the Psalms and lectio divina which could be put at any'convenient hour. This type of articulation rings much truer. Interviewer: The younger .generation would agree with that. Abbot Butler: I am very interested in the younger generation, although I don't pretend to understand it. It would be absurd for anybody of my age to pretend to. I do seem to glimpse certain ~ things about, them and I think that they have a horror, which I can respect as I understand it, for anything .that is phony--anything that is hypocritical, unauthentic. They feel that we are preserving the present structure of 'the monastic Office just for the sake of preserving: For them the present articulation of the Office doesn't make sense. They almost shriek with repulsion when~ for instance, we say Sext and None in one full swoop and start off twice in the course of ten minutes with Deus in adiutorium meum intende, which is obviously, the 'beginning of,a new time of prayer. It's like bad music to them. Some-thing should be done about this, Interviewer: Do you think that the. Psalms are still authentic vehicles of prayer? Abbot Butler: The Psalms, I feel (and perhaps I'm a bit old-fashioned about it), are the inspired prayer-book of the Church and they have a permanent value. They are so remote that they are easier to universalize and to apply to new situations than some modern prayers would prove to be. Interviewer: What of the readings from the fathers? Abbot Butler: This is something else. I agree that 'the fathers for the most part are not helpful. Perhaps better selections could be found. Let us take, for example, the Homilies in our Office ~hich are supposed to be the exegesis for the Scripture of the day. Now if there is one thing that is quite clear about the fathers, it is that their exegesis was nearly always wrongly,It's one of the 4. 4. 4. Abbot Butler VOLUME 26, !967 ÷ ÷ Patrick Granfield REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 52 most remarkable things about the fathers, I don't know why the strict conservative who thinks that tradition is an independent channel of preserving revelation hasn't insisted more on this point. The early fathers always get the right results by the wrong exegetical method. Interviewer: The vow of stability, that unique Bene-dictine vow whereby one promises to live in a particular monastery, is being reexamined by the monks them-selves. I recently met a monk who justified his nearly two hundred days of absence from the monastery in one year' by the argument that the essential part of the vow of stability is the stability of the heart or loyalty and not merely the geographic stability of place. What are your thoughts on stability? Abbot Butler: Lord Walsingham, foreign diplomat in the reign of Elizabeth I, used to describe his job as being to lie abroad in the service of her majesty. I think that the formal element in stability is the sta-bilitas cordis stability of the heart. Now we are get-ting down very near the basic roots of the monastic problem. Monasticism had its genesis in an entirely different cultural background from what we are grow-ing into at the present day. Stability meant a great deal more and had a great deal more positive value in those days than it has today. It meant that you grew into a total 'local environment which was only doing rather better and more deliberately what everybody tended to do in those days. There wasn't much instability in the life of the ordinary person. Today we live in a world where the horizons are so widened and the socialization has become such, that the old idea of local stability does not have the same role to play in monasticism as it used to. I say this with great.hesitation, because I am con-vinced that local stability has an obvious value. It makes the stabilitas cordis not merely a kind of pious velleity but a positive incarnational thing. As men, we do form a concrete, human family in our local monas-tery and we interact on one another directly in a very obvious way. It could be that because the world is going so socialized and so universalized that it needs a counter-poise that monasticism offers. Interviewer: You don:t feel that the uniqueness of Benedictine monasticism is in jeopardy if a liberal view of stability is adapted?. Abbot Butler: What is most specific in monasticism, compared with other forms of religious life in the Church, is allegiance to the local abbot. In orders like the Dominicans or Franciscans°your allegiance would be to a superior who rules thousands of people all over the world. He is a remote figure and few of his subjects have any contact with him. Even if a Benedictine spends half a year outside the monastery he does know his abbot personally and has a personal link with the other brethren in the monastery. This does make a great difference. Interviewer: On the other hand, the Dominicans, Franciscans, or Jesuits also have their local superior and they live in a community structure. While it's true that monasticism insists more on the communitarian aspect of life, can it still do so if it accepts a very wide view of stability which does not stress the local aspect--the permanence in a particular place? Abbot Butler: It is very difficult to conceptualize such things. But in my own abbey, for instance, we have a certain number of parishes where the monks are in charge and they spend years outside the monastery. I feel that the relationships between the monks on the distant parishes and his abbot are of a different human quality from the relations .between a friar and his local superior. Apart from the pope there is no higher supe-rior for a monk than his abbot. Interviewer: Declericalization is a primary goal in the present religious renewal. How does this apply practi-cally to monasticism? Abbot Butler: The separation in monastic life be-tween the clerical family and the lay brotherhood is in itself an absolutely outrageous thingl Here we must get back to the spirit of the founder. If there is one thing about which I am absolutely certain it is that St. Benedict conceived of monastic life as a way of being a Christian, not a way of being a priest. You might be a priest as well, but it is accidental to your monastic vocation. The present state of things in monasticism in the West is a bit of a scandal. It almost amounts to a dictation to the Holy Ghost. You tell the Holy Ghost that He may not give a full monastic vocation to any-body unless he couples it with a quite different thing, which is a sacerdotal vocation. Interviewer: Historically the tendency to clericalize goes back to the eighth or ninth century. Abbot Butler: It did begin as early as that, but I think that the monstrosity of the lay brother probably came in about the end of the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth. In a legalized form it was a Cistercian invention. It is helpful to remember that we do belong to the Catholic Church and that Eastern monasticism has never fallen into this awful abyss. Interviewer: Let us change the subject to theology. As an Englishman and a theologian, do you think that modern theology has successfully answered the challenge put forth by linguistic analysis? Abbot Butler: No. ÷ + ÷ Abbot Butler VOLUME 26, 1967 53 ÷ ÷ ÷ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 54 Interviewer: Do you think theology has a duty to answer? 'Abbot Butler: Yes, there is a duty. I would like to preface my remarks by saying that I am not a pro-fessional philosopher. I am inclined to think that lin-guistic analysis is a rather provincial phenomenon and a rather transitory stage in the total history of philosophy. It will probably have done some good in much the same way as the Greek Sophists, in forc.ing men to be careful in their use of language and to reflect upon their use of language. In toto, linguistic analysis is not too impor-tant, but in the actual situation it happens to be im-portant because it controls a great deal of the higher culture of the West in its more sophisticated side. I don't think that we hav
Abstrak Seksisme merupakan suatu hal yang memegang peranan penting dalam film ini. Diskriminasi sangat erat kaitannya dengan kemunculan seksisme. Disini para tokoh yang didasari sifat, bahasa dan latar belakang masing-masing yang memerankan peranan penting dalam munculnya seksisme bahasa di alur cerita dalam studi ini. Dalam film yang di produseri oleh Saul Dibb ini, terdapat empat tokoh yang saling berkaitan dengan masalah internal pernikahan antara Duke dan Duchess dari Devonshire yang membuat keberadaan wanita diremehkan dan dipandang sebelah mata. Teori dari Sara Mills digunakan karena berkaitan dengan bahasa seksis baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung seperti dalam pemilihan kata atau perumpamaan. Terdapat enam tipe bahasa seksis yaitu: kata generik, derivatif, istilah non-paralel yang menunjukkan semantik degenerasi, seksisme dalam pepatah, seksisme dalam kata-kata makian. Melalui hasil tersebut, studi ini mampu menunjukkan efek atau akibat dari keberadaan bahasa seksis dalam film yang berlatar belakang seksisme ini. Kata Kunci: gender, seksisme, bahasa seksis. Abstract Sexism plays an important role in this film. Discrimination is closely associated with the appearance of sexism. The figures here are based on the character personality, language and background of characters which plays an important role in the emergence of sexism in the language of the storyline in this study. The film which was produced by Saul Dibb, there are four interrelated characters with internal marital problem between the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire who makes women presence underrated and underestimated. Sara Mills theory is used because it is associated with sexist language either directly or indirectly as in the choice of words or metaphorical. There are six types of sexist language, namely: the generic, derivative, non-parallel terms that indicate semantic degeneration, sexism in proverb, sexism in swear words. Through these results, this study was able to demonstrate the effect or result of the presence of sexist language in the film which has a sexism background. Keywords: gender, sexism, sexist language. Introduction Socially, women almost differ in terms of social role in the society; they are considered as a person who does not need a high position and education as men had, women are only needed to maintain the housework and caring the children or having a domestic business in order can also keep their babies in the same time. Women always underestimated as the second or lower creature whereas man as the higher than women from any things. This fact will factually create discrimination and gap between men and women. Women is lack of reproductive, sexual harrasment, and men's violence againts women. In brief, the discourse of women discrimination definitely cannot be separated from the discourse of patriarchal culture. It shows in a lot of part in our country that women mistreatment is still and always exist. Attitudes and behaviour based on traditional assumptions about women, the stereotypes of women, sexual roles in society have been become phenomenon and belief in our life. It comes from every people minds to think and behave through that traditional assumptions. We know that as people no matter the sex wants to treat as well and equal in any aspect of life. Women inhabited a separate, private sphere, one suitable for the so called inherent qualities of femininity: emotion, passivity, submission, dependence, and selflessness, all derived, it was claimed insistently, form women's sexual and reproductive organization" (Kent, 1990: 30). Allowing the principle that has been made by men assumption and belief, women consciously made by men like dependence, passive, low and tractable. As Susan Kent observes: "Women were so exclusively identified by their sexual functions that nineteenth-century society came to regard them as 'the Sex'" (Kent, 1990:32). This research studies about some social phenomenon that are found in our society through the visual media such as movie. The aim of this research is to describe the sexist language that used by the characters in The Duchess movie. This research gives understanding of sexist language and the way how it is used in movie dialogue. The kinds of types of sexist language that found in The Duchess movie based on overt sexism and indirect sexism or contextually meaning and the diction based on Sara Mills theory. SEXIST LANGUAGE Researchers are mainly concerned about female and male differences in language use and the reasons behind the phenomenon. They stick to the view that language itself is not sexist, but the society is. The social sexism is transferred to language by human being, and at the same time, sexist and insulting words may reinforce biased view, and changes in the society may be reflected. So language is not only a guide, it is even a mirror that reflects the sexism in social reality, and at the same time, it makes people see the social reality more clearly. Sexist language is language that expresses bias in favor of one sex and thus treats the other sex in a discriminatory manner. In most cases, the bias is in favor of men and against women. All kinds of unequal phenomena in society including gender bias are bound to be reflected on its lexis. Gu Jiazu (2002) thinks English as a sexist language is marked with distinctive sexist factors, among which the lexis is the most important aspect. There also have been many critical feminist surveys of English lexis (Nilsen et al., 1977; Schulz, 1990) which have argued that sexism is inherent in many of the labels which English speakers use. Some feminists have pursued the idea that there exist lexical gaps in the language-aspects of women's lives which are commonplace, but have no words to describe them (Spender, 1985). So it is frequently argued that these usages are sexist. Mills suggests that there are two forms of sexism which are overt and indirect sexism. Overt sexism is clear and unambiguous, while indirect sexism can only be understood contextually in relation to the interpretation of surrounding utterances. Indirect sexism is extremely common and therefore need ways to challenge and analyze its usage in language. (Mills, 2008). OVERT SEXISM According the Sara Mills's theory, there are two types of sexism which are overt sexism and indirect sexism. Overt sexism is one of the parts of sexism which can be clearly be understood with some forms that can be generalized about linguistically and contextually. Overt or direct sexism is the type of usage which can be straightforwardly identified through the use of linguistics markers, or through the analysis of presupposition, which has historically been associated with the expression of discriminatory opinions about women, which signals to hearers that women are seen as an inferior group in relation to males. (Mills, 2008:11). There are some forms of overt sexism such as: Generic nouns, derivational, non-parallel term, sexism in proverb and sexism in swear words. In the other hand, there is also indirect sexism. It necessary to consider more details the proposition. It will be rather difficult to analyze because the reader can be understood because the reader must be really understand with the transparent source of data as like in the script. It shows indirectly in metaphor and irony that usually exaggerate in stereotyping one sex. In society, men are considered the norm of the human species. They are viewed as those representing all the human beings, male and female. Simply, it can be said that "male = "human" norm. This practice makes women invisible in language. In addition, it marginalizes women and reflects a male dominated society. In accordance to that, Sara Mills and some supporting linguists gives a guideline how to identify the linguistic structure differences used in English, we can analyze morphologically by these following ways: a. Generic nouns Another well-known example of generic masculine term is "man". Man and woman as two equal components of human race are actually not equal in English lexicon. Man, besides its reference to male human being can also refer to the whole race. The usage in a general sense of man makes woman invisible. For example; (1) All men must die. (2) Man is a social animal. It is easy to see that "man", and "men" can be used generically to refer to both male and female. In the first sentence the word Men refers to human being. Despite this, in the second sentence also state the word Man in which it is a human species or animal. Thus, man makes males linguistically visible and females linguistically invisible. From this, one can know that in English using "man" or "men" indicates "the human race", they treat man as the center of the society, an embodiment of criterion and totally ignore the existence of woman. b. Generic Pronouns (he, his, him) In English there are a group of nouns of common gender, which refer to either male or female such as student, person, teacher, etc. When such nouns are used with generic reference in single form, the traditional grammar advocates to use the masculine pronouns in the context for the purpose of coherence with generic nouns.( Zhang Zhenbang,1995). Generic pronouns are pronouns that are said to refer, with equal likelihood, to woman and men. But the English language ignores women by allowing masculine terms to be used specifically to refer to males and commonly to refer to human beings in general. According to the rule of traditional grammar when the indefinite pronoun one is used for generic reference, then in the context usually one, one's, or himself is used to be its relevance. But in order to avoid repetition, he, his, him, or himself is chosen, especially in American English (Zhang Zhenbang,1995) See the examples: (1) If one wants to see the ruins, he must find his own guide. (2) Everyone must do his work well. In the first and second sentences, one and Everyone refers to the concept of people, which is a concept of common gender, we do not know they are men or women but it uses masculine pronoun. He and his in the context formally manifests the imagery of men but semantically represents people of either gender. The operation of the grammatical rule conventionally elevates the status of the masculine pronouns and lowers the feminine ones. c. Derivational "In English, derivational morphemes are mainly prefixes and suffixes. These affixes often change the part of the stem. The affixes thereby help us to identify relationships within words". Derivation is a way of word formation. It forms a word with meaning and category distinct from that of its base through the addition of an affix. The original base is the core of the formed word and carries the main complements of its meaning. The affixes are always bound morphemes, which carries information about meaning or function. In English lexicon, one of the most obvious evidences of the sexism is the affixes which lead to a view of women as a derivation from a male term. The feminine one is always derivative of the masculine one by adding a feminine suffix such as -ess and –ette. Actor, for instance, with the meaning of "a person who plays the part of a character in a movie or play", when attached to a feminine suffix –ess, becomes actress with the meaning of "woman with profession similar to those of "actor" and as for –ette, when usher is adhered to –ette, it becomes usherette. Such pairs of the words are of long lists in English lexicon. Here just list some of sexist based on its derivational: Ambassador - ambassadress Prince - princess Poet - poetess Author – authoress Waiter – Waitress Manager – Manageress That some of lists of sexist derivational word have different meaning based on the classification usage for men or women. The examples show and prove that the suffixes -ette and –ess are for woman only. It is considered sexist because when men do not need any affixes to refer to them, women need it. Furthermore, the terms in the right side are the feminine terms which are only indicated to the women only. Those feminine accents in the words ambassadress, duchess, princess and poetess and so on are not referred to the men or even to all human being, but those are especially marked to the women. d. The Non-Parallel Term The non parallel term between men and women are also the real example how sexist the English is. In accordance to that, Lakoff pointed out that words that were once equivalent terms for males and females have often diverged in meaning over time. (Chaika, Elaine.1982:205). Non parallel term or semantic derogation between men and women are also the real example how sexist the English is. In accordance to that, Lakoff pointed out that words that were once equivalent terms for males and females have often diverged in meaning over time. Consider these following examples: Mrs, Ms – Mr Mister – Mistress Governor – Governess Lady –Lord Lady – gentleman From the description above, none of feminine terms in the list connotes the same degrees as the masculine terms and almost all of them acquired as secondary sexual connotation. Lexicographers have noted that, once a word or term becomes associated with women, it often acquires semantics characteristics that are congruent with social stereotypes and evaluations of women as a group, a process that has variously been termed 'semantic derogation' (Shulz, 1975), 'semantic degeneration' (Miller and Swift, 1976) and 'semantic polarization' (Eakins and Eakins, 1978). e. SEXISM IN PROVERBS Proverbs are a short pithy saying in common and recognized use; a concise sentence, often metaphorical or alliterative in form which is held to express some truth as-curtained by experience or observation. The fact that there are many English proverbs which contain the words discriminating, distinguishing women, making women are worry about it. Since proverbs are standard, it is hard to change and create new proverbs substituting the old ones. Consider these following examples of English proverbs: 1."A man is as old as he feels, and a woman as old as she looks" this example implicitly creates an image that this sexist saying suggest that men age better than women. 2. "A man's home is his castle". This example also discriminate the women. It implicitly create an image that the peaceful and lovely house is only man has. 3."A good man is hard to find" the proverbs means that the difficulties for woman to fin a good man that is suitable for them. Or in finding male patner. f. SEXISM IN SWEAR WORDS The swear words is an expression in sometimes conscious or unconsciously said by speaker who is in a bad condition. In some area swear words is a kind of taboo to say, but in the others are very common and probably become a habit. Those swear words are used to insult, to curse, to offend, or to mock at something or someone when the speaker strong emotion which the impact can trivialize women position. Swearing is the way someone uses obscene words orally to insult, to curse or even to offend something (someone or action). Also, for emphasizing when the persons have strong emotion (Hughes, 1991). Usually, when someone has been insulted, someone will feel offended and easy to be angry. According to Crystal (1997) as cited in (Adeoye: 2005), sexist swear words is regarded as an emotive or expressive function of language. Hughes (1991: 224-225) claims that people tend to swear when he/ she angry or disappointed. They are also likely to swear when they would like to express antagonism, frustration, surprise, anger, and shock. Usually some words that belong to this category are fuck, cunt, shit. Swear words are very common in people's ears, because it sometimes said in the public society or even in the movie. There are several reasons why does swearing occur: 1. To express feeling in words rather than in actions, especially if you do not have bigger vocabulary (Crystal, 1995: 156). 2. To express their anger and frustration. 3. To seem brave. 4. To make people afraid when they have been violence by someone in the form of sex or other violence. 5. To imitate what other people do. There are very little swear words have been written for language learners, yet nearly all- native speakers use it in daily communication. The term such as: "fuck", "damn","bastard", "son of a bitch, "motherfucker", "asshole", and "bitch". That can be used as the examples of sexist swear words which provoke the violent confrontation. In other words, according to Eisenson and Boase (in Liedlich, 1973: 107), there is some words that is not supposed to be say in the public society, because it brings the negative meaning for the speaker also the listeners. It also makes a bad habit that the speaker feels very common. If there is someone uses obscene words to swear other people will judge them as people who are impolite, do not have high and well education or having less vocabulary. Those examples above are definitely can refer to both sexes man and women. Unfortunately, in practice those words are mostly indicated to the women behaviors and attitudes. It is the fact that English has linguistic and semantic discrimination through the practice of language usage; it is briefly can be seen in the word motherfucker and bitch. INDIRECT SEXISM According to Sara Mills, she said that indirect sexism is ironising sexism. Since it both challenging overt sexism and keeps it in play. Benwell (2006) terms this type of indirect sexism 'new sexism'. She also adds that it's very reminiscent of, it is not identical to past forms of sexism which clearly shown. It differentiates of they way overt sexism and indirect sexism is used. This type of new sexism is bring the outdated notions of sexism become new term one. That is why Williamson also called this new type of sexism as 'retro-sexism'. The fact that the humor and irony are used when being sexist does not change the nature of sexism itself, but it just only interpreting simply and different way of respond the new sexism. This term of sexism used to categorize a set of stereotypical beliefs about women which cannot be directly related to a certain linguistic usage or features. (Mills, 2008:10). Overt sexism is now largely seen as anachronistic and so it has been driven underground; indirect sexism is one which in some ways attempts to deny responsibility for an utterance, mediating the utterance through irony or disguising the force of the sexism of the utterance through humor, innuendo, embedding sexism at the level of presupposition, or prefacing sexist statements with disclaimers or hesitation (Mills, 1998:135). Indirect sexism can be found in several aspects such as humor and irony, scripts and metaphor. For example in jokes, it is a complex way constituting women as 'minority group' without taking responsibility for that exclusion. Sexist jokes allow generally unacceptable views of women to be expressed, because the person usually tells the jokes generally can claim that they themselves did not make up the joke. (Mills, 2008:71). Metaphor The narrative pathway or script is brought to play in new reports about women and men in a public sphere. This indirect sexism refers to women implicitly. It uses things to refers to the object either men or women. Irony Irony is a common strategy for humorous remarks about women. The term of ironic sexism is often satire the object in polite way. Irony involves a difference or contrast between appearance and reality - that is a discrepancy between what appears to be true and what really is true. RESEARCH METHOD According to Bogdan and Taylor in Moleong (2007:4), descriptive qualitative research is a research procedure that represents data either written or spoken from the people and behaviors which can be observed. In addition, Krik and Miller in Moloeng (2007:4) defines the descriptive qualitative ad a certain tradition in social sciences fundamentally relies on human observation in its own religion and deals with these people in language and terminologies. Qualitative research is mostly associated with words, language and experiences rather than measurements, statistics and numeral figures. Furthermore, in analyzing the types of sexism which are used by the characters of The Duchess Movie, it will be conducted by using the descriptive qualitative research. Qualitative approach is taken because the decided research efforts in discussing, analyzing and finding the social phenomena which is running naturally; it is not a controlled or based on laboratory research. The collected data are the subjects of experiences and perspectives; the researcher attempts to arrive at a rich description of the people, objects, events or conversations and so on. The data are from the words, phrases, clauses, or sentences that found in the dialogues of some characters. The researcher uses this method because she wants to get a brief description and a rich understanding about the expressions of sexist language and the classification which categorized as sexist gender biased based on linguistics terms in The Duchess movie. The source of the data which is used by the researcher is taken from the conversation or dialogues which is in the script and the movie of The Duchess. The characters who will be analyzed are Georgiana as a Duchess, The Duke Devonshire, Lady Elizabeth (Bess), and Charles Grey. In addition, to avoid the research becomes wide and broad, the researcher used a theory to identify and to classify, identify and analyze the types of sexist language. There are some theory which is gathered some sexist theory to support and complete the main theory. This study used the theory of Sara Mills in "Language and Sexism" and Philip M. Smith "Language, The Sexes and Society". It also helpes and completes by some supporting theory from other linguists in describing the types of sexist language in journals. The reason of the researcher gathers and combines the theory because to make the analysis become details and complete. It also adds some information of sexist language types. Most of the data will be found in the types of overt and indirect sexism, because the researcher concern in the words, phrases, utterances or sentences in many setting in this movie. The researcher chooses those characters because the other characters do not influence much about the gender discrimination which appears in the story. The theme of this movie is about internal gender discrimination in The Duke and The Duchess marriage, so it is not possible for other characters to interfere. In the technique of the data analysis, the researcher begins to analyze the data toward the procedures. In conducting the research procedure, the researcher follows three steps. The first, the researcher classifies the data which are words, utterances or sentences in based on its types of sexism orderly. The second, the researcher describes those data based on the two classifications of sexism which are overt and indirect sexism. The data is in the form of words, proverbs and utterances. The third, the researcher describes the existence of the sexist language which exists in The Duchess movie. DISCUSSION The analysis of sexist language or expression in discriminating sexes inappropriately above is used to drawing attention to the way language used to represent women in that movie. According to the data analysis and finding of the types of sexist language linguistically above, the researcher found six types of sexist language in The Duchess movie. They are consist of sexism in word such as the use of generic noun, derivational, non-parallel term which shows semantics degeneration, sexism in proverbs, sexism in swear words, and indirect sexism such as metaphor and irony. Some characters such as The Duke (William Cavendish), Duchess (Georgiana Spencer), The Duke's mistress (Lady Elizabeth Foster) and Georgiana's secret affair (Charles Grey) are used some term in sexist language by Sara Mills in the movie. The generic noun is term which is used to refer both men and women, but in effect it often refers to men only. Generic noun perform very useful function of allowing us to refer to an entire class of entities with a single word, and most if not all languages have one or more forms that can be used to designate members of the human species in general. This term applied when the speaker Georgiana unconsciously says in her speech when The Duke and her held in Bath Assembly room at night. She said that, "only two specimens of this rare bird are known to man." The word man here is used to gather both men and women knowledge about the two rare bird. She uses that word because of the reason for the recent attention surrounding this term is the growth of awareness about the portrait of the social order implied in which the male are half of the species whose members dominate. The word "man" used by Georgiana is because to respect the dominating of male in the society. People often refer to themselves and using nouns that describe an occupation or performance of an activity, such as "Duchess" in the datum (2), "Let them talk! Grey makes me a fallen woman, well and good, now William may divorce me and Bess becomes Duchess of Devonshire!". It seems clear that the great majority of such terms more readily evoke the image of man than of a woman. Some feminists have argued that the addition of diminutive suffix to agent nouns results in the term that have less semantic potency than unaltered counterpart, and that this both causes and reflects a devaluation of those who occupy this agent roles (Smith, 1953:46). Derivational suffix which found in this movie takes when Georgiana or the speaker says emotionally that Bess can become a Duchess of Devonshire in The Duke allows and gives his arrangement to have a relationship with Charles Grey. Based on the definition of the word "Duchess", it means as a noblewoman or a woman holding a rank equivalent to duke in her own right. Duchess (female) can either be a monarch ruling over a duchy or a member of the nobility, historically of highest rank below the monarch. The word "duchess" is added by feminine suffix –ess to identify that the agent noun uses female reference. Based on the representation of Duke and "Duchess", they are different. Duke tends to manage the social economy, politic, and something which is valuable. In inversely different with the job description of "duchess" who is only manage about the simple thing. In addition, the position of "duchess" in this movie shows that also, she has no special except in little space in Whig, and for the rest she only cares about what she should care as a mother. Based on the job description of "duchess", it shows that the position of The Duke always becomes superior. So, when there are agents nouns placed in one sentences, it seems that the old maxim "Duke and Duchess" is more honored in the breach than the observance. In fact, little is known about the psychological significance of the word order pairs like this, and the fact that women often come second or may not signify to the listener that they have less status or importance than the male. In addition, the term of non-parallel implied because of some reason deals with women social status at that time. "Mr", "Mistress", "Lady/ladies - Gentlemen", "Governor", and "Lover" are the sexist language which found in the movie. From those words, we can see that there is no similar meaning from its pairs. Meanwhile, those words have implicit meaning which degenerates women become lower status from the pairs. It can be conclude that most women as the speaker of the words above are aware about the condition of women whom trivialized by men physically and mentally. From the word "mistress", "lady" and "lover", all of them have similar meaning as women who are become a man maid of desire or tend to be having lower status. While the word "Mr", "governor" and "gentlemen" are also treated as sexist because it has higher social status than its pairs. None of feminine terms in the list of data above connotes the same degree of strength or power as its masculine counterpart, and almost all of them have acquired as secondary sexual connotation. The character of The Duke in the datum (8), "That's one way of putting it. Your mother called it 'common decency before personal gratification', or some such thing… the exact words escape me…" shows about the sexism in proverb about the matter of social interest. He tries to give an example from Georgiana's mother quotation which grabs by him. According to the definition of proverb, it means short pithy saying in frequent and widespread use that expresses a basic truth or practical precept. In general use, that proverb states about a general truth or piece of advice to the hearer, Georgiana. That proverb has an implicit meaning that the position of the Duke is always strong in the matter of conducting his wife. In the other words, Georgiana has to follow what her husband as to do. In this circumstance, the position of Georgiana is awry. She has to choose between her children or her desire and affection of Charles Grey which she doesn't get from her husband. As the main Character, The Duke always becomes the centre of the society. He should speak politely. In the other hand, in some cases he cannot put himself in that situation. Based on The Duke character personality, he kinds of man who is introvert, cannot control his emotion and has a switch temper that can be changed in certain time. So, he often expresses his anger or dissatisfaction through something near him. He also often use sexist swear word to release it such as "damn", "hell", and "bastard". Those words are deal with death term which uses to mock or curse people. That term also to express The Duke feeling rather than in action, especially he does not have bigger vocabulary. In the datum (15), "Give me a son and then do what the hell you want, as long as you do it discreetly. Until then you stay here and do as I say." The Duke says "hell" to express his frustration of his failure to obtain a male heir from Georgiana. Furthermore, this sexist swears word helps by his action in intimidates his wife by hurting her in action. The other main characters, Georgiana often use parable or imagery to reflect her own circumstances. The imagery and parable itself categorized as indirect sexism term. The data which treated as indirect in the movie are "male company, "imprisoned", "throw", "you both of another world that does not exist and never will" and "love is an act! It's more than words and undying oaths!" That indirect sexism consists of metaphor and irony. As the definition of indirect sexism, it cannot be understood by linguistics markers but using contextual meaning. Metaphor is a figure of speech in which a word or phrase is applied to an object or action to which it is not literally applicable. It can also regards as representative or symbolic of something else, esp. something abstract. In this case, the character of Georgiana often uses this term to symbolize herself which is bridled in her own internal marriage problem. The other character, Bess also express her sadness and disappointment of being left by her husband because of his "mistress" in datum (5). The fact that metaphor and irony are used when being sexist does not change the nature of sexism itself, but it rather simply changes the way it can be responded to. From those terms of sexist languages which found in The Duchess movie, it can be concluded that the sexist language related with those character because of the impact of the sexist theme occurs in that internal marriage problem. The impact of those sexist languages to the theme of the movie is when those utterances make the women participation underestimated more. The significance effects shows when inequality between men and women, social inequalities which women have and the position of men who do not want to be defeated by circumstances of women influence to the theme of the movie. The existence of sexist language is also because the aspects of character personality, language, background and its context. Character personality takes part in the analysis because the speakers unconsciously speak it refers to their character. For example like The Duke, he often uses kind of sexist swear word in order to replace his anger in to the word or someone close. It is because The Duke is introvert, close and has a switch temper which can be changed in certain time. It similar with Charles Grey, as a man, he also temperamental when he knows something inappropriate as like Georgiana fake promise and prefer to go back for her children rather than him. In the other hand, if Georgiana and Bess as representative from women sides they tend to be polite and use their feeling rather than logic in their problem. The choice of word which used by those characters mostly reflects their circumstances as women at that time. From those characters personality, we can see that words which that use reflect each people characters. That choice of words absolutely influences to their language when they speak such as in the term of sexist swear word which mostly expressed by The Duke. Furthermore, character personality and language cannot be separated with the context and background of each people and movie at that time. The speakers will consider the language which they will use based on the context of the talks. The background here used to support the situation of the character based on place and time in their situation or in this case is in Victorian era. The background may be a stereotype or culture of certain gender. The most data commonly found in non-parallel term, indirect sexism and sexism in swear words. It is because the women condition cannot be equated with men. People at that time still holding patriarchal culture which means the position of men is superior and holding every aspect. They often underestimate women self-esteem to become men mistress whom can be throwing away anytime. Women seem like do not have strength to be independent without men position in front of them. Men are allowed to have more than one mistress even they are a centre of society. On the other hand, when women try to express their feeling to other men it considers as improper behavior and taboo. All of utterances which have been said by the characters are reflecting their character personality. Based on the explanation of the existing of sexist language above, there are some reasons that make the women circumstances become weak in physically and mentally. This evolutionary reasoning provided justification for the emotional and mental differences between men and women. At last, sexism can be existing because of stereotype of women and it reflects to the culture. The character personality helps to make it clear where the mental and emotional aspects involve in indicating their existence through language. Those stereotypes create morals and social values that applied until this time. The only way of changing that social structure is to make the position of men and women equally same no matter what. CONCLUSION This chapter presents the conclusion and suggestion based on the analysis and finding in chapter four. The finding shows the sexism by the characters in the movie involves overt and indirect sexism. Overt sexism is a type of usage which can be identified directly through the linguistic markers. While indirect sexism can only be understood contextually in relation to the interpretation of surrounding utterances. However, this term of sexism used to categorize a set of stereotypical beliefs about women which cannot directly analyzed by linguistic features. The linguistics features of sexism are divided into several types, as follows: (1) Sexism in words. The using of man in "Well, only two specimens of this rare bird are known to man" considers as generic nouns which should be referred to both of sex. (2) Sexism in words of using English pairs or word order of words showing non parallel term or semantic degeneration between men and women such as the word Mr "In the play this evening, there was a scene in which Lady Teazle and Mr. Surface discuss their affair", Ladies, gentlemen, and mistress "My husband, Mr. Foster, is enjoying his mistress in Bournemouth, and I wanted some diversion.". This non parallel term shows that there are semantic derogations between men and women position. (3) Sexism in words using suffix –ess in "Let them talk! Grey makes me a fallen woman, well and good, now William may divorce me and Bess becomes Duchess of Devonshire!" as job occupations of profession such as Duchess. This type of sexism in words shown that the discrimination through gender divisions still exists in the matter of word order. (4) Sexism in Proverb. There is only one analysis which found as sexism in proverb as like "common decency before personal gratification". It related to the high power of men than women. This kind of English proverb seems like the metaphorical of men who held to express the position of men that is always unbalance and prioritized than women. (5) Indirect sexism. This new term is not related to the certain set of linguistic usage and features but contextually of a diction which replace and describe their speaker situation. Indirect sexism which found in this research is about metaphor and irony such as "How about 'imprisoned' in my own house'?" and "I'm ill at ease with male company for the moment.". (6) The last is sexism in swear words. There are various kinds of swear words which used by the character of the movie such as "hell" as like this utterance: "Give me a son and then do what the hell you want, as long as you do it discreetly.", "bastard" in this utterance:"Three boys??? Do you think I can make those bastards my heirs? Well, do you?" and the insulting term for women such as "whore", "Be quite you fool! (to Georgiana). Are you his whore?!". The usage of sexist swear words express their disagreement, anger or objectionable depends on the context and problem of the character. In addition, there is no general neutral term to replace the words. The last is In addition, some aspects of sexist language existing in the movie are character personality, language, background and its context. All of those aspects are interrelated and interconnected each other. Based on the finding, the character personality influences more because it reflects to their language they use. Their language will refer to their position as a centre role model that perceived by public. While the background and context reflects women stereotypical knowledge in Victorian era which bring the character of women discriminated by men. SUGGESTION Using a language without regard to the gender classification is expected to minimize the woman discrimination in the language. So, the researcher wants to contribute some suggestion for the next researcher. First, the next researcher can use and complete the analysis by new sexism which is indirect sexism. It used to analyze sexism without directly using linguistics markers but, it uses diction like in metaphorical, humors, irony or satire which trivializes women. Second, the researcher hopes that the next researcher analyzes the source of data by putting the historical background so that they can find out the characteristic of their style of writing. The historical background can use to prove why those sexist languages occurred. Lastly, the researcher hopes that the terms of English indirect sexism will be applied to avoid the use of sexism in written and spoken even it is not linguistically shown in the next research. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Aini, Nur, 2010. The Sexist Swear Words Used by the Characters in Shottas Movie, English Letters and Language Department, Faculty of Humanities and Culture, Maulana Malik Ibrahim State Islamic University of Malang. Brannon, Linda. (2002). Gender: Psychological Perspectives. Chapter 7: Gender Stereotypes: Masculinity and Femininity (pp. 152-76). London: Allyn and Bacon. Cameron, Deborah. (1985). Feminism and Linguistic Theory. London: Macmilan Press Chaika, Elaine. 1982. Language the Social Mirror. Massachusetts: Newbury House Publishers, Inc. He, Guimei. 2010. Journal of Language Teaching and Research of An Analysis of Sexism in English. Academy Publisher manufactured in Finland: Qingdao University of Science and Technology, Qingdao 266061, China. Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 332-335, May 2010. Holmes, Janet. 1992. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Addison Westley Longman, Inc., New York. Johnson, Allan G. 2000. The Blackwell dictionary of sociology: A user's guide to sociological language. ISBN978-0-631-21681-0. Retrieved November 21, 2011. Kent, Susan. 1990. Sex and Suffrage in Britain 1860-1914. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Lei, Xiaolan. (2006). Sexism in Language. Northwest Polytechnic University, China. Vol. 5, No.1. Lewin, Miriam (Ed.), In the shadow of the past: Psychology portrays the sexes. New York: Columbia University Press. Lexy J. Moleong, 2007. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif, Bandung: PT. Remaja Rosda Karya. Linda Sofia, 2008. The Sexist Language of Jokes Column in Hello Magazine. Thesis, English Letters and Language Department, Faculty of Humanities and Culture, The State Islamic University of Malang. Mills, Sara. 2008. Language and Sexism. Cambridge University Press, New York. Parks, J. B. & Roberton, M. A. (1998). Contemporary arguments against nonsexist language: Blaubergs (1980) revisited. Sex Roles, 39(5&6), 445-461. Smith, Philip M. 1953. Language, Sexes and Society. Basil Blackwell Inc, New York. Wardaugh, Ronald. 1986. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Page Bros. INTERNET SOURCE http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Sexism.aspx (accessed in January 10th 2013) (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexism). (accessed in January 10th 2013) http://digilander.libero.it/mgtund/sexism_in_language%202.htm (accessed in March 1st 2013) http://www.victorianweb.org/gender/sextheory.html (accessed in March 28th 2013) http://webpage.pace.edu/nreagin/tempmotherhood/fall2003/3/HisPage.html (accessed in March 28th 2013)
J'ift. mi pL.»,i.u r»4 CHORUS.-L'-pMee-i-dee-i-da! etc. ff •' i»75 Her voice is clear as a soaring lark's. jjt-J !i! A""herv,it is like those trolley-car sparks! tT'l ilvi i e" '""ss * """1'ly street she flits, >1- '. ft TI The boys u.l have conniption fits I M*- f tyjl Tlic turn of licr head turns all ours. too. ». > Ti TT There s always a strife to sit in her pew- *$>',* ."•Wt J l!! """I.'1' "> make a parson drunk, ftVfy To hear her sing old co-ca-che-lunk I jbf tiUu The above, and three other NEW verses to U-PI-DEE . .' TTTT "I'.'' "P WORDS, catchy, up-to-date, to manv ftb> ill 1! ".j" "' the POP'-'ar OLD FAMILIAK TUNES; be- TT if «Mf s,d"OLD FAVORITES: and also many NEW SONGS. UUi SONGS OF ALL THK COLLEGES. TTtf WV. Copjithi. Price, lr.so. postpaid. imi. jjk'i Jjuj HINDS & NOBLE, Publishers, New York City, it? ft tf Schoalbooks of all publishers at one stare W' MPT THE MERCURY. 9 a day long to be remembered. But when they marched down the street, when they sat on the stage and listened to their own praises, the boy was not there. No one had seen him. He was missing. His mother, in spite of all attempts to shield her, had heard of his troubles and was broken-hearted. But that night, silently as a thief, the boy crept home. Then while his tormentors listened to farmer politicians shout and rage heroic, the boy laid his head on the shoulder of a mother broken-hearted no longer, knowing and caring nothing for his so-called disgrace. The boy, kneeling at his mother's knee, wept, and she, also weeping, knew only now that she had her boy again. Here we leave them. A GLIMPSE OF LIFE. '07. DEATH follows life in every path ; Rest follows toil, peace follows wrath ; Spring follows winter, day follows night; Joy follows sorrow, wrong turns to right. Song breaks the springtime, life floods the earth. Buds fill the forest, flowers spring to birth ; Hope now abideth, hate turns to love, Clouds flee from sunshine, radiant above. Take thou a lesson, take it and go, Scatter thy sunshine, check not its flow ; Shape then your doings, mould them aright, Build thou with vigor, build with thy might. . - IO THE MEKCURV. I HOW DO WOMEN IN GENERAL INFLUENCE POLITICS ? •07. WHEN woman's influence in politics is mentioned imme-diately there comes to our mind the thought of the work of a Harriet Beecher Stowe or of the mothers of the men preeminent in our political history. Certainly the influence of these women was (and we may say, is) far-reaching and bene-ficial. But the woman in general seems to feel that she has very little to do with politics. She concludes that since the right of suffrage is denied her, she is totally absolved from political re-sponsibility. There are two classes of women who deny that they have any appreciable influence with respect to the politics of our country—one of which clamors for the power of the bal-lot as a means of securing such influence, the other does not deign " to bother about politics" but complacently lays the re-sponsibility of our national welfare upon the shoulders of the men. And yet as surely as did the mother of a Washington, a Lincoln or a McKinley, cast a positive influence over the poli-tics of our country, so surely does every mother, whether that influence be beneficial or detrimental. Character is the founda-tion upon which our national welfare rests. We need have no apprehensions of any lack of brains for carrying on our govern-ment, but brains are just as effectual in tearing down as in building up a government. We need men at the ballot-box and in office who are courageous to do what they know to be for the best interests of our country, and such characters are formed largely through the influence of women. Yet, frankly, if we wish to attribute the honesty, couraget and other essentials of noble characters, to the influence and training of women, then we must also admit that they are per-haps responsible for some of the indifference, cowardice, sloth, and greed that are menacing our government. May not a mother who receives into her home those whom she knows to be unworthy or even immoral, merely because they are " so talented " or "come from such a fine old family " or are " so influential," be held in a measure responsible when THE MERCURY. I I her son fawns and cringes to political magnates," at one instant considering the " Boss" the epitome of all evil, and the next, worthy to fold his legs underneath his mahogany." Again, the woman who constantly excuses herself from her duties to church or society, on the ground that she will not be missed or that the organization will get along without her, would doubt-less be surprised at any suggestion that any blame accrued to iher when her sons neglect their privileges of citizenship, if the weather is bad or they are busy on election day or if their party is hopelessly in the minority, do not take the trouble to vote. But woman need not depend alone on this watchful and pains-taking upbuilding of a strong character for her political influence. She may directly teach her children the nature and grandeur of our government and their responsibility for sup-porting its best interests, in short instill in them true patri-otism. Futhermore she may, and very often does, teach them her own political views. Here also comes in the opportunity of the public school teachers, a majority of whom are women, for exercising influ-ence. They come in contact with the children before ignorant prejudices have entirely closed their minds to reason, and while their characters are being formed, so that if the opportunity is .seized no little influence may be theirs. Then too, the power of the pen and of the press is as freely granted to women as to men and the opportunity for influence thus afforded has been recognized and taken advantage of. Even the platform has not been denied them and the woman of hrains, eloquence and patriotism, need not feel herself seriously handicapped in her ambition for influence. Organizations too, exert a certain influence in politics. Il-lustrations of this may be had in the increased agitation of the slavery question by women's anti-slavery leagues, previous to the Civil War; and at present, by the material gain to the Pro-hibition party, resulting from the work of the W. C. T. U. And so, although so little power is granted them, certainly no woman need complain, or even take comfort in, her lack of political influence. For we hold that so great is their influence that we might well feel assured of the future welfare and pros-perity of our country, had we many such women as that Roman matron who was content to be known as "The Mother of the •Gracchi." 12 THE MERCURY. THE UNCERTAINTY OF LIFE. Ci T^fAN born of a woman is of few days and full of ■L JL trouble." Never was this better illustrated than today when life is so complex both in living and dying. Every day we read of some unfortunate hurled to his death by an agency strange and novel. But let us to our story and tell in a simple, straight-forward way how many and sudden are the forms of death. Several years ago in a town near Pittsburg four men lived together like brothers. All had seen life not as it is written in story books but the genuine unadulterated article as it is handed, out to men who toil. The four had seen their days of pros-perity, days of adversity, had been over this broad land from coast to coast and one at least had lived across the " Duck Pond" as they have so fittingly nick-named the Atlantic. Frank Valentine a man of probably thirty-five, slow of speech, quick in action, honest, hard-working and fearless, is the first we will mention. In his youth he had gone West, and there before the railroad had penetrated every hamlet, he had driven stage-coach over sixty of the roughest, steepest and most nerve-destroying miles in these United States. In summer the hot winds from the deserts swept across the plains scorching vege-tation like the hot breath of a furnace; in the winter he braved the blizzards which filled the gulches with snow until only the tallest pine trees showed their evergreen tops above the snowy waste. Many and stirring were the tales he told of privation and want, of men virile and strong. The hearer could see as he spoke the Rockies lifting their snow-crowned peaks thousands of feet in the air, could tremble as he looked into the abyss from the top of the stage coach, could feel the winds as they then swept the pines bearing a message of earth unfurrowed by plow, and forests virgin in their growth. The second of the roommates was Duncan, a Virginian, with his pleasant Southern speech drawling over his " r's," easy-going, gentle in thought and word. He had also wandered far from " Ole Virginy," and his eyes had gazed on much that is denied the stay-at-home. But far and away superior to these two both in age and experience, was the little old Englishman THE MERCURY. *3 Sammy Day. Born of parents who believed that all sport was) the invention of the devil, yet from boyhood up he' had evef. had an absorbing love of things athletic. Himself an athlete of no mean ability, a six day walker, one time champion of England, yet his great charm lay in the fact that for thirty-five years he had followed sport in all its forms. As a trainer of prizefighters, runners, boatpullers and cyclists, he had lived iotr thirty-five years knowing and known to all lovers of sport the country over. His reminiscences of the days when Heenam and Sayers pounded one another down to Fitzsimmons and* Jefferies, in San Francisco, would have filled a book and no small' book at that. Yet in spite of this strenuous life he was still at fifty five a hale and hearty man, ready and able to jump into a 9ix-day race and out-distance men young enough to be his children. The fourth member of the quartet was a boy of eighteen who had been a year in college and disappointed in that had started to see the world. Often of an evening would they sit the little old Englishman and the boy, and go over together the incidents of the Briton's strange career. Sometimes the story would be of England, land of roast beef and misplaced " h's," again of Milwaukee, perhaps of Frisco. But wherever it was there was a charm about the stories which has kept them green in memory and always will. Here on the banks of the muddy Ohio in that smoky, sweating town, they lived those four; not a square from their room ran the P. & L. E., the Little Giant of railroads, just beyond were the mills of iron and steel with their thundering rolls and ponderous hammers which knew not rest night or day, and the river a noisy thoroughfare with its coal barges and steamboats which made the night hideous with their " forty-wildcat-power " whistles Troubles they had none. Honest toil, however dangerous and unpleasant has no terrors; and they lived careless of what a morrow might bring forth. All were hourly in danger of their lives for their work was not the kind in which kid gloves were essential. Three of them never knew when they went in the morning whether they would return that night alive or dead. It was a time of unexampled prosperity and human life was J4 THE MERCURY. the cheapest commodity purchasable. Yet they drank light-hearted all except the boy whom they had nick-named "Johnny the Kid," and him they would not allow to touch, taste or handle. Now the besetting sin of " Sammy the Walker," was drink. Drink he would both to drown his sorrows and to in-crease his joys. While in this condition he fell down stairs one Hay and cut his arm so badly that he almost bled to death. A fjw days later while he lay in bed Duncan and the boy held a little converse with him which was as follows. " Ere's ow hit was" said Sammy. " Hi was going down the steps when they hups and its me hon the heye. The blooming bottles brake hand hi cuts me harm drefful." " Well Sammy" laughed Duncan, " you'll be up against it yet, you'll break your " bloom-ing" neck some day. "Yes" the boy said, "next pay day Duncan you buy a new black suit and I'll buy the flowers, and we'll lay old Sammy away to rest." "Aw me boy," said Sammy, "hi'll live to see ye both hunder ground." Sammy being fifty five and they being twenty eight and eighteen re-spectively, they laughed heartily at the old man's prophecy. But youth is not shielded from death any more than old age. For a few days after that they went about their work almost forgetting the joking prophecy. But one evening as the boy came in swinging his dinner pail he bucked right into Samrtiy at the side door of the hotel. " Ello Jack, ave you eard the news ?" he said " No ? Well Duncan is killed " he said, and the sadness in the old man's voice caused a choking sensation in the boy's throat. "Yes" Sammy said, and the tears welled up in his honest blue eyes, "E was struck by the 10.25 Flyer hand every bone in is body bruck, E just got hoff the freight to give them ha ighball when E was it." The news filled the boy with sorrow for only that morning he and Duncan had wrestled in bed to see which would get up first, and now Duncan lay in the morgue a mass of broken clay. His body was taken to his home in Virginia and never did these friends see his face again. But accidents such as this are common in the Pittsburg district and after a while he was almost forgotten. Nevertheless the boy remembered Sammy's prophecy, and was mighty careful around trains and the like after that. Today the old man is living, so is the boy and time alone will show whether the old man was right in his prediction. - II; ill: THE MERCURY. I 5 SHE was a Christian maiden fair, He was a lad of courage weak, And though he longed, he would not dare To kiss her rosy dimpled cheek. "What would you do," at last he cried, "If I should kiss you on the cheek ?" The flushing Nazarene replied "Like Him, I'd turn the other cheek." B. A. S. '06. MORE FORTUNATE ENDING TO ROMEO AND JULIET. STROHMEIER, '06. SCENE : Churchyard ; Tomb of the Capulets ; Juliet lying in an open bier. Enter Paris and a Page bearing a torch and flowers. PARIS—Give me thy torch and flowers; go and watch. If any man come hither, signal word. {Exit Page.) O fairest maiden of a fair found race, O Venus incarnated Juliet, Thou hope of Paris, pride of Capulet, Lift up the drawbridge of thy eyes and let Me look into their limpid, profound depths; Move thy sweet lips to their delightful office, And charm me with one long divine embrace. My love, my all, O hear me, Juliet; O vain and agonizing fancy, hold. Methinks I ne'er saw death so finely housed. Would I were death that I might live with thee ! Thou'rt made of more celestial clay than man, And death, love-smitten, can not injure thee. Faint roses struggle still upon thy cheeks And dewy freshness lingers with thy corse, Here will I strew these flowers o'er thy form, Intended to bedeck thy bridal bed, turn. I L. 16 THE MERCURY. That they may learn of thee what beauty is And by thy sweetness be alway preserved. {Page signals) A signal that. What interruption now ? Enter Romeo bearing a torch. By the Eternal! It is Romeo, That bloody leech, detested Montague! What makest thou here, thou loathed midnight ghoul? Art thou not satisfied with killing Tybalt ? With driving to her grave fair Juliet ? With striking anguish to a noble house? With stabbing to the heart Verona's peace ? But must thou from thy place of banishment Crawl like a serpent to this sepulchre To mutinous practice on these lifeless forms ? By Heaven ! 'tis too much. I'll have thy life. A churchyard. Ah, thou walk'st to thine own grave. Out upon thee. Montague, thy time has come ! {Draws his sword) ROM.—Peace be to Paris, and put up thy sword. What cause have 1 to free thy surging blood ? I love thee, though thou scorn'st my love, I love thee. Prithee, get thee hence; let me alone; Test not my full endurance. I am mad With desperation and am like to rend Both friend and foe, all who my way oppose. PARIS—Base coward; thou vile sneaking coward, thou ! Thy blade cries shame to thee— I'll hear no more. ROM.—Thy cloak is dearer to me than thy shroud; But since thou put'st a thorn into my flesh My nature strongly bids me pluck it out. {Druws his sword) Lay on. If fight thou wilt, then fight I must And no cessation till the one be dust! (Theyfight{ Juliet awakes. Enter servants to Paris and Romeo. Fighting still. JUL.—O dismal purgatory! Where am I ? What confused noise is this ? {Paris is wounded) i THE MERCURY. 17 Hold, Paris ; marry, what strange freak is this ? Is't judgment day that coffins spew their food ? Behold! see how the living dead arise, Art thou a spectre born of flesh and blood Or art thou what thou seemest, Juliet ? PAR.—Tis Juliet! 'tis she, my life, 'tis she ! Not dead! alive ! Run, boy, tell Capulet; If e'er thou ran, run now; be gone. Exit Servants to Romeo and Paris. JUL.—O, Romeo, thou'rt come and Paris, too, O frightful dreams of death and solitude, The narrow house, black night, vast boundless space. Methought that Paris too had died and sought My soul. Why, Romeo, why stand'st thou dumb ? PARIS.—Dear Juliet, say'st thou thou dreamt me dead ? O dire presage of this fatal night. O agonizing thought; my love returns Arid I must go! My wound, my wound. Tis not o'er wide nor deep, Yet through this mouth death drinks me up apace. 0 Juliet, my precious virtuous one, Permit my waning strength to succor thee. Ah, now thou stand'st in perfect loveliness. Would in the contemplation of thyself 1 could forget away grim Atropos! ROM.—Art thou real Juliet ? Give me thy hand, 'Tis warm and has the touch of Juliet! By heaven, doubting Thomas now believes ! Thy death was but a sleep, and God has tried The deep and concentrate devotion of My love. This dark, damp vault as vile as blackest hell Is now become a paradise to me. Foul smelling vial, spill thyself on earth. My Juliet lives, she lives, she lives ! JUL—O Romeo, that was my all in all, O Paris whom I pledged to substitute, _>-". I 18 THE MERCURY. How can I speak! My mind is but a blank Whereon my future must be writ in blood. 0 Paris, marvel not that Romeo, Should seem so kindly dispositioned toward My welfare. I will tell for thou shalt know; My husband stands before thee, Paris, he And I vowed mutual life devotion ere That fiery Tybalt fell in deadly fray Slain by 'th unwilling hand of Romeo. And this my death was but a drugged sleep To 'scape—O Paris thou art pale as death, 1 cannot tell thee more— PAR.— Enough ! enough ! My reeling brain will bear no more. O death Come quick and end this agony that tears My body and my grieved soul apart Stitch by stitch. (Sinks to the earth) ROM.—O joyous woe, O happy cursed night! Man's freedom is fast bound to fate like kite To boy ; and when th' ecstatic breath of joy Lifts him to soar the azure sky above, Some monstrous woe of fate pulls on the string. Fair Juliet renewed—there is my joy ; Another murder charged to Romeo— There is my grief. JUL.—But, Romeo, remember that the kite Sails only by the strong resisting hand Of him who governs it. And this our life, Were woe unknown, could never feel true joy. ROM.—Thou say'st well. I still hope there be good. But come ; let's hence away. If I am found Within Verona's limits I am nought. Come quick, I hear a noise ! Enter the Prince, Capulet, Lady C, Mantague, Lady 21. and Servants. LADY C.—That cheats the grave. O Juliet my dear where, where is she. My precious daughter, never knew I how --»-»ptf— --■ t -»- THE MERCURY. 19 *> I loved thee till thou failed my presence late. My child, my child, my precious child ! (Embraces Juliet.) CAP.—By Heaven ! Tis a fact. We'll take her straight To church. Where's Paris? Zounds ! upon the floor All bathed in blood ! By God, here's Romeo! That damned Montague. Hi! close the door, We'll keep this rat awhile. PRINCE.—Have peace, good Capulet. Compose yourself. Content thy feelings with rejoicing o'er Thy daughter, Juliet. Let's probe this strange and mystic scene. Who's there? (Enter Friar Lawrence with iron rod.) How now, good friar, wherefore art thou come So oddly armed to this unusual place ? FRIAR.—Good prince, my lord, let me defer reply To a more fitting place. I heard you speak Of probing this mysterious affair. Grant you me hearing and I'll dissipate The mist. This Romeo and Juliet are man and wife And wife— CAP. What sayest thou ? PRINCE. Peace, Capulet. FRIAR L.—Joined in my cell by me in marriage bond The very day that Tybalt met his doom. Then Romeo to banishment was sent, And Juliet pressed hard to marry Paris In sore distress to me came for advice. The matter was indeed most delicate And called for subtle treatment. Wherefore I Proposed a sly concoct of artful drugs' The taking which o'erpowers the drinker eight And forty hours, in which time she must Perforce of custom to the vault be borne. Meantime the news to Romeo I would send Jp- . 20 THE MERCURY. And he by night should come and take her hence Upon the hour of her awaking time. The maiden liked the plan and so 'twas done. But I failed in my word to Romeo And of myself came to unprison her. How Romeo and Paris happen here I know not. This is the truth of Romeo's fair wife And I will answer for it with my life. PRINCE.—Thou hast a name for truthfulness, good friar; Thy story seems a likely one and needs But only be confirmed. y ' I He speaks the truth. Paris.—(faintly) My kinsman, and my friends, give ear to me, Hear what a dying man has to request. First to the prince: my lord, bear no ill will To Romeo that he has here slain me, 'Twas in defence 'gainst my attack he drew His sword. And pardon him ofTybalt's death. I have whereof I know his cause was just. Would'st thou please me, restore good Romeo. O Capulet, O Montague, heads of Two feudal houses, let my last dull sight Behold how enemies can full forgive ; Entomb your grievances where Juliet Has left a casket unemployed. O Romeo and Juliet, my breath, Hard gasping, scarce will drag out slow my words. You have my benediction—fare you well! Friends all, good friends, do not my plea reject. Forgive, forget, love, cherish, and protect. ROM.—Beseech you, father, bury this vile hate. JUL.—For my sake, father, do what Paris bids. MON.—What say you, Capulet? CAP. Good, Montague! They clasp hands. The ladies embrace. Romeo embraces Juliet. 1 '* 1 W*Jf-< ■ - , -. - - THE MERCURY. PAR.—Now heaven take my soul; farewell, farewell! PRINCE.—Our blessing on you tor this deed of good. Like poisoned arrows in our heart have been The feuds of Montague and Capulet. And in the whirling vortex of your wrath That spread to fair Verona's utmost part, Two of our kinsmen perished ere their time. But if that now your peace be well performed The death of Paris is a blessing to our soul. This solemn charge I utter, then adieu : Let Romeo to Juliet be true And likewise Capulet to Montague. 21 (Dies.) WHEN ADAM AND EVE WERE KING AND QUEEN. B. A. S. '06. The Lord made Adam in a day, He did the best he could, And when he hung him up to dr3' He looked and said "'tis good." But Adam was a lonely chap, He pined all day at best, And even when he took a nap He found but little rest. Dame Eve to cheer him up was sent, His helpmate fair and tall, But then where'er poor Adam went He found no rest at all. JL 22 THE MERCURY. DEMOCRACY CAN EXIST WITH SOCIAL DIS-TINCTIONS. H. M. W., '06. IT is rather difficult to determine just what we mean by democracy, which is a term used to denote very many things, or rather very many degrees of the same thing. There are almost as many ideas of what really constitutes democracy as there are people in this grand product of it. We have it defined as "political and social equality in general;" as "a state of society in which no hereditary differences of rank or privilege are recognized." As to the latter part of the defi-nition there is no trouble in verifying it from our own experi-ence or observations. It is the law of our land and virtually rings true. The first part of the definition seems to be more concerned with the spirit of democracy than with the state or condition itself, as is the latter part, but even it slips over the vital point by adding " in general." The " political equality" we pride ourselves as a nation upon having, but the "social equality" is another question—in it we have the spirit of de-mocracy, and that is really the point at issue, for that this nation, the greatest example of democracy, is democratic in every letter of the law, and also that social equality does not really exist in the land, are two indisputable facts. Therefore, shall we conclude that the spirit of democracy cannot exist along with social distinctions simply because of the seeming contradiction in terms, especially when in this su-premely democratic nation two such apparently antagonistic conditions are calmly flourishing side by side ? Yes, this nation is supremely democratic in every letter of the law, but how about the spirit of the law ? Can such a thing exist, or is there such a thing as democracy, pure and simple? And are social distinctions in the way of an ideal state of democracy ? Is there such a thing as democracy—real democracy ? In answer, we may bring up all the so-called democracies of our day and those of the past as illustrations. They all have, or had, broad democratic principles as the bases of their constitu-tions— their foundation, equality in all things. For the posses- "MW" ~*WT- ■'»'/ ^*m •i WtiH1#*M THE MERCURY. 23 sion of which privilege and blessing, men sacrificed their all— home, dear ones, life. But in the very beginning of things there were social distinctions. No movement can progress without a leader. Leaders are men in some degree superiors of those they lead. They are made leaders because men recog-nize their superiority, which their elevation does not dim, but accentuates. It is in the very nature of things—they are made of finer clay than some other men—and " porcelain remains porcelain, and earthen, earthen" whether in democratic or aristocratic surrounding. Environment and heredity are always at work, and while they work, social distinctions must follow as an inevitable re-sult. Would men pay with their life blood for a thing which does not really exist, a mere idle sound, an empty symbol for equality ? What would citizenship mean in our nation today, if it were not for the democratic spirit and life at the very foun-dation ? The inward harmony, the result of real brotherly love, and the outward strength and glory, must have their root in the true democratic spirit at work in the heart, in spite of the superficial, social distinctions which nature herself has drawn. 24 THE MERCURY. MISTAKEN IDENTITY. •06. I. THERE was a small boy named Jeremy Brown, And he had a sister called Sue ; There was a young man named Levery Crown, The sister he came to woo. II. A brave little boy was Jeremy Brown, With burglars he wanted to fight,' So he bought a strong bow and sharp arrows in town, And slept with them every night. III. Young Jeremy's room was on the third floor, Right under was sister Sue's ; One night this brave lad had just started to snore, When a noise woke him up from his snooze. IV. He leaped from his bed, to the window he ran, With his bow and his arrows keen, Approaching the house he beheld a big man, And he wondered what it could mean. V. Something like a big squash the man held in his arm, With a stick stuck into the end, " With dynamite filled," thought the boy with alarm, " To blow up our house he intends!" VI. He fitted an arrow and drew back the bow, Then followed a twang and a whirr, " Ow ! Ow !" yelled the man who was coming below, For he thought he was jagged by a burr. VII. Faster and faster the arrows they flew, One cheek, then another was struck, And madder and madder the poor victim grew As he cursed his abominable luck. THE MERCURY. 25 VIII. He threw down his burden and started to run, Repulsed by his youthful foe ; When safely away he plucked one by one Thejarrows which pained him so. IX. When morning had come and the family had gazed On an object which they had found, This brave little lad was greatly amazed, For a guitar lay smashed on the ground. X. When Levery Crown came to call the next night, A plaster adorned each cheek, But Jeremy Brown did'nt think it quite right When Sue called him a " mean little sneak." ■ ODE TO THH PONY. Friend of our fathers, known of old, Steed of student of every clime, We fain would have thy praises told, Thy foot prints left in sands of tirne. Friend of our fathers, bear us yet, Lest we forget, lest we forget. The college halls grow gray with age, The president and profs depart; Few still live on, save thou and Page— Thou idol of the Freshman's heart, Pride of our course, trot with us yet, Lest we forget, lest we forget. The cribber bold that puts his trust In printed cuff, or pony's word— No tough exam by him is cussed, No vain regret fjom him is heard ; And ages still to come, you bet, Will ride on thee, lest we forget. —Knox College Annual.—" The Gali." THE lyrERcuRY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter VOL. XIII GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1905 No. 1 Editor-in-ch ief HARRIET A. MCGILL, '06 Exchange Editor MARY B. MCGILL, '06 Business Manager H. B. GALBRAITH, '07 Asst. Business Manager THOMAS FAUST, '07 E. VICTOR ROLAND, '07 Associate Editors H. F. SMITH, '07 CLIFFORD HARTMAN, '07 FRANK MOSER, '07 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. ALL HAIL. EDITORIALS. The messenger of the gods enters once more upon the race course of another year. We of a new staff greet for the first time those who will be favored by his visits during the coming months. It has been said that no man can serve two masters, but we have great faith in the ex-ceeding cleverness of the messenger. Through him we hope to please two classes of our patrons; those who desire an in-tellectual journal in which the essay is more or less prominent and others who are crying out for something " in lighter vein." That our task will be difficult cannot be denied. Pardon our inexperience it is against us, but we are going to do our best, profiting by the example of the out-going staff, to whom we offer most hearty congratulations. /- THE MEKCURV. 27 THE PEN AND SWORD. It has been suggested that the " Pen and Sword " prize be given in a dif-ferent way. The competitors handing in to the MERCURY as many contributions during the year as they desire, each man of course retaining the same nom de plume for every produc-tion, and the prize at the end of the year being awarded to him who has done the most satisfactory work altogether. This method would give the competitors as many chances for the prize as they desired and would also be a great help to the MERCURY. It seems worthy of consideration. The articles handed in under these circumstances would be varied, short :stories and poetry being especially welcome, while the only condition laid upon the contributors would be that of original work for the MERCURY. We desire to publish no productions which have been read before a class or the public; twice told tales are rarely interesting. Upon the night of installation the editor had a strange dream which when told in all kind-ness may interest the future friends of the MERCURY. In col-leges as in the best regulated of families we know that accidents sometimes occur, and of course it is but an accident that ours is sometimes used as a shelter for certain kinds of quadrupeds. Unlike all their predecessors however, were those which in a ghostly herd loomed before the eyes of the terrified editor. They were grey in color with eyes of burning fire, and for lack of a better name can be called " Night Mares." Upon these animals rode the editors of our MERCURY'S past, headed by the recent editor who led a riderless horse. The editors seemed to be in a pretty bad condition, their garments were torn and they were bruised from the missiles which an expectant crowd in the distance had only ceased to hurl dur-ing the time when a new editor should mount the waiting steed. On close examination these missiles were found to be produc-tions which the editors of the MERCURY had been forced for various good reasons to reject or re-write, and in dread antici-pation the editor-in-chief awoke. A story with a moral is generally tiresome, how much more 50 must be a dream, yet for protection from a like fate we of 28 THE MERCURY,. the staff want to begin the new year with a statement and s request. We are your friends, contributors; we are also your servants and desire to please you. If the productions which you yield us could be better, could do you more justice, will you not be willing to try again ? Do not be hard on us, for the steed is not easy to mount and the missiles hurt. EXCHANGES. We are glad to see so many exchanges on our table this-month, and have read them all with pleasure. Keep up the good work. We will always welcome you. In this month's issue, the Durry " Mirror" has an attractive cut in red and white. The " Buff and White " publishes an excellent story, " Fay's Crystal," also a good essay on " Sailor life, as it is." The reading matter of the " Juniata Echo " is good but is-not the exchange editor a trifle too critical ? The girls' number of the " Bucknell Mirror " is well gotten up. The poems are especially good. The " Yale Scientific Monthly " has an instructive article on " Modern Railway Signal Practice." We are always glad to-see the " Scientific American " on our table and read " The queerest of animals" with great interest. The "Touchstone" is good. The underclass men seem to be doing the work in this paper. " The Red and Blue " contains some excellent stories and' essays, as do the " Argus " and " Lesbian Herald." We acknowledge with pleasure the receipt of the following papers—" The State Collegian," " The Manitou Messenger,"' "The Dickinsonian," " Grove City Collegian," " The Ursinus- Weekly," "The Student," "The Midland," "The Vialonian " and " The Purple and White." I'ATKONIZE OUK Ain'KKTlSEKS. FURNITURE '.vlaUresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames. Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. IS. IB. Bender 37 B tltlmore St., Gettysburg, Pa. THE STEWART & STEEN CO, Jollege Engravers and (Printers 1024 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa, MAKERS AND PUBLISHERS OF Commencement, Class Day Invitations and Programs, Class Pins and Buttons in Gold and Other Metals, Wedding Invitations and Announcements, At Home Cards, Reception Cards and Visiting Cards, Visiting Cards—Plate and 50 cards, 75 cents. Special Discount to Students. A Complete Encyclopedia of Amateur Sport Spalding's Official Athletic Almanac FOR 1905. EDITED BY J. E. SULLIVAN (Chief of Department of Physical Culture. Louisiana Purchase Exposition). Should be read by every college student, as it contains the records of all college athletics and all amateur events in this country and abroad. It also contains a complete review of Olympic Games for the official report of Director Sullivan and a resume of the two days devoted to sports in which savages were the only contestants, in which it is proved conclusively that' savages are not the natural born athletics we have heretofore supposed them to be. This is the first time in which the athletic performances of savages have ever been systematically recorded. This is the largest Athletic Almanac ever published, containing 320 pages. Numerous illustrations of prominent athletes and track teams. Price 10 Cents. For sale by all newsdealers and A. G. SPALDING
Issue 15.3 of the Review for Religious, 1956. ; A. M. D. G. Review for Religious MAY 15, 1956 Mofher Xavier Ross . Sister Julia Gilmore Sis÷ers' Retrea~s--III . Thomas Dubay Our Lady and ~he Apos÷ola~e . EIIwood E. Kieser Communffy C;rosses . Wlnfrld Herbst Devotion ÷o fhe Sacred Hear÷ . c:. A. Herbsf Book Reviews Questions and Answers Summer Schools VOLUME XV No. 3 RI:::VII:::W FOR RI:::LIGIOUS VOLUME XV MAY, 1956 NUMBER CONTENTS MOTHER XAVIER ROSS --- Sister Julia Gilmore, S.C.L . 113 SISTERS' RETREATS-~III Thomas Dubay, S.M . 128 SOME BOOKS RECEIVED . 134 OUR LADY AND THE APOSTOLATE--Ellwood E. Kieser, C.S.P. . 135 COMMUNITY CROSSES--Winfrid Herbst, S.D.S. : . 141 DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART--C. A. Herbst, S.J . 145 FOR YOUR INFORMATION . 152 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 17. Quinquennial Report . . 0 . 156 18. Offering Holy Communion for Others . 157 19. Exempt Religious Obliged to Say Orationes Irnperatae . 158 20. Obligation of Religious to Make Will . ; . 159 21. Computation of Time for Profession . 160 22. Impediment for Renouncing the Catholic Faith . 161 23. Meaning of Patrimony . 162 REPRINT SERIES NOT AVAILABLE . 162 OUR CONTRIBUTORS . 162 BOOK REVIEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTSI Editor: Bernard A. Hausmann, S.J. West Baden College West Baden Springs, Indiana . 163 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, May, 1956. Vol. XV, No. 3. Published bi-monthly: January, March, May, July, September, and November, at the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by- St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approb.ation. Entered as second class matter, January 15, 1942, at the Post Office, Topeka, Kansas, under the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Augustine G. Ellard, S.J., Geriild Kelly, S.J., Henry Willmering, S.3. Literary Editor: Edwin F. Falteisek, S.J. Publishing rights reserved by R-EVIEW FOR: RELIGIOUS. Permission is hereby granted for quotations of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 3 dollars a year; 50 cents a copy. Printed in U. S. A. Before writing to us, please consult notice on inside back cover. fl ot:her Xavier Ross Sister Julia Gilmore, S.C.L. [Editors' Note: This account of the foundress of the Sisters of Charity of Leaven-worth is adapted from Sister Julia's book, Come Northt.] TO the first call of the West, many of the Pennsylvania settlers responded, following the turnpike surfaced by the new bound-stone method inventedin England by John McAdam, driv-ing their Conestoga wagons on. through Indiana over its corduroy roads; others drifted their keelboats down the Ohio and Mississippi, breaking them up later and rebuilding them into settlers' cabins; others went no farther than Cincinnati, which was already calling itself "The Queen City of the West." Ann Ross was born there on November 17, 1813, the fourth of five children in the family of Richard Ross, a Methodist preacher, and his wife Elizabeth Taylor ROSS. Cincinnati at heart and in spirit was a frontier town built by pioneers, and Ann caught their spirit and courage early. Even in childhood she showed qualities of leadership as she decided the games for her playmates and captained every undertaking. Attractive, though never considered beautiful, she drew atten-tion unconsciously through her physical appearance as well as through her personality. Small, scarcely five feet, she was graceful in her movements, quick in perception and response, her dark wide-set eyes glowing with alertness. Her father's favorite always, he delighted in having her waiting for him after the evening meeting, when he came home with nerves so taut he had to let himself "run down" before he could attempt to sleep. His long discourses drilled his children in close listening and logical thinking--a boon to Ann all her life. Little is known of her early schooling or companionship; but, when she was about fifteen, she became acquainted with a convert, Victoria Robinson, a young girl of very decided character. As the friendship grew, Ann asked to accompany her on~ day to a church service. Although she knew nothing of Catholic devotion, at Bene-diction she knelt when Victoria knelt and stood when Victoria stood, yet for some unsurmised reason burst into tears during the service, but wisely said nothing about it when the girls left the church. The Rosses hearing of this visit made no effort to hide their displeasure, telling Ann that under no condition was she to repeat 113 SISTER JULIA GILMORE Reoieua for Religious the offense. However, this admonition seems to have made little impression upon Ann; for, in less than a year, she insisted upon at-tending Mass one Sunday with Victoria. During the Mass Ann felt coming over her the sweet sense of well-being until the Com-munion when she knew he'rself to be definitely outside the pale. She tried to conceal her tears while insisting after Mass that she be introduced to the priest who had said the Mass. Reluctantly, Victoria yielded to Ann's persuasion; and, when Father Mullin heard her expression of desire to be instructed in the Faith, he ac-quiesced and not too long after baptised her. As on previous occasions the Rosses were vociferous in their disapproval. Her approach to her father in his study tl~e afternoon of her baptism was direct and determined. The ensuing conversa-tion resulted in Richard Ross' mounting anger causing him to forbid Ann not only attendance at Catholic services but also the very men-tion of the name of Catholicism. His sneering abuse changed his house that evening from a haven of peace to a veritable cave of Aeolus full of storm. However, Ann showed her heritage of will power. Regretting as she did the breach in family relations, she, nevertheless, slipped out of the house regularly on Sundays to hear Mass. From her position as loved daughter of the house she soon became an outcast; even her picture was removed from the family group. This strained situation continued about a year; yet Ann seems to have been permitted (at least she continued) her friendship with Victoria. During the following summer Victoria told her she had learned about religious life as lived in communities and that she had decided upon such a life .as she felt a strong desire to turn all her efforts toward helping others. Ann knew nothing of sisterhoods, but in her quiet persevering way learned more of them after that conversation. The day she saw Victoria off at the wharf for her admission into a novitiate, Ann said in farewell, "But it won't be for long; I, too, have applied and have been accepted' for the convent at Nazareth." With her customary directness she approached her father when she returned home that morning and told him of her intention to become a Sister of Charity. His derision and rising temper did not deter her from following her set purpose. Hard as it was to separate herself from the family she loved so deeply, that very night she packed in her old-fashioned suitcase, called 114 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS~ a telescope, the few things she thought might be of use to her in a convent; and, in the early morning before anyone knew she was up, she slipped out of the house, heard Mass, then purcha, sed at the wharf her passage to Louisville from where she would go by stage the remainder of the journey to Nazareth, Kentucky. As she stepped over the threshold of the mother house of the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth that August 22, 1832, she felt neither sense of fear nor strange exaltation. She was being led a willing follower to some great untried destiny. What it was she did not know, but she was content to feel that she was cooperating in every way she could. The scene changes now. Up to this moment her life had been as simple, as free from adventures, as uneventful as a girl's life could be. If no.thing .had occurred to alter it, she might have con-tinued to be a rather lively versatile young person of uncatalogued tendencies. Her potentialities were unknown to others, whatever she felt ~ within herself. What she sought was a work or a calling in which life would yield its maximum possibilities, bringing into fullest play latent faculties. She had never complained about the loss of friends and com-panionship which her conversion to Catholicism had brought her. But it must have been very hard for her to leave the old environ-ment and come to live as she did among strangers. She accepted it all willingly, even joyfully, and certainly with tranquility. The evening of her arrival at Nazareth she was received into the novitiate: and, as was the custom at that time, she received a religious name as a postulant by drawing a slip of paper from among several held in the apron of the mother superior. As she looked at the paper her face expressed bewilderment. She had never seen the name Xavier before. (In various documents her name is spelled Xavia and in her own handwriting can be seen La Soeur Xavia written on the flyleaf of her old French reader.) Getting acquainted took little time; for the new postulant, Sister Xavier, adjusted readily. Nothing seemed strange to her. She rose at four-thirty with the others for the morning prayers said in common, followed through the prayers and work of the day, enjoying the routine of learning how to work on. the farm, in the dairy, the kitchen, the chapel. Under Bishop Flaget and Father David, her religious training and her secular studies progressed. Christmas of 1832 came and went: New Year's, 1833, was unmarked save by the cold and raw- 115 SISTER JULIA GILMORE Review [or Religious ness of winter. February held a great deal for the new postulant as the community council met and approved her for the habit which she received on the twenty-fourth of the month. With black curls gone, but with the same sparkling dark eyes flashing from under the white cap, Sister Xavier may have been less captivating in appearance; but she was nonetheless attractive. There was something compelling about her that obliged the casual observer to closer scrutiny. Her novitiate continued to be interesting to herl although it had its hard moments when the command "Possess your soul in peace and true humility" seemed to her an impossible counsel of perfection. Occasions had come, too, when the thought of home called so imperiously that it was all but impossible not to go back. Whether she heard from her parents during her first six months at Nazareth is not known. That she wrote at rather r~gfilar inter-vals may be presumed, for the custom of writing to parents seems always to have been part of the rule of the novitiate of the Sisters of Charity. She had not been a novice very long, however, when one day she was called to the parlor. Her joy was made poignant by the thought that at last her mother and father had forgiven her and had come to see her habited as a Sister of Charity. But the thought need never have formed; for as she stepped over the threshold of the parlor, her mother rushed toward her screa'ming in tears, "Oh, my poor disfigured child!" Taken aback Sister Xavier turned hope-fully to her father only to see his rude gesture and hear ugliness of tone as he said, "Take off that hideous cap!" at the same time removing it himself. With confidence gone, she stood bewildered for the moment. Then dashing from the room, she ran to Mother Frances' office where sobs had to subside' before her explanations took on coher-ence. Mother Frances' mind was made up' instantly and together they drove the three miles to Bardstown to consult with Bishop Flaget. He listened attentively and compassionately 6nly to say at the end, "You are under age, so you will have to return with your parents." So Ann put on the secular clothes brought by her parents; and the Rosses with their recovered treasure set out as soon as possible for Louisville by stage, only to be thwarted when they tried to purchase tickets there for the upriver trip to Cincinnati as the cap-tain at the wharf told them cholera was raging along the river. 116 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS, Frustrated, Mr. Ross took his family to the Galt House,. leaving them while he went about town on other business. A friend of Mrs. Ross', noting Ann's tears, said in the course of conversation, Ylsn't it a pity to pluck this young flower from the hand of God?" No reply was made, but Ann followed up her advantage; and, when they were alone in their room, she said to her mother, "How can you see me suffer so and make no effort to make me happy?" Her mother's reply was like blinding sunlight bursting through storm clouds, "Well, Ann, my dear child, if you can get away without your father seeing you, you may go with my blessing." In a flash Ann kissed her mother, ran down the stairs, across the lobby and up the street, fearful every moment of meeting her father. She went to the Infirmary of the Sisters of Charity, ex~ plained her being there, waited a few days, and, when her parents did not come for her, returned to Nazareth, resumed her novitiate and upon taking her vows the following February was sent to be a member of the staff of the Orphan Asylum in Louisville. She seemed particularly adapted to the routine of the orphanage and showed in many ways her enjoyment of working with the children. After several years she was appointed the sister servant of this same orphanage (the term then used to designate a sister superior). Whatever time she could afford away from the children, she spent in a little unheated dormitory alcove, planning lessons, doing mend-ing, making up accounts. During the winters, and these can be very severe in Kentucky, an actual poverty demanded heat be pro-vided only' in that part of the house occupied by the children. This took a toll of Sister Xavier, as one winter she contracted a heavy cold" that settled in her ears and resulted ultimately in her total deafness. But nothing deterred her from continuing her work., : Following the Louisville assignment came appointment as sister servant of the academy in Nashville, Tennessee. Her itiitial moiathd there began propitiously, but. in the springof 1848 cholera broke out:; the academy:dosed, and Sister Xavier,with the other teachers joined the si~ters at the.hospital caring for .qictims of the plague. Ofteri' she went about the streets of Nashville'~fom house"to house doing" everything possible for the sick and giv;ing whatever 'con-solation she could to the stricken, many ofwh6m hard made s~afit preparation .for death that was so imminent. A tardy f~ll followed a long,i.hdt surhmer"bef0re"the scourge abated ~and teaching.w~s:~resum~d: ?'(That yhar~.fini~fied," Si~te~ Xax;ier,. 1i7, SISTER JULIA GILMORE Reoiew for Religious .much weakened by :her experience, . was .reassigned as sister servant of the orphanage in Louisville. Some few letters still extant describe the times with their anxi-eties and reveal, as letters do, the characteristics of the writer. One of these in a significant way points up Sister Xavier's simplicity and loyalty at the same time that it makes a reader aware of her out-bursts of temper. The fact is that many who knew her, loved her, and admired her greatly never denied nor tried to conceal what ap-parently was a source of grief and embarrassment to her. Her tem-per, however, seems matched by her humility as she invariably sin-cerely and with simplicity asked pardon for her outbursts. The early and middle nineteenth century was an era of new modes. These were transitional years; changes came in ways un-expected; and customs of long years' standing were being laid aside to give place to the demands of a new and more progressive era. Among other things the administration of schools felt these modi-fications. Bishop Richard Pius Miles, O.P., of Nashville was not com-pletely satisfied with changes made in his staff by the mother house at Nazareth and a prohibition of the sisters' singing in the parish choir. Wishing to retain some as permanent members of his faculty and have a purely diocesan religious order, free from outside author-ity, he petitioned the mother house at Nazareth for a group of its sisters to establish such a community in Nashville. A tradition exists in the Nazareth community that the con-templation of this diocesan foundation in Nashville was generally known for quite some time. In the summer of 1851, Mother Cath-erine Spalding officially made Bishop Miles' request known to her entire community. Since this would mean the loss of some sisters to the still young Nazareth organization; and, as she knew well the countless dangers and hardships which confront communities in their initial stages, Mother Catherine wisely attempted to dis-suade from any precipitancy. She feared that courage might lead to peril. However, in due course, she gave full permission to any member who wished to form the nucleus of the new diocesan foun-dation. The very kindliest of feelings were distinctly manifest .as she made it clear that any sister wishing to remain in or go to Nashville was free to do so. The matter of this proposal was considered seriously, and none of those who accepted it arrived at her decision without thought and meditation. Many nights, lying awake hour after hour, Sister I'18 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS Xavier deliberated upon the proposition before she saw the step that she must take; and the grace came to take it. A new sphere of activity was opening; she was asked to fill it; she determined to lay personal considerations aside and follow the Master with im-plicit confidence in His providence. It was not, however, until the end of ,June that she was able to say t6 herself, "I will cleave to His command, 'Leave all and follow me.' " Not only for her, but also for each one in the group going to Nashville, there was a "giving Up," an "acting against self." Their sorrow was perceptible and deep. They were giving up forever their convent home and life-long friends in Kentucky. Such action brought grief of a nature fully understandable only to those who have had a like experience, but the urgent request they had received could not be lightly disregarded. For Sister Xavier and her five companions there was, along with other ties, the severance of companionship that had grown very close during nineteen years of religious life. She was endeared to the sisters of Nazareth and they were endeared to her. But now, in response to Bishop Miles' persistent request, they withdrew from the Nazareth community in the summer of 1851. Though the Sis-ters of Charity at Nazareth looked upon the separation in varied wa);s, in the years to come they would say of Sister Xavier with unanimous sincerity, "She was a heroine!" Others making the Nashville foundation were Sisters 3oanna Bruner, 3ane Francis 3ones and Ellen Davis (both of whom died in Nashville in 1854), Mary Vincent Kearney, and BaptistaCarney (who returned to Nazareth to be with her own sister in that com-munity). Two others, from Nazareth joined the Nashville group the next year: Sisters Pauline Gibson and Dorothy Villeneuve. All the members retained the religious names they had received upon their entrance into the Nazareth community. Not until 1895 were any alterations made in the habit they wore. Trials were not wanting to Sister Xavier and her valiant band; and, humanly speaking, it was hard for her to realize during these days the truth which she expressed so emphatically: "One finds God everywhere one seeks I~im; He alone is all one needs." But there were compensations, too. The number of sisters was not diminished but augmented, for several young girls sought da - m~sslon to.the new community as postulants as soon as the s~sters would receive them. The beginnings in Nashville were meager; the teaching sisters 1 19 SISTER JULIA GILMORE stayed at the hospital with the nursing sisters until an orphanage for boys was opened. This was followed in rapid succession by a school for girls and an orphanage for girls which also served as a boarding school. Within a year Sister Xavier had been elected the mother superior. Under her guidance the institutions grew, and work awaited the sisters on all sides. Mother Xavier apparently acted as mistress of novices as well as superior of the growing community. Some few 6f her instructions to members of the novitiate are still extant. Be-cause she knew the value of discipline and had learned God's ways with the soul, she could personally share such counsels as these: "Instead of reviewing in a too self-satisfied manner whatever you may have done well, cherish and improve every day the spirit of prayer and habitual recollection, obedience, humility, charity, sim-plicity, modesty, and fidelity. Then Christ will be with you and His presence is the only thing in which to take satisfaction . The conventions and courtesies of social intercouse should not be neglected nor disdained, as they are the natural aids to the promo-tion of God's work . Refinement of manner and virile spiritual life are close companions. They are essential to the keeping of the Rule . Every act of obedience is an act of faith, and the just man lives by faith .Divine love and humble prayer must animate you." Father Ivo Schacht (pronounced Scat), a zealous.Belgian priest, was appointed by Bishop Miles spiritual director of the community. He worked constantly toward the spiritual development of the sisters as well as the expansion of facilities in order to. care for more and more children.- .=. With this endin view, late in 1856, heobegan the construction of an academy and mother house on a part of farm grounds on which he had previously built an orphanage. To finance these buildings he used with the permissibn of his.bishop deposits re-ceived from members of the Nashville: congregation. The construc-tion was completed; the sisters, :no~cices, arid.postulants were living in the part to be used as a mother house; the academy had promise of a full enrollment. It would be but a short time before the debt on the building would be paid. Then, early in 1857, clouds began to appear on the horizon, small at first and not much noticed; but with the months they increased in size and proportion, throwing deep shadows upon the .young Nashville community. A misunderstanding .that had.lbeen brewing between Bishop 120 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS Miles and Father Schacht resulted in the latter's, withdrawal from the diocese. Whatever the difficulty between the two, certainly it should never have affected the sisters. But it did. Father Schacht deeply regretted the complicated situation in which he would be obliged to leave this group of Sisters of Charity, but he was power-less to assist them further. About July or August of 1858 when the depositors learned of Father Schacht's departure, they grew clamorous for their money. Had they but consented to wait, the debt in due time would have been liquidated; but they would not. Mother Xavier finding that the Bishop refused to assume the responsibility of payment took counsel with the sisters, and "the group resolved to sell everything they had in the world and pay those to whom money was due. Another Via Crucis had begun. All the institutions were flourish-ing; all would have to suffer. Mother Xavier was filled with so-licitude for the sisters, patients, orphans, and students. She had always regarded the bishop as a very pious man prompted by the best motives. Never, even in this trial, did an expression of bitterness or lack of reverence escape her in speaking of him. Invariably she said, "He means well." She understood how, without malice on either side, misunderstandings happen and cause very keen suffering to those whose aim is to make others happy. During this period of insecurity and anxiety, she made ac-quaintance with distress of mind, human weakness, misunderstand-ing-- all a part of the apostolate. The future appeared to her a maelstrom of black emptiness. As she said years later, it was this tribulation that taught her that "each loss is truest gain, if day by day Christ fills the place of all He took away." One consolation alone remained: the sisters were in agreement that whatever Mother Xavier undertook they would stand by her. Their one definite, expressed wish was to stay together as a com-munity. Previous to this, only flitting thoughts had come of ever leav-ing Nashville where they found themselves hemmed in on all sides by older communities; now the thoughts took deeper hold. As a metropolitan co.uncil would open early in September of that year, 1858, it was suggested that Mother Xavier make a trip to St. Louis to see if a new home could be found for the entire community. After much serious thought and 15efore reaching a decision, she urged the commu'nity, "Let us pray over the matter 121 SISTER ,JULIA GILMORE Reuiew for Religious first. Divine Providence has never failed us. It won't now. 13ut, Sisters, pray! We have come upon a crucial time; prayer alone will help us in this trial, and let your prayers brim over with faith!" Had she been made of less durable stuff, her interview with Archbishop Kenrick of St. Louis would have been most discourag-ing; for, although he gave close and sympathetic attention to her presentation of the situation, even asking an occasional question, his comment was terse: "I know of no bishop who wishes sisters." But Mother Xavier's faith and hope led her to ask, "Most Rev-erend Archbishop, if anyone of the bishops belonging to your prov-ince were willing to receive us into his diocese, would your Grace prevent him ?" A ring of admiration and honest sincerity shot tiarough his reply, "No, my child, I would not." When 13ishop 3ohn 13. Mieg~, S.3., from Indian Territory heard the facts the next day, he not only signified willingness to receive the community, but also radiated enthusiasm in his urgent "Come north as soon as possible!" The night Mother Xavier left Nashville for St. Louis, she and the sisters promised that should a home be found for them as a community, in gratitude to our Lady a novena in her honor would be said in perpetuity in all houses of l~he order daily. This novena begun in Nashville has continued down the years as the community made its foundation in Leavenworth and established houses in ten different states. With auctioning off re.al and movable properties, packing, find-ing homes for orphans, closing up houses, days passed rapidly: and by November, 1858, the first group of sisters left for Leaven-worth City, Indian Territory. In December the remainder of the community followed with the exception of Mother Xavier and Sister ,Joanna who remained behind to conclude all business trans-actions. This they accomplished by the end of 3anuary, 1859; and left the South with a balance of $9.00 to join the other members in Leavenworth City. Ability to endure hardship, coupled with foresight and perse-verance, had enabled the sisters to begin at once a day school and a boarding school. Cramped quarters constantly called for expan-sion; and with expansion came the work dearest of all to Mother Xavier--an orphanage. From the beginning of the new foundation, candidates joined the community; more could be accomplished as numbers increased, but with the increase other trials came. With 122 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIEI~ ROSS the opening of the orphanage, adverse opinions arose; criticism came from within--the kind hardest to bear. But Mother Xavier con-stantly kept the supernatural motive before her saying, "Let the joy be in the doing, not in the end. If the Work succeeds we will know it is God's will." The sisters realized, of course, that in the mighty drama of " human living there was nothing less than a supernatural goal to attain. Education was simply too broad a term for them; there was more to the formation of their students than that "their minds be instructed, their hearts and heads be cultivated" as the Leaven-worth reporters penned in grateful tribute at the end of the first school year in Indian Territory. There was, rather, an ideal to be embodied in their students' lives: the ideal of the Maid of Naz-areth. To make this ideal a vibrant reality in the hearts and minds of their charges, the sisters toiled consistently, unfolding behind the curtain of daily living the drama of true advancement. In all ways the community toiled. The regular routine of domestic work included the gathering of wild fruit and nuts, for the sisters needed every bit they could garner; they planted, har-vested, canned, preserved, fished in the streams along with the other townsfolk, made their candles and soap as 'all pioneer women did. Wherever the sisters worked, Mother Xavier worked with them. Manual labor was a part of her day the same as her teaching of French and English composition, literature, music and art, manag-ing the household and going into the homes to nurse the sick until a hospital could be established. ,Her participation~ in all community activity was a transparency through which can be seen her charity and deep concern for the sisters, and the joy it gave her to be with them. As acquaintance with the sisters grew so did applications for membership. Accommodations were so meager that the time came when prospective members had to be refused for lack of space. This led to the planning and construction of a building outside the city limits that would serve both students and sisters. But, before the place was finished, it had to be boarded up for lack of funds. Never a financial wizard,, Mother Xavier had been unable to .do more than care for running expenses at the same time that the community lived in real poverty. When a loan was suggested as a means of getting the new academy finished and ready for occupancy, she was appalled by the idea. Debt w, as the nemesis that had dogged her footsteps before; 123 :SISTER JULIA GILMORE Review [or Religious now ag~iiilit was to pursue her. Raffles were resorted to, and for at least-six years two sisters and sometimes four went from coast to coast begging for funds .to pay off the debt. When Mother Xavier sent them "on the road" to "Trust in God and beg for funds," she had no way of knowing the humiliations that would come to them through sus-picion of being imposters, having all their luggage stolen, and the .refusals of bishops and pastors to permit them to solicit. When she .heard of these trials, she suffered with the sisters through-their hard-ships and anxieties but never lost hope. In one of her letters she said, "We. must put our shoulders to the wheel, and pratt, too, without ceasing." Through the united efforts of all the sisters, two years after the boarding-up, the new building was finished and opened, filled to capacity. Every. waking minute was taken up for the sisters with routine duties and spiritual exercises. Much of the time out: side of class went.to "being with the girls," conversing while busy with sewing or other needlework; for the foundress felt that her ,responsibility was to teach Catholic girls to take their place in so-ciety and to be a part of the world they lived in. She believed that all the ends she proposed could be gained by showing interest and trust in the students, and this she wished all the members of the community to show. She maintained that the best opportunities for association came during the free time when classroom formality ceased. Much as the future looked glowing for the young community and their charges, respite from anguish was short-lived for them. ~Tbe new academy was not open six months when, one cold Janu-ary day, the contractor called upon Mother Xavier demanding im-mediate payment of notes with 12% interest. Both she and the treasurer, Sister Joanna, begged for tim~; the notes were not due; and not a cent of money was available. It took an amount of per- .suasion to induce the contractor, James McGonigle, to wait; he was reluctant even to leave the building, threatening to put the place up for auction if payment were not made immediately. Again the sisters .faced the possibility of being made homeless. Calling together the entire community, novices and postulants as well as professed, Mother Xavier laid before them the circum-stances saying, "We .have no recourse except God; I tell you we have. nothing earthly :to. depend upon. You will have to pray hard. God will not forsake us in this our hour of need." 124 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS It was then she asked the sisters to form bands of three and rotate hours of petition before the Blessed Sacrament. The greater part of the next three days and nights found her keeping the vigil of petition, kneeling upright, her eyes closed, her hands clasped. She was oblivious of time. Grhdually the hope faded that .Mr. Mc- Gonigle would relent and withdraw his demands. The community council met and authorized Sister 3oanna to try to negotiate a loan in St. Louis for the required $27,000: During her absence the most severe of fasts was observed at the mother house while the prayers of petition continued strong and unabated. Weeks passed; weeks of hope. and faith and peni-tential prayer on the part of each one in the community. Not until five months had elapsed, however; did the answer come in the form of a telegram from Sister 3oanna urging Mother Xavier to come to St. Louis immediately as a loan could be negotiated. This was but a part of the answer to the petition. When the sisters returned from St. Louis, they were hurrying in to Leaven-worth to pay Mr. McGonigle when a gentleman, a Mr. 3ohn F. Lee, who had met Mother Xavier previously in St. Louis called at the mother house to tell her he had already paid the contractor. There was no way, naturally speaking, to express adequate gratitude for such magnanimity. As long as Mother Xavier lived, she used to say to the sisters, "Pray for him, for it is the only way we can-show our appreciation to him. Had it not been for his kindness and indulgence, Mount St. Mary's would long since have gone under the hammer of the auctioneer." In spite of those years of trial, the community grew and ex-panded, opening schools, orphanages, hospitals, foundling homes, from Missouri west to Montana and New Mexico. Mother Xavier continued to govern the community, although handicapped by deafness that first caused her to use a trumpet, then a dentiphone, until finally no sound of a~y kind penetrated from the outside although within her head constant pain was accompanied by a noise that seemed like huge slabs of stone knocking against each other. She continued helping with all tasks, gave conferences, and visited the houses of the community showing interest in every-thing, done by the sisters, admonishing, praising as the need might be. Through dispensation she had guided the community since its inception as Bishop Midge had thought it wisdom for her to do so; 125 SISTER ,JULIA GILMORE Reuiew for Religious in 1877 she asked to be relieved of the responsibility of office. With hearing completely gone and ravages of age making inroads, she asked that someone else take up the burden. ~Election resulted 'in Mother 3osephine Cantwell being placed in office; immediately she asked Mother Xavier to assume the spir-itual training of the members of the novitiate. For this position she was apt, as she possessed a particular gift in character discernment. She could hold up a very unprepossessing person in a certain light. and immediately that person seemed to take on new and unseen qualities: When asked her secret, she insisted she had none. Ob-viously she had; obviously, too, she interested herself in each indi-vidual .m~mber, learned the names of her family, her likes and dis-likes-- these gave the clue to abilities that once developed could make fo~ ha~opy and satisfying placement. All this taken together helped make Mother Xavier a contemporary of everyone, and an absolute absence of partiality gained the novices' confidence. " Mother Xavier's instructions to the novices, which fortunately are extant in part, brimmed with practical application. In these conferences she often repeated that the poor were to be treated with the same courtesy and respect as those abundantly blessed with the comforts and luxuries of life: "Be respectful to strangers; treat them with courtesy and kindness in order to draw them to God through yourself . Meet guests in a quiet dignified manner and. with a quiet cheerfdl look. Never go before externs with a dark gloomy.expression or in a frivolous manner . The Lord loveth a cheerful giver--then give cheerfully!" Invariably her instruc-tions closed with" "And, Sisters, be kind to the orphan; be good to the" poor." Busy herself always, she decried idleness in anyone, a fact which probably gave voice to these admonitions: "Always do what is expected of you, and more, much more: Do .not wait to be asked or told to do something. If there is a task to be done, do' it---quickly, quietly. The feet will go to the place the heart "is. Do .not boast either about doing extra work. In fact, nothing" is extra. As long as it remains to be done, it is your work . If we.have confidence inGod, we will have'cbniidence in ourselves. ¯ . . Be able to do things alon~! It is pitiful.to see Sisters unable to. do chores; study, go to prayers without ~eeking companionship:' Remember-~crows and sparrows flock together; eagles fly alone i"" Filled as her life was with the serious purpose of religion, Mother Xavier .still found ~ime for' much ~fun.She loved .drama, 1'26 Ma~, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS charades, pantomimes, and wrote and .t~ugb~t more than'one script for the novices or professed. He hearty laugh, spontaneous response to enjoyment, led one novice to write to her "father, "If you want to learn to laugh, come to our novitiate and we'll show you how." Gloominess had no part in her. She often said, "The sovereign remedy for mental agitation is prayer; we carl be bothered only if we let ourselves be bothered.". Through the years, she lived what she taught. Her words were not without example when she cautioned, "If you love God 'you will be courteous to each other . Guard your tongues, when a hasty thought would express itself. And remember, a witty person must be most careful, for often wit stings, and we never know how a word said in jest might wound severely a sensitive nature . Warm yourselves at the tabernacle fires. Love the Blessed Sacra-ment! There is no need of books when we speak to our friends; neither is there any need of books when we speak to our Great Friend." On the occasion of a community jubile.e when asked about the seeming length of years and community growth, she answered, "During the years I have watched our community grow, I have thanked Godfor the increase, it is true; but mostly I thanked Him for the spirit that makes our members practice virtue. I have noted, too, the development of ingenuity and a certain practical philosophy. This we need together with faith in God and the propensity 'to pull on through.' " When death came she had definitely left an impress on the community she had established. Hers was a vast life; sixty-three years of it were spent in re-ligion. During those years Mother Xavier's companions consciously or unconsciously imbibed her spirit which has become the heritage of the order. Her place in the hearts of the sisters can be estimated through a tribute given by one member at the time of Mother Xavier's death and which seems representative: "She was always solicitous for. our welfare and gave less heed to her own comforts than to ours. She encouraged us in every undertaking, consoled us in our troubles, nursed us in our sickness and advised us on all occasions. " : ;'She was mother to the poor and suffering, for no one enter[ ing her door to ask for help ever was turned away. Her helping hand banished poverty from many a pioneer home and. s.ent re.any a traveler on his way.rejoicing. No small, numb.e.L.oJ: orpha.n chil-drei~ found shelter,.food, care, and love under h~rroof '~. 127 Sisters' Ret:rea!:s--III Thomas Dubay, $.M. IN this present article of our retreat study, we shall consider three disconnected problems: the meditation expose, the use of humor, and the private conference with the retreat master. MEDITATION EXPOSI~--TIME LENGTH The first question to which we shall turn our attention deals with the length of the ordinary meditation expos~ given by the retreat master. The item was worded as follows: What time length do you ordinarily prefer for a meditation expose? __15 min. __20 min. __30 min. __45 min. __60 min. Further com-ment: (space provided) Table I gives the distribution of the sisters' answers to this query. Table I Meditation Expose--Time Length 15 min . 17 (2.5%) 20 min . 64 (9.3%) 30 min . " . 380 (55.1%) 45 min . 208 (30,1%) 60 min . 21 (3.0%) As would be expected, the majority selected a middle course of thirty minutes~ while the two extremes of 15 and 60 minutes are rather sparsely represented. It may be surprising to some that so large a number of sisters prefer the somewhat long expos4 time of 45 minutes, while relatively few favor the 20-minute meditation outline. More interesting than mere figures are the sisters' reasons for their choices. These we will consider under the heading of each time bracket and apportion according to the number of votes in each category. 15 minutes: Leave some of the period, especially thefirst period, for meditating by the sisters. Short--concise. 20 minutes: It should give the sisters sufficient time to develop the ideas or points exposed. It is not up to the retreat master to make the retreat for the sisters. 128 SISTERS" RETREATS--III . If the expos~ is longer, it usually is due to poor organization or needless repetition. No matter how good the speaker, ~ long expos~ tends to make listeners restless, especially in summer. Retreat masters seem to lack faith in sisters' poweb to meditate and weary them with too much talk. No energy left for meditation. 30 minutes: This would vary depending on the subject matter. Some 15 minute conferences seem more like 60 minutes and sometimes the reverse is true. There is a limit as to the amount one can take at one time. This seems relative to the amoun't of time provided for meditation following the expose. Our retreat meditations average I~ hours. Were less time provided, I would want less than 30 minute expose. This gives us 30 minutes for reflection and, therefore, would give a good balance to the meditation. I think usually some of the meditation lectures are too long, thereby not providing enough time for reflection. I have indicated the maximum. We are not permitted to leave the chapel until the full hour is completed. We need time to do a little thinking and praying for ourselves. If sisters spend free time in sewing, orifice work, etc., then it would be better to have longer medi-tations. If the retreat master has well chosen material and really gives it even 45 minutes is short. But if he has to read--well--let's make it 15! 45 minutes: I'm generally too tired mentally to meditate long myself because of going directly to retreat from school. It depends on the speaker. If he is really saying something, all right; but if not, cut it short. It is too hard to fill in the time when the retreat master makes it so short. Some conferences and meditations are entirely too short and I'm not contemplative enough. During retreat there is always plenty of time to think over all that has been given during the periods between talks. If the retreat master devotes less time all angles are not attacked. 60 minutes: Sixty minutes if it's stimulating. I admit I'm one of those rare creatures who likes instructions. Perhaps some mental laziness is implied in the fact that the time taken by the retreat master does not have to be occupied in personal reflection. All of which, of course, leaves the poor retreat master in a quan- 129 THOMAS DUBAY Review for Religious dary. He cannot possibly satisfy everybody. On the bright side, however, he can cgnsole himself that somebody is likely to be pleased no matter how briefly or protractedly he speaks. . . In a practical vein we may conclude that the whole picture sug-gests that most sisters would be pleased and fewest displeased by a meditation expos~ in the neighborhood of 30 minutes. In view of the sisters' remarks it may often be wise for the retreat master to consider varying this figure accbrding to subject, temperature, and an honest estimate of his own ability. HUMOR We next take up the question of intentional humor, in a medi-tation expose. It is of set purpose that we mention intentional humor (usually in the form of jokes), for, while the sisters universally like a sense of humor in the retreat master, not all of them desire jokes in the meditation expos& T16e' present item was worded as follows : Do you like jokes in a meditation expose? __.I prefer none at all ___It depends on the subject --_I enjoy a few Further comment : In this survey sisters who prefer no jokes at all in the medita-tion expos4 formed a small minority of 49 (7.1%); those who enjoy a fewnumbered 285 (41.4%); and those who specified that joke-telling must depend on the subject of the meditation numbered 355 (51.5%). Several sisters pointed out that the answer would depend also on the fitness of the joke, the manner of telling;-etc. One mentioned that she always enjoys a joke, while only one stated that she likes many. ~., Excerpt,s from the sisters' written comments follow: Just enough to break the tension which ordinarily comes durin'g retreat. Maybe three or four, but at.retreat [ really want to make a retreat. If it is a real meditation exposd I prefer none; in a conference on.ly a few. Most sisters really serious about the business of sanctity do not come" to retreat to be entertained. .'. . 'Jokes for.the most'part are out of place. On the other, hand a greatness of faith brings with it a delicateness and. lighm~ss .of touch that/sees the'bt~.m~r ir~.'our seriousness, ¯ .'" ' ::.d ¯ " I never enjoy a joke during retreat if it is obviously told just to be clever. If it makes a'poinr it "is appreciated. " " , ¯ 130 May, 1956 SISTERS' RETREATS--III If they are real incidents or experiences, they are.good. Sisters are not so stupid as to enjoy stale old jokes. It depends on the fitness and the manner of telling as well as on the subject. Distinguish anecdot~tge and jokes from the wit and humor which flow out naturally and relax tension without distracting attention. Personal memoirs are rarely wel-come in quantity. These often bring home the point, and'it lessens the tension. Making a good retreat is hard work, and nerves get taut. Jokes help! There are some people--myself included--who can't really tell them. If one can't it is better to skip it. Be natural. I think most sisters are eager to hear more about our Lord and the spiritual life. In themselves these are serious subjects and do not call for joking as a rule. We don't have to make a retreat to hear jokes. There are sut~icient'magazines,'etc., that can supply us with jokes. Not standard jokes, but a real sense of humor that sees through things, to what makes them really, funny, or unimportant, or ridiculous, or sublimely delightfu.1. The "Jokers" usually "give the impression that they missed their calling. A stage might better be their proper place. What sister wants jokes brought into a" medi-tation on the Passion? Yet I have heard such. And some jokes are just a trifle risque--a serious, saintly priest doesn't need such "props." I do not like too rriuch joking and funny stories. Nor do I prefer someone who seems to lack a sense of humor. I like,.to !augh ,once in a while! Sometimes meditation exposds are awfully long and dr'y, or they.are deep. A joke helps and relaxes you so you can benefit from the rest of the meditation. Or maybe one is just tired before starting retreat. A'man.who knows and enjoys life and people cannot help being amused at the in-congruit. y he finds. I like to share his amusement, but I do not like "planted" jokes put in to get us in a good mood and least of all "corn." (T.V. comedian type of joke) I prefer a humorous aside when the occasion fits rather than formal jokes of the story type. To my mind, holy things should never be the subject of jokes: at times I have heard them lightly treated by priests who do not seem to. be sensitiv~e on this subject. I enjoy a f.ew jokes, .definitely yes, and I think they are ggod tension, breakers and interest revivers. And I want to put in a vote for well told anecdotes, pithy well-turned phrases, and apt short quotations. Not only do they make for interest and easier listening, but, even more important, they lodge in the memory, perhaps for years. From the above statistical breakdown and the. sisters', expressed opinions one conclusion towers above any othdr: while the sisters appre.ciate humor in gogd taste, they decidedly dislike jokes for the sake of jokes. Or to put.the matter in.othei.words, they want the jokes used ~O'fit the subject, to be well selected; .to have a worth-while purpbse,." and to be gomparatively few. in number. . THOMAS "]~UBAY Reoiew t~or Religious PRIVATE CONFERENCE The soul in its efforts to win the heights of holiness oftenfeels the need of. personalized counsel and guidance from a spiritual di-rector in some sort of situation or other. In our survey the sisters were asked ~vhether or not they thought a private conference with the retreat master and on the occasion of the annual retreat is a de-sirable answer to this need. The exact wording of the question is here given: Would you consider a private conference with the retreat master quite desirable? __.yes, sometimes __no Further comment" A majority, 436 (66.2 %), of the sisters favor the availabilit'y of a private conference: These religious do not think that such a cbnference need be frequent, but rather that it should be available for those who on occasion could benefit from it. A strong minority, 223 (33.8%), fed that the need and advisability of a private in-terview with the retreat master are either non-existent or almost so. These latter universally feel that the sister can and should get her prbblems settled in the confessional. The excerpts that follow give a representative picture of the views of the sisters who would find the private conference desir~ible. At times a private conference may be in order. During the whole year in some mis-sions there is no opportunity to get advice or help from a religious priest. Prob-lems do arise. For obvious reasons one does not wish to detain the retreat master in the confessional. Sometimes that is very beneficial. At one time I had a confessor when out on the missions who did not understand me. He got me all muddled. I was in agony. The retreat master straightened me out. Many times I would like to discuss some problems with the retreat master, but being a proud human being, I always find excuses for not doing, so and hence go on being bothered. It would be good if he were available without any red tape about getting to see him. One doesn't care to have many "women" know that one did so. What. they don't know does not create comment. It is impossible for every sister to talk with the retreat master, but sometimes it is essential to do so. In rare instances. Usually the retreat masters don't want them. They feel confes-sion is su$cient. Yet, I think here is a great lack of understanding. This, too. should be explained. When can a religious go with her problems to a priest? Why are higher superiors reluctant to see her do so? Why should the attitude be taken, that one will immediately degrade her community, etc.? If a religious doesn't 132 May, 1956 SISTERS' RETREATS~--III feel she has that freedom, she Will look for oth(r means to ~olve her problems, or just drop them and give up . . . I have been a superior . Sometimes the conferences, would have never cleared up my dit~cultieS, but a private conference where I can ask. questions did. I don't mean being a nuisahce. Let it be brief as possible and to the point. Let it not be of a nature which concerns your superior and yourself. Some do not seem to know how to draw the line between what should be discussed or what [not]. I have never had one so I do not know. It would be awfully nice to be able to ask questions sometimes. I have only taken the opportunity once, but it was a marvelous help and brought very lasting, peace and understanding of some questions. Not often, but some few times a conference would be definitely desirable. Again, private conferences are something else that some sisters have, perhaps, abused; but for the sister, say, with grave temptations against her vocation or perplexed by some moral problem, or the like, such a conference could be a golden opportunity. Per-haps, retreat masters do not realize how often sisters may be _extremely limited in their opportunities for such help during the year. It would have saved me worlds of worry in the past, but it is not the custom in our order, and so I've done without. There are some matters one simply can't get straight in the confessional. I have always been afraid to ask for one. It is much frowned upon. I feel it would be a great help. Not often, but it would be a big help if such an opportunity were provided. I know several sisters who actually need this help, and if it were offered to everyone, these would not feel embarrassed. In many cases it is necessary. The mission life presents many difficult problems. I know that I often long for a spiritual advisor and I am disappointed when I find that the retreat master has no time for me. Typical of those who oppose the private interview are these opinions: All the advice I need can be gotten in the confessional where ple.nty of time is given and personal satisfaction is not sought. There is such ,a thing as community loyalty and one way in which a disloyal member could prove herself so would be this. If a conferencd is needed, I think the confessional would be more suitable and proper. Nol because I have seen that they have brought discontent and envy among the religious themselves. if a retreat master is generous with his time and a competent advisor in confession, it so far has solv, ed all troubles. I can't see'how a retreat master in one private konferen~e c6uld possibly help one --~esp. when two or three hundred people are making the re.treat that usually lasts 5 or 8 days. I realize that there are exceptions, but my ow~ .feeling is that it is the "oddities" that usually ask private conferences. 133 THOMAS DUBAY ,.,'" I think you.can settle most questions in the confessional. You should go to your own superior for a privat~ conference. I think for a time this was overdone and it took time from retreat priest [sic] he should have spent.in preparation. The confessional at retreat'tim~ is a good place to settle problems. The Holy Spirit is more likely to be in on it too. One sister made an interestihg distinction: I think it depends on the individual. If she ii seeking attention"and sympathy, NO. If she is seeking higher heights of sanctity, YES. In accord with our expressed policy of not stating a p~eference for either opinion, we will allow the reader to evaluate the sisters' reasonings for himself. It seems compatible with this policy, how-ever, to point out that religious superiors and retreat masters should consider seriously the request of so many sisters for the availability of a private interview. Whether their decision be affirmative or nega-tive, the above discussion seems to demand a thoughtful examina-tion of the problem and a solution that will do the greatest'good to the greatest number. " SOME BOOKS RECEIVED " Only books sent directly to our book-review editor (see address on inside front cover or on p. 163) are included in our "Reviews and .AnnounCements." The fol-lowing books were sent to St. Marys: ~'., :. Index of The American Ecclesiastical Review, Volumes 10 i- 130 (July, 19392- dune, 1954). The Catholic University of America ",Press ~.620. Michigan Ave.,.N.E., Washington 17, D. C. $3.75. . ~ :.,, The Catholic Booklist, 1956. St. Cattiarind 2unior,~College,.St. Catharine, Ky. $.75. Salt It With Stories. By Cyprian Truss, O.F.M.Cap.JQseph F, Wagner., Inc., 33 Park Place, New York 7, N. Y. $3.95. There's More to Life than Living It. By Albert J. Nimeth. O.F.M. FranciScan Herald Press, 1434 W. 51st St., Chicago 9, II1. $.95. . ; , . The Eternal Shepherd-~4th Series. By.Thqmas H. Moore.S:4., Apostle.ship of Prayer, 515 East Fordham Road, New Ybrk 58, N. Y. $2.00. No Cross No C?'owfi." By Rev. Clement H. Ci'ock. Societ.y of St. patli, .2.1.8~ Victory Blvd., State~ Ikland 14, N. Y. $2'.50. " John Duns Scotus, A Teach& for~ Our T~rnes. B;/ ]3~ra'ud de Saint-Maurid~i Franciscan Institute,.St. Bonaventure; N.:¯.Y~-;,.~" -/." .~,: . : ¯ " Works of Saint Bonaventure: I. De Reductlone Artium ad Theologlarm "A° co'm-mentary with an introduction and translation by Sister Emma Therese Healy. ,Fr.an- ,Ciscan Instithte, St~ Bon~(,~iu're, N. Y. ' "" '" Maqt in the Franciscan Order. Proceedings of the Third Naticmal Meetin~ of Franciscan Teaching Sisterhoods. "Franciscan', Institute, St. Bonaventure," N. Y. "" M.aq¢ in Historg,i'n"~Fi~ith;, imd fn Devotiod. By Rev. "Anselm Burke, O. Carm: :Scapular Press, 329'E. 28thSt., New Y6rk',16,N. Y. $3.50. . (Continued bh "i~ge 162) " 134 Our Lady and t:he ,Apost:olat:e Ellwood E. Kieser, C.S.P. IN the year 747 of the city of Rome, a Jewish girl made a decision which completely changed the course of human history. She un-loosed a tidal wave which will forever break against the shores of time, washing with its current the souls, of all mankind. The girl in question: Mary of Nazareth. Her decision: to be the Mother of God, the first and greatest of all Christl~earers. Why her impact on history? Because the fate of mankind de-pended upon that decision. Mary spoke for humanity. Her consent was our consent. The consequences of her decision intimately effect our lives. 1-°op~ Plus puts it this way: "In the name of the whole human race, she gave her consent for a spiritual marriage between the Son of God" and human nature." Mankind, until this time separated from.God and condemne'd to frustration, Was rejoined to the divinity in the person of God's own Son. Infinite God was clad in finite flesh. Eternity entered time. Omnipotence became child. The source of all truth, goodness, and beauty dwelt among us in the womb of this girl. The drama of redemption has begun, and Mary con~ents to play the supporting role. Mary knew the implications of her rolel the price she would be required to pay,"its'effects upon millions of human lives. She faced her destiny. She adcepted it. She gave herself to its fulfillment with all the ardour and courage of her grace-filled soul. This destiny meant two thing's. She must possess Christ. She must give Christ. These are ihe two'poles of Mary's mentality to-w~ ird which all else converge. Without possession, without giving, Mary's life would have been incomplete. The~e two poles are found in every Christian who wants to give Christ to" others. He possesses and he gives. Both are absolutely necessary. He cannot give Christ to others if he does ~o~i. first possess Him by l~nciwledge and love. He cannot be a vehicle for Christ's grace if his soul has not been chiseled in Christ's likeness. This it is that makes the apdstle: possessing :Christ, he naturally tries to share his happiness. He tries to give Christ to others. In this, as in all else, Mary is both model and helper. Mary possessed Christ vcith an intimacy and completeness un-known to the greateit saints: .From her youth, she lives amid the highest reaches of'the transforming union. Christ identified Hirhself 135 ELLWOOD E. KIESER Reoieto for Religious with her so that she became for Him an alter ego. He made her another Christ. This caused her to project herself into God, who perfected and strengthened her as the vehicle of His love. She found the perfection of her thoughts in His thoughts; the satisfaction of her desires in His desires; her happiness in His happiness. It was God's thoughts that she thought; God's love that she loved; God's happiness that she shared. While retaining her own personality and freedom, she had become one spirit with God. She had put on the mind of Christ. She could say, even more truly than St. Paul, "I live, now not I, but Christ lives within me." This means that she drew God into her own soul, which be-came His temple and dwelling place. The depths of her soul were wrapped in His presence. Whenever her occupation permitted, she folded back within herself to commune with that Person who was closer to her than she was to herself. Her faculties were completely docile to His inspiration. She be-came a perfect instrument for His action. It was not she alone who thought, spoke, and worked. God did these things in and through her. This grace of indwelling is not specially reserved for Mary. Every Christian who is willing to pay the price, who allows the life of grace to flower in his soul, can.enjoy it. The degree of God's indwelling in our souls will never approach that of Mary. It may not become a matter of experience. We m~iy not feel His presence. But the fact of God's presence in the Christian soul remains. This is a matter of faith. God has promised it to us. There is, of course, a grace and a manner of possessing God which is reserved strictly for Mary. She is God's mother. It was in her body and through her cboperation that Jesus came into the world. He received His human nature from her. She gave Christ His human body, the hands to bless us, the tongue to teach us, the blood to redeem us. She is liter-ally, in the strict physical sense, a Christbearer. Their union could not have been more intimate. Their destinies were intertwined. His mission was her mission. He came to restore men to God's friendship, to take up mystical residence in their souls. She was to help him. She was to give Christ to the world. This ¯ is the second pole of Mary's mentality. She was not content with possessing Christ. Neither must any Christian be. Goodness naturally overflows. Sanctity diffuses itselL Christianity is essentially apostolic. Because she had identified her- 136 ,May, 1956 OUR LADY AND THE APOSTOLATE self with Christ and His mission, she bent all her efforts that others might possess Him also. Her love extended to the entire human race. She knew that 3esus was the first born of many children, that His Mystical Body was to reach out and embrace men of all ages. Because she loved Christ, she loved His adopted brothers, who were to continue His presence through history. This is why she tried to serve them. Love shows itself in gifts. Mary's gift was of infinite value-~her own Son. She could not have done us a greater service, for to give Christ is to give everything. He includes all else. Her gift of Christ took two distinct forms~ The one was in-visible and internal. The other was visible and external. Both are of great importance. The first of these is within the interior of Christ's Mystical Bod~. She is not the head of the Mystical Christ. But she is i~s mother. She cannot appeal to the divine justice. Only Christ can do that. But she can appeal to the divine mercy. What Christ mer-ited in justice, Mary merited in mercy. This is whq she is called the mediatrix of all grace, the aquaduct of divine life. It is through her that Christ's merits are applied to our souls. She merited for us through prayer and through sacrifice. Both of these activities are supremely fruitful in Mary, since she is so in-timately united to her divine Son. Her prayer is the prayer of Christ, simple, trustful, loving. She knocked and the door was opened. She asked and her prayer was answered. She sought and always found. The wedding feast of Cana is a good example. She asked 3esus to perform a miracle before His time had come. He seemed reluctant, but how could He refuse His mother? The miracle was worked, not that the hosts might be spared embarrassment, but that Mary's re-quest might be granted. Now she prays for us, that Christ may live in our souls: And she adds to this the merit of her sacrifice, which is that of her Son. He suffered as priest and victim. She suffered as mother. He offered the sufferings of His body and soul. She offered a heart pierced by seven swords. In their sacrifice, as in all else, the mother and Son were intimately united. Hers was the perfect sacrifice. She could have given no more. The victim who was sacrificed was more precious to her than life itself. Perhaps I should say that He was her life. In giving Him, she gave everything. Nothing could have been more pleasing to 137 ELLWOOD E. KIESER Reoiev3 for ReligioUs the Father, nothing more fruitful for our welfare. Her sacrifice was so complet~ely bound up with that of bet Son.that theologians call bet the coredemptix of the world. ¯ The modern apostle can merit as Mary merited. The degree dif-fers, but the fact remains the same. By prayer and sacrifice, we can bring Christ into the souls of men. kVe can earn for them the grace the)~ need so badly. Why is this? Because the Church is an organism, with many tnembers sharing a community of life. The good fortune of on~ member is the good fortune of all. My prayer and sacrifice make you holy, and your sanctity overflows and contributes to mine until we all attain the fullness of grace to which we have been called. In the spiritual economy, a single good act has reverberations through-out the entire universe. One act of charity performed today in Wash-ington, D; C., has immediate consequences for the entire world, for those in Canton and Moscow and Nexv Delhi as well as *those for whom I explicitly make that act. There seems to be a direct connection between the concentration camps of Siberia,. filled with witnesses for Christ, and the crowded seminaries "6f Catholic University', Menlo Park, and Maryknoll. I did not earn my own vocation. My cooperation was slow and halt-ing. Someone else earned that grace for me. Someone else brought Christ's merits down from heaven, that" they might be applied to my soul. Somewhere, todhy, a priest is cleaning a latrine: a Chinese peasant slips away from her neighbors to refresh herself.with the presence of God; an American girl slips an invoice into a. typewriter with the words, "For you, Lord." These are the people who are keeping the v~orld going, who are bringiflg down the grace which is life and strength. They hre Christbearers; they are apostles in the fullest and noblest sense. Th6s~ "whO" pray and make sacrifices giv~ power to the aposto-late, pr6v]de the fuel for those in the market place. They are'doers in the s'upreme' sense, for theirs is.the highest of activities. The world cannot be changed#ithout pr3ye~ and sacrifice. But with prayer and ~acrifice, the w6rld will be chang~d~ Grace will abound. Christ will be brought into the souls of /neff. This is Mary's promise at Fatima. "" But is this enough? Is this all' Mary did? No, this is not all. Contemplation overflows and expresses itseff in-activity. Both ale an int'egral part of the Christian life. i~Both are.flecessary for the 138 Mat!, 1956 OUR LADY AND. THE APOSTOLATE cont:inuadon of Christ in history. Mary prayed for others. Then she went to them, that they might learn to recognize and love ~her Son. This is the visible, external form of Mary's apostolate. She had no sooner pronounced those words, which, changed the ¯ world,, which brought eternity into time and the Infinite 'into finite flesh,' than she hurried off to Ain-Karem to share this joy with an-other. She alone possessed the good news, but she would not keep it to herself. Over the mountains she went and across the plain, that others might know. that the Messiah had come. To Elizabeth, she brought the presence of Christ. To tbe~infant John, still in his mother's womb, she brought the Holy Spirit. To both, she brought the joy of knowing that the kingdom .of God was at hand. To accomplish this, no price was too high, no inconvenience was too gr.eat. Material discomforts, heartaches, and disappoint-ments were all accepted in the spirit of her original, "Behold the handmaid of the Lord. Be it done unto me according to thy word~" Detached even from success, she had but one desire--to .do. the will of God. Nothing else. mattered. .~. :-,.We must- possess, the .same attitude. W.e. possess Chr.ist.The world .needs Christ. We must give Christ to,.the world. Beca.use we are Christians, we must not rest until society is Christian, .until all those who are looking for Christ have found Him. This will not be easy. World-changing is an expensive voca-tion. It demandstime, ~energy, and sacrifice. Often it means disap-pointment and fatigue, .But it is worth it. These things must.be accepted in Mary's spirit. She did not withdraw her commitment; retract her fiat. Neither must we. . . . The spirit of sacrifice which carried her,up. Calvary'sslopes is t.he same which ought to dominate our lives and make us always available when others are in need. The indifference to human recog-nition which carried Mary to Bethlehem and Egypt will .make us personable and kindly .even with those who .do not. seem to deserve such-treatment. The acceptance of God's will which filled her soul when she watched her neighbors reject Jesus will detach" us from suc~ cess, from" a craving for immediate results. "In ev.ery.way~ she is the model of tbose'.who desire to bear Christ to th~ world. - She possessed all the virtues of. the apostolic life in their fullness. The first of these is alertness--to the voice of God, to.the needs of others. The depths of Maryfs soul were ever wrapped in the divine presence, but the surface of her soul was keenly a.war_e of the desires and needs of those around her. At the marriage 139 ELLWOOD E. KIESER Reoieto for Religious least'of Cana, she quickly sensed the awkward position of her hosts. She felt their need and so went to Jesus that He might help them. She was always.in the right, place at the right time, on the spot when needed. On Calvary, at the crisis of His life, when His redemp-tive activity reached its fruition, Jesu~ wanted Mary nearby. She was there--to be proclaimed the mother of the Mystical Christ. The apostolic spirit is always marked by this alertness. The apostle has a great mission. He must look for opportunities to ful-fill it. This means tact and patience and instant response to the needs of others. It mean~ a constant search for those apostolic occasions --for the substitution of love for hatred, truth for error, decency for indecency. The apostle, like Mary, must be in the right place at the right time, with the needed word or deed. "Optimism is another apostolic virtue which Mary possessed in its plenitudi. Hers was not a superficial rose-tinting, but the pene-tration of reality to its depths, beneath its surface evil to its basic goodness. Mary knew that her mission would be fulfilled, that victory would be hers. God had told the serpent, "I will establish a feud.between thee'andthe woman, between thy offspring and hers; she is to crush thy heat1, while thou doth lie in wait at her heal." This optimism does not exclude suffering. But it does trans-form and give meaning to suffering. Mary's anguish on Calvary can hardly be exaggerated. And yet, amid it all," she knew that this death marked the beginning of a new life for her Son-~His mystical reign in the:souls of men. For~this reason, she could rejoice even on Calvary. The modern apostle should be permeated by the same spirit. His is a joyous life, for he possesses Christ. When met with trying situations, with seeming failure, he can say with that other apostle, "I can do all things in Him who strengthens me." Assured that the truth will out, that the gates of hell shall not prevail, he sings the magnificat with Mary. Victory will be his. But I('Iary has still another lesson to teach the modern apostle. She did not try to do extraordinary things. She took the ordinary; trivial duties of everyday life and made them the raw material for perfect sanctity. How did she do it? By performing these' little actions with great love, with a love which invested these insignificant things with momentous importance. This is the way she ~hanged the worldl. Her impact on history cannot be overestimated. Henry Adams calls her, "The. highest en-ergy ever known to man, the creator of four-fifths of his noblest art, 140 May, 1956 COMMUNITY CROSSES exercising vastly more attraction over the human mind than all the steam engines and dynamos ever dreamed of." He who is mighty has done great things through Mary. He will do the same for us. God does not want us to change our way of life. He wants us to sanctify it.He may not want us to take on additional duties. What He does want is the performance of those duties in the most Christlike way possible. There are plenty of op-portunities for Christbearing, for world-changing" in every walk of life, in every moment of the day and night. By seizing these occa-sions, by doing our job with great love for God and our fellow men, we will sanctify ourselves. We will change the world. It is trite to say that the world is in a frightful mess. But it is true. Men are unhappy as they have seldom been. Two billion peo-ple brood over atomic warfare. Children commit crimes shocking in adults. We grope for a solution, for a means of changing the world. And the solution, the means is given to us. When Christ's vicar on earth declared 1954 a Marian year, a year of special devotion to the Mother of God, he told ug to. go to her, that she might "bend tenderly over our aching wounds, convert the wicked, dry the tears of the afflicted and oppressed, comfort the poor and humble~ quench hatreds, .sweeten harshness, protect the holy Church, make all men feel the attraction of Christian goodness." Though the Marian year is over, Mary's influence has not come to an end. To the apostle, to all those who want to change the world for Christ, she offers strength, .guidance, and love. If we go to her, she~will-form Christ in our souls, that we might make Him incarnate in history. If we study her life, we will find the living blueprint which must become our own. She did what we are try-ing to do. We must walk in bet footsteps. Communit:y Crosses Winfrid Herbst, S.D.S. ONE of St. Bonaventure's helpful "Twenty-five Maxims" is as follows: "Bear all the persecutions of this world for the love of God, with great equanimity of mind; nay, more, accepting in desire all such persecutions were it possible, rejoice only in the sufferings of Christ. Refusing. the joys of this life, make merry in tribulations and be convinced that their purpose is to purify your soul from sin and to enrich it with merit." In this article I am not going to consider the big c~osses that a 141 WINFRID HERBST Reoieu; [or Religious community may have, those of which it seeks,, sometimes in vain, to rid itself because self:preservation is the first law of nature; for, according to the dictum of St. Thomas, every being resists as much as it can what tends to corrupt it. I am merely going to touch upon some of the numerous little crosses that are encountered in the religious life. They make up in number what they lack in size, and it is terrific how they can get on one's nerves. To make merry in these tribulations and to en-. dure them for the love of God, to be more like Christ in His suffer-ings, is indeed an endless source of merit. "Their purpose is to purify your soul from sin and to enrich it with merit," says St. Bonaventure. The crosses I have in mind have their roots in diversities of character. I might call them peculiarities, certain characteristics that one has and another has not.-Generally they are in themselves trifles, little things like the flies of the fourth plague, that finally began to breakthe v~ill of Pharao, as we read in the eighth ch~ipter of Exodus: "And there came a very grievous swarm of flies into the houses of Pharao and of his servants, and into all the land of Egypt: and the land was corrupted by this kind of flies.'" .These bothersome' little things certainly do put one's patience to the test in community life. Often enough one would be justified in, losing his equanimity in the midst of them. As one religious confided to another: "Yes; he is a saint and everybody, admits it; but he is getting to be such a strain on my nerves, that I. cannot stand it much longer!" If one has the saving sense of humor, it is amusingto recall how one aspirant left the religious life because a table companion was so utterly lacking in good manners; another, could hardly endure, it any longer because there was such a slamming of doors all over the pla.ce; and a third became all excited because doors and windows were left 9pen everywhere. One prays in a tone that is much too high; another, in a tone that is much too low. One prays too fast; another, too slow. One talks too much;.anqther,.too little. One laughs too much, too long, and too loud; another is. grim and morose and apparently sunk in the slough of despon.dengy. One is sensitive to a degree tQ ev.erytbing around him; another is so.hardened that be.hardly knows wheat is going on around him,but unconcernedly pursues his way. But let this indication suffice.A complete enumer~. ation, were it possi'ble,: would take too long. Each rFader will have little difficulty in adding to this list peculiarities that he finds in 142 May, 1956 COMMUNITY. CROSSES himself and in others. How should one react to this situation? In the expressive phrase of the day, so what? Well, to all such complaints the answer could be given that these are things from which no man can be entirely free. This is not saying that nothing can be done about it. In the first place e~eryone should honestly examine himself. Those who may or should do so might call the matter to the attention of the thotightless one. But this is not an easy thing to do. For some reason or other, it is easier to call another's attention to a big blunder than to get oneself tocall his attention to some little fault of his. One hesitates to do so; and, meanwhile, the community will have to bear the cross. The best thing is for the educators to take the young people in hand, while they are still pliable and can take it, and get them onto the beaten path. This is. not saying, however, that the educators are always to blame when some of the.ir onetime students give evidence of a lack of. consideration for others. It seems that even stainless steel will rust if for a long time no atten-tion is given to it. So what? Quid ergo? 3ust be patient! Not much consolation, to be sure, but actually the only thing to do. Take the divine Savior Himself; see how He had to bear with the imperfections of those around Him. "What are you arguing about .among your-selves? . . . How long shall I put up with you?" (Mark~ 9:15, 18.) We simply must ,accustom ourselves to bear with equanimity the manifold imperfections of others, to tolerate their ways, even when they are diametrically opposed to our own views and wishes. Cer-tainly no one would venture to look upon himself as a model in these things, for the simple reason that no one is absolutely perfect. In Psalm 90 we read: "You shall tread upon the asp and the viper, you shall trample under foot the lion and the dragon," and we stumble over pebbles and get all excited over little peccadilloes! In this connection a "good resolution might be: to tread manfully upon the asp of peculiarities, the viper of abnormalities, the lion of idio-syncrasies, and the dragon of eccentricities. Plenty of them can be found in religious communities. St[ Paul tells us what to do: "Bear one another's burdens, and so you will fulfill the law of Christ. For if anyone thinks himself to be something, whereas he is noth-ing, he deceives himself. But let everyone test his own work, and so he will. have glory in himself only, and not in comparison with another. For each one will bear his own burden" (Gal[ 6:2-5). There are some zealous souls who think that the superior can 143 WINFRID HERBST without more ado, and as a matter of duty must, eliminate all the things that I am calling community crosses. But that is not at all as easy as one might think; moreover, it is often difficult to say who is r!ght. All of us are Wont glibly to say: "'Virtus star in medio.'" But just where is virtue's golden mean to be found~ab, there's the rub! How often we are taken in, cunningly deceived, by our own self-love and our own big or little weaknesses; and we complain about our brethren, and about our surroundings, and almost about Almighty God Himself, when in all truth we should be complain-ing about our own sensitiveness. Quite in place, then, is the ad-monition of the Imitation of Christ: "Try to bear patiently with the defects and infimities of others, whatever they may be, because you also have many a fault which others must endure. If you can-not make yourself what you would wish to be, how can you bend others to your will? We want others to be perfect, yet we do not correct our own faults. We wish them to be severely corrected, yet we will not correct ourselves. Their great liberty displeases us, yet we would not be denied what we ask. We would have them bound by laws, yet we will allow ourselves to be restrained in nothing. Hence, it is clear how seldom we think of others as we do of our-selves. If all were perfect, what should we have to suffer from others for God's sake?" (Bk. I, Ch. 16.) I think it sometimes happens that a religious runs to the superior to complain about these community crosses and, while doing so, mentions apologetically that, of course, they are just little things. If they are just little things, why not practice mortification by en-during them! And if the superior would rebuke for his own faults the complainant and measure the reprimand as he is asked to measure it out to others, what an uproar there would be! Here I cannot help thinking of these words which the ordaining bishop addresses to the clergy and the people with reference to the deacons about to be or-dained to the priesthood: "If anyone has anything against them, before God and for the sake of God let him confidently come for-ward and speak. However, let him be mindful of his condition." Many a complaint we would never make, were we mindful of our own pitiable failings and more concerned about what we our-selves ought to do in order not to lose face in that tremendous day of dread and day of judgment, when we stand before that all-just 3udge who once, as the all-merciful Savior, spokethe words: "Let him who is without sin among you be the first to cast a stone at her" (3obn 8:7). 144 Devot:ion t:o t:he Sac ;ed I-lead: C. A. Herbst, S.J. DEVOTION to the Sacred Heart is one of the great devotions in the Church. It is most characteristic of Christianity, be-cause it is devotion to Christ, to the whole Christ, represented by the most important organ of His humanity, His heart, which symbolizes His greatest virtue, His love. One can hardly conceive a devotion more proper to.religious whose very purpose is to make their lives as conformed as possible to Christ's through the practice of charity. That it is most fitting for religious to practice the devo-tion appears also from the fact that .our Lord complained expressly and specifically that it is religious who treat Him in shabby fashion, "hearts consecrated to me that treat me thus," that is, with ir-reverence and contempt. 'God became man, the Second Person of the Blessed Trinity as-sumed a human nature, so that "we may be made partakers of His divinity, who vouchsafed to become partaker of our humanity," as we pray every day at the Offertory of the Mass. He wanted to be-come one of our human family so that we might with confidence draw close to Him. So in the many devotions to the sacred humanity of Christ which have naturally grown up as a result of the Incarnation there is a certain familiarity, though it be tempered with reverence. "There is a certain boldness of approach, a certain freedom of human lan-guage, a certain deeply reverential familiarity, yet still familiarity,, which distinguishes devotions to the Sacred Humanity. We have a distinct picture of the object of our worship in our minds which affects both our language and our feeling. Our Lord's assumption of our nature is a peculiar approach to us, to which we on our side have to correspond, and we correspond by this familiarity." (Faber, Bethlehem, ch. 4.) Since Christ is God, we offer His sacred humanity hypostatically united to the Word the same kind of worship we offer the Word Himself. This is divine worship, but of a kind "of which neither angels nor men could ever have dreamed without revelation, but which has been invented by God Himself." It has a character of its own, because based on created images and historical facts, and for this reason imprints on the soul a peculiar spiritual character with special force. The chief reason for which we worship Christ 145 C. A. HERBST Review for Religious in His mysteries "is the amount of the living spirit of Jesus which they both contain and communicate, contain in an inexhaustible measure and communicate according to the degree of our purity and fervor: and all holiness is but a transformation of us into the sub-stantial likeness of our Lord" (ibid.). We practice devotion to the various mysteries of Christ's life in order that we may come to know Him better arid love Him more. For the same reason we practice devotion to His sacred wounds, which place before our eyes His external sufferings, and to the Sac-red Heart, which manifests to us His internal sufferings. Such prac-tices are very valuable and help us imbibe the spirit of Christ, put on His virtues, and become inflamed with His affections. When enshrined in the sacred liturgy of the Church they have "no other object than that of acquiring this [true Christian] spirit from its foremost and indispensable fount, which is the active participation in the most holy mysteries and in the public and solemn prayer of the Cbu'r~h" (St. Pius'X, Motu Proprio, Nov. 22, 1903). Devotion to the Sacred Heart is one Of the last and most power-ful means God has given to save and sanctify men. "This devotion is a last effort df His love to save men in these latter days of His loving redemption" (St. Margaret Mary, Letter 133). In one of His apparitions to St. Margaret Mary, Christ said: "My divine Heart is so~ififlamed with love of men . . . that, being unable any longer to contain within Itself the flames of Its burning charity, It must.needs spread-them abroad . and manifest Itself to them [man-kind] in order to enrich them. with the precious treasures . . . which contain graces of sanctification and salvation necessary to withdraw them from the abyss of perdition" (Autobiography, no. 53). "He showed me that the ardent desire He bad of being loved by men and of drawing them from the path of perdition into which Satan was hurrying them in crowds, had caused Him to fix upon this plan of manifesting His Heart to men, together with all Its treasures of love, mercy, grace, sanctification and salvation. This He did in order that those who were willing to do all in their pov~er to render and procure for Him honor, love, and glory might be enriched abund-antly, even profusely, with these divine treasur'es of the Heart of God. It is the source of them all., It must 'be honored under the symbol of this Heart of flesh." (Herbst, The Letters of St. Mar-garet Mar~I Alacoque, 133.) "It must be honored under the symbol of this Heart of flesh." The heart of the God-Man, the ,heart formed by' His mother; the 146 May,. 19.56 DEVOTION TO THE sAcRED HEART "Heart of God," is the. material object of devotion to the Sacred Heart. ""Behold this Heart," our Lord said in the l~ist greag revela-tion He made to St. Margaret Mary. It is a physical heart, wounded and suffering. "After that I saw this divine Heart as on a throne of flames, more brilliant than the sun and transparent as crystal. It had its adorable wound and was encircled with a crown of thorns, which signified the pricks our sins caused Him. It .was sur-mounted by a-cross which signified that, from the first moment of His Incarnation, that is, from the time this Sacred Heart was formed, the cross was planted in It" (Letter ,133). He asked her for her heart "and placed it in His own adorable Heart" (Autobt'ography. no. 53). Of course we do not honor and adore the Sacred Heart of Christ as separated from His divine person. It is an essential part, the center, of the .life of the God-Man. '.'Jesus Christ, my sweet Master, presented Himself to me, all, resplendent with glory; .His five Wounds shining like so many suns. Flames issue from ever~r pair" of His Sacred Humanity, especially from His adorable Bosom, which re-sembled an open furnace and disclosed to me His most loving and most amiable Heart, which was the living source of these-flames" (ibid., no. 55). On December 2-7,. 1673, feast,of St. John, whom pious tradition assumes to have rested his head on our Lord,'s~breast at the Last Supper, "He made me repose for a long time.upon His Sacred Breast, where He disclosed to me the marvels.,.of His love and-the .inexplicable secrets of His .Sacred Heart, which so, .far He had concealed from., me. Then it was that, for the first time,. He opened to me His Divine Heart" (ibid:, no. 53). "~. .: The formal object of this devotion .is the love, of the Sadred Heart for men. "Behold this Heart, which, has loved, men so much, that It has spared, nothing, even to :exhausting and consuming Itself, in order to testify to them Its love'.' (ibid., no. 92): The heart is the natural symbol of love. -TO' it is attributed our love, our affections, Our interior dispositions. We are .said to love One with all our heart:, People are called, good-hearted or kind-hearted or great-hearted.'-We express tenderest affection when we.say: "I give you my heart." "My divine Heart," our. Lord said,. ".is so inflamed with lo.vef0r.men that it is.unable any longer to contain within Itself the flariaes of Its burning,charity.': He."disclosed to me His m6st loving and most ~miable Heart, which was the living source of these flames.It was-then, that He made~known to me the ineffable, marvels of his pure [love] and showed reel.to ,what-an 147 C. A. HERBST Reoiew [or Religious excess He had loved men" (ibid.; no. 55). This heart.is, presented to us as a heart that is wounded and bleed-ing and broken, a love that is unrequited, disregarded, spurned, re-ceived with ingratitude, and that even by religious. "And in return I receive from the greater number nothing but ingratitude by reason of their irreverence and sacrileges, and by the coldness and contempt which they show Me. in this Sacrament of Love. But what I feel the most keenly is that it is hearts which are consecrated to Me that treat Me thus" (ibid., no. 92). His heart, wounded, bleedir~g, encircled with thorns, surmounted with a cross, "was filled, from the'.very first moment, with all the bitterness, humiliation, poverty, sorrow, and contempt His sacred humanity would have to suffer during the whole course~of His life and during His holy Passion" (Letter 133). The natural appeal of a heart that is wounded and of a love that is unrequited is that we love it in return and make reparation to it. To this natural appeal our Lord adds an explicit request. He "showed me to what an excess He had loved men, from whom He received only ingratitude and contempt. 'I feel this more,' He said, 'than all that I suffered in My Passion. If only they would make-me some return for My love, I should think but little of all I have done for them and would wish, were it possible, to suffer still more. But the sole return they make for my eagerness to do them good is to reject Me and treat Me with coldness. Do thou at least console Me by supplying for their ingratitude, as far as thou are able" (Autobiography, no. 55). He asks that on a day espe-' cially set aside we honor His heart "by communicating on that day and making reparati6n to It by a solemn act, in order to make amends for the indignities which It has received during the time It has been exposed on the altars" (ibid., no. 92). Reparation is one of the most outstanding features in devotion to the Sacred Heart. St. Margaret Mary writes: "I think He will be very generous in granting you these [graces] if, by following the lights He gives you, you make reparation for the insults offered His adorable Heart" (Letter 14). Our Lord asks'for someone "who will most humbly ask pardon of God for all the offenses committed against Him in the Holy Sacrament of the altar" (Letter 50). The idea of reparation runs all through the new Mass and Office of the Sa~red Heart; and the Holy Father Pius XI, in.hisletter issued with them, says that "if this same Uncreated Love has either been passed over through forgetfulness or saddened by reason of our sins, then 148 May, 1956 DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART we should repair such outrages, no matter in what manner they have occurred . We are held to the duty of making reparation by ,the most powerful motives of justice and of love; of justice, in order to expiate the injury done God by our sins and to rfiestablish, by means of penance, the divine order which has been violated; and of love, in order to suffer together .with Christ, patient and covered ¯ with opprobrium, so that we may bring to Him, in so far as our human weakness permit~, some comfort in His sufferings." (Miser-antissimus Rederoptor, 1928). For this reason we have the feast of the Sacred Heart, the Communion Of reparation, the First Friday, the Holy Hour, even the Morning Offering. In the Act of Repar-ation prescribed for the feast of the Sacred Heart, we are "~eeking ¯ With special tribute ~f honor to atone for the sinful indifference of men and for the outrages heaped from every side upon Thy most Loving Heart." Consecration is important, too. In it "the intention to ex- Change for the love of the Creator the love of us creatures stands out most prominently" (Pius XI). The Holy Father Leo XIII ordered that an act of consecration especially written for the occa-sion be read in all the churches in the world on June I1, 1899. The substance of this consecration, ordered again by Pius XI in 1925 to be recited by all on the feast of Christ the King each year, is contained in the words: "We are Thine, and Thine we wish to be; but, to be more surely united with Thee, behold each one of us freely consecrates himself today to Why most Sacred Heart." This is an ot~icial expression of St. Margaret Mary's "I give and consecrate to the Sacred Heart of Our Lord Jesus Christ my per-son and my life, my actions, trials and sufferings," and of Blessed Claude Colombiere's "I give myself entirely to Thee, and henceforth I protest .most sincerely that I desire to forget myself and all that re-lates to me." All the elements of devotion to the Sacred Heart are wonder-fully' summed up in the prayer of the feast in June. "O God, Who dost deign mercifully to bestow upon us infinite treasures of love in the Heart of Thy Son, which was wounded for our sins; grant, we beseech Thee, that we who pay Him the devout homage of our piety, may in like manner show unto Thee our due of worthy satis-faction." It is to the looe for us of the human heart of Jesus wounded for sin that we want to render homage by consecration and make reparation. 149 C. A. HERBST : .': "Re~eu~ for Religious BIBLIOGRAPHY . Note. Thig'is a short, simple bibliography giving a few books written in English from which one can get a g6od, authentic knowledge of de;cot;on to the Sacred Heart. A brief description and app?eciation of each book is given. Autobiogr'alJh~ . Life of Saint Margaret Mar~ Alacoque. Trans-lation of the Authentic French Text by the Sisters of the Visitation. Roselands, Waimer, Kent. Visitation Library. 1952. Hei'der Co., St. Louis. This is an account of her own interior life ~ri~.ten by St. Margaret Mary under obedience about five years before her deash. It contains the great revelations the Sacred Heart made to' her. It is a small book of about 125 pag~ and the most authentic source of the devotion to the Sacred Hear~. He~bst, Clarence A., S.J. (Ed.) The Letters of Saint Margaret MaGI Alacoque. Translated from the French. With an Introduc-tory Essa~ by J. J. Doyle, S.J. Henry Regnery Company, Chicago. 1954. Next to the Autobiograph~t, this is a most authentic source of devotion t6 the Sacred Heart and supplements the Autobfographt.t. There are 142 letters, the most predominant ideas in them being fervent devotedness" to the Sacred Heart and an enthusiastic love of suffering for Him. Letters 130-139 were written to Father Croiset and form the basis for the book bt~ published on devotion to the Sacred Heart immediately after her death. C~oiset, John, S.J. The Deootion to the Sacred Heart of Our Lord Jesus Christ. The Newman Press, Westminster, Md. 1948. This work is based on the letters mentioned above. F~lther Croiset deliberately waited until after the death of St. Margaret Mary to publish his book s0"that h~ could preface it with.a life of her. This life covers some forty pages. After that are explained the disposi-tions and means necessary to acquire the devotion and the obstacles and means to overcome them. Then come motives, and practices for every yeaL month, week, day, and even hour.: The intimate connection betweefi devotion to the Sacred He~l~t"iafid th.e)Hol~r Eucbakist is~ brought out by explaining how to visitS:the Blessed Sacrain~nt,.he'ar M'~iss, and receive Holy Commuhion. MeditatiiJns for Friday "are given. In an appendix are given the complete prayers of St. Margaret Mary and others prayers to the Sacred Hefirt: Gall;fief; .3oseph d~, S.J; The 7~dor~ble Heart of Jesus. "With Preface and'Iiii~roduc'tion by.:Father Richard" Clarke; S.f." Burns and Oates, London. 1887. Father Gall;fret was a spiritual son of 150 May, 1956 DEVOTION TO THE SACRED I-IEART Blessed Claude de la Colombiere, the director of St. Margaret Mary. He wrote this book only thirty-six years after her death and spent his life in promoting devotion to" the Sacred Heart and working for the establishment of a feast in its honor. He explai'ns the origin, progress, and nature of the devotion ~and the excellence of its object and end. He goes on to the interior and exterior workshop of the Sa.cred Heart and to the devotion, feasts, office, and pictures of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary together. He is a theologian of the Sacred Heart. Bainvel, J. V., S.J.Devotion to the Sacred Heart. The Doctrine and Its History. Translated from the Fifth French Edition by E. Leahy. Edited by Reverend George O'Neill, S.J., M.A. Burns Oates and Washbourne, Ltd., London. 1924. This is a classi-cal exposition of the devotion to the Sacred Heart, written by a learned scholar and theologian. He ~first )resentg the devotion as revealed by the Sacred Heart in the great apparitidn.s to St. Margaret Mary, then explains the practices, spirit, and promises: There fol-low. doctrinal explanations on the meaning and object of the de-votion, its historical, dogmatic, and philosophical foundations, and on love as its speciaI act. Its historical development from the be-ginnings through the middle ages to early modern times is given, and the new impetus given by St. Margaret Mary. For the most recent and crowning glory given the devotion by the Holy Father Pius XI we go to a more recent book. McGratty. Arthur R., S.J. The Sacred Heart Yesterday and Today. Benziger. Chicago. 1951. This is the more receht book, written by the national director of the Apostleship of Prayer. It gives the nature of the dbvotion and its bistory tbrou~b tbe Re-formation. After a chapter on St. John Eudes; it explains the de-votion as given to St. Margaret 'Mary in the great app.aritions, Blessed Claude de la Colombiere's connection with it, and the Sac-red Heart Badge. After the defeat of Jansenism and the nineteenth-century advance, we come to the times of Leo XIII and Plus X[ when the whole world is consecrated to the Sacred Hoart and de- ;;;Orion to ti4e Sacred He'art has become the world'~ d'~votidn. At the. end of the book is a select bibliography which wiilriehly sup-plement the meager one given here. 151 For Your Informal:ion Shadowbrook Fire Three priests and a lay brother died in a fire which destroyed Shadowbrook, the 3esuit novitiate and juniorate at Lenox, Mass., in the early morning of March i0. The victims were Fathers Stephen A. Mulcahy, Henry B. Muollo, Arthur B. Tribble, and Brother Henry A. Perry. Among six who were hospitalized with burns and other injuries was Father 3ohn R. Post, master of novices and one of our consistent contributors. The more than one hundred novices and juniors have since been "adopted" temporarily by the Jesuit novitiates in neighboring provinces. Plans for a new Shadowbrook are already under way. Revised Hospital Directives A second, and revised, edition of Ethical and Religious Directioes for Catholic Hospitals was recently published by the Catholic Hos-pital Association of the United States and Canada. The revision in-cludes not only clarification of a few somewhat obscure provisions of the first edition but also new matter concerning professional sec-recy, experimentation, ghost surgery, psychotherapy, shock-therapy, unnecessary procedures, and the spiritual care of non-Catholics. An appendix contains abundant reference material, with apt references to recent statements of the Holy See. There is also a detailed alpha-betical index. An especially useful aspect of the revised edition is that the individual directives are numbered consecutively, thus fa-cilitating reference to the booklet. The price per copy is 25 cents; quantity prices are available. A set of six booklets, including the Directioes and five small volumes of Medico-Moral Problems by Gerald Kelly, S.J., can be obtained for $2.50. Order from: The Catholic Hospital Association, 1438 South Grand Blvd., St. Louis 4, ¯ Missouri. Franciscan Poems The Franciscan Institute, St. Bonaventure, N. Y., has just pub-lished Where Caius Is, a small book of poems by Sister Mary Francis, P.C., who wrote the article on St. Thomas Aquinas, "The Silence and the Song," published in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, March, 1955. Sister Mary Francis has also published two plays, Counted as Mine and Candle in Umbria, and a smaller book of poems entitled Whom I Have Loved. The new book (Where Caius Is) may be obtained From the Franciscan Institute or from: Rev. Mother M. Immaculata, P.C., Poor Clare Monastery of O.L. of Guadalupe, Route 1, Box 152 FOR YOUR INFORMATION 285-C, Roswell, New Mexico. Price: $1.75. Vocation Insfifutes The tenth annual Vocation Institute will be held at the Uni-versity of Notre Dame, July 12-15. For information, write .to: Rev. John J. Doherty, C.S.C., the Vocation Instituge, Notre Dame, Indiana. On July 25-26, the sixth annual Institute on Religious and Sacerdotal Vocations will be held on the campus of Fordham Uni-versity. Priests, religious, and laity are invited to attend. A special week-long workshop for mistresses of novices is also planned. Ad-dress all communications to: Rev. John F. Gilson, S.J., Fordham University, New York 58, N. Y. Summer Sessions Special courses in the sacred sciences will be offered for religious this summer at St. Bonaventure University. These courses (includ-ing dogma, moral theology, liturgy, ascetics, Sacred Scripture, etc.) will be designed to assist the teacher of religion on the college, high-school, and grade-school level. A course in canon law for religious superiors and directors of religious vocations will include the teach-ing of the Church regarding the reception and profession of religious, the government of religious communities, privileges and obligations of religious. Sisters of Franciscan communities will have the oppor-tunity of taking classes in Franciscan theology and spirituality. Registration will be on June 30. All graduate courses lead to the master's degree. Those who are not qualified for degrees may ob-tain a certificate in theolbgy provided they fulfill the other require-ments. For additional information, write to: Director of Summer School of Theology, St. Bonaventure, N. Y. In its summer session of June 18-July 27, St. Louis University will pioneer in the United States in presenting Kerygmatic Theology as academic courses. Father J. Hofinger, S.J., a noted lecturer in this "new" theology, will teach tWO classes (both 3 credit-hour courses), one on basic doctrine, the other on method and discussion. Other standard religion courses will also be offered. For further informa-tion on this and other summer sessions, write to: Director of the Summer Sessions, St. Louis Uniyersity, St. Louis 3, Missouri. The Creighton University continues with its cycle of graduate-level courses in theology for religious. The offerings this summer include courses on the Incarnation and Redemption, on the New Testament and St. Paul, on principles of moral guidance, and on 153 FOR YOUR INFORMATION Review for Religious fundamental theology. Six h6urs of advanced nursing will be available. Besides these and the standard summer-session courses, there will be many workshops. For the workshop on liturgical music in conjunction with Boys Town, see below. Creight6n'~s summer faculty includes several religious as guest lecturers: from the Bene-dictines, Dominicans, Franciscans, Sisters of Charity of the B.V.M., Sisters of the Humility of Mary, and the Servants of Mary. For a complete list of the workshops and for other information, write to: Director of the Summer Session, Creighton University, Omaha 2, Nebraska. Boys Town will hold its fourth annual workshop in liturgical music, under the director of inusic, Father Francis P. Schmitt. The dates are August 20-31, inclusive. This two-week workshop will include a survey of liturgy and liturgical music, reading and per-formance of materials and chant, polyphonic and modern liturgical music. Rich library facilities and extensive consultant service will be provided. Boys Town conducts this workshop in conjunction with the Creighton University, thus offering an opportunity to quali-fied persons to earn three college credits. Address all inquiries to: Rev. Francis P. Schmitt, Director of Music, Boys Town, Nebraska. A summer school in theology for religious will be;held at the University of Ottawa, July 2--August 7. Courses this year will be on the Triune God, the sacraments, creation and providence, and the Christian virtues. For detailed information, write to: Director of the Summer Scho61, University of Ottawa, Ottawa 2, Canada. The Institute of Theology for Religious Wc~men, offered in co-operation with the. Dominican Fathers, will be held in Immaculata College, Iha~actilata, Pennsylvania, June 27--TAugust 8. A pro-gram of four summer sessions" leads to a certificate in Thomistic Theology, Sacred Scripture, and Canon Law. The presqribed courses in the realm 6f'sacred sciences furnish an excellent background for religious teache~[ " Summer of 1956--the first and ~econd year pro-grams will beoffered.Residence facilities will be available. For further information address: The Director of Summ~'r Session, Im-macfilata Col.lege, Immaculata, Pennsylvania. MidnigM" Mass on Christmas in Religious and P!ous. Houses Can. 821, § 3, ~eads: "But in all religious houses and pious homes,"if "they have an oratory with the right of ~habitual reserva-tion. of the Most Blessed~Eucharist, on Christmas.night one priest may celebrate"the:three Masses of the liturgy.or,, observing the usual 154 Ma~!, 1956 FOR YOUR .|NFORMATION regulations, a single Mass, at which all present can satisfy their obligation of hearing .Mass, and at which the priest may distribute Holy Communion to those who request it." 1. Admitted interpretation in the past. The privilegeof having such Masses is granted by the Code of Canon Law, and no further permission of ecclesiastical authority is required for its use; The privilege extends to all religious houses, formal or non-formal, of any religious institute, whether an order or a congregation, exempt or non-exempt, clerical or lay, pontifical or diocesan, of men or women, and likewise to all houses of societies living in common without public vows and to those of secular institutes. The privi-lege applies equally to all piou~ homes. These areinstitutions de-voted to pious works, especially of mercy and charity, e.g., hospitals, orphanages, homes for the aged, schools, seminaries. Prisons are also included, since the chaplain devotes himself to ~he reform and rehabilitation of the inmates. It is not necessary that these insti-tutions be directed by or depend strictly on ecclesiastical authority nor that they be in the care of religious. The oratory of habitual reservation of the Blessed Sacrament may be semipublic or public. One, two, or three Masses may be celebrated, but by the one priest. Mass may be begun at any time after, but not before, midnight. 2. PractiCal poir~t that was doubtful in the past. On Novem-o bet 26, 1908, the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office declared that it was not permitted to celebrate such Masses "with the doors of the oratory open." This restriction was not included in can. 821~ ~ 3, and both canonists and moralists have disagreed as to whether the restridtion remained in force after the Code of Canon Law became effective on May 19, 1918. The restriction forbade the admission (;f .tb.e general public but not of a small number of externs nor of invited guests. :.:. 3. Autboritatit~e solution of the doubt. An. apostolic nuncio submitted, the.following q.uestion-to the Pontifical Commission for. the Interpretation of the Code of Canon Law: "After the promul-gation of the CodeofCanon Law, does the declaration .of the Holy OffiCe ~f November. 26, -1908, " .oncerning the first question [cele-. brating with,the doors, open] remain .always .valid with regard to. the use of the faculty authorized by can. 821, § 3;. and if in the. ~ffirmative~ does this imply, the exclusion, of externs from,assistance at: the midnight .Mass bn Christmas?.': His. Eminerice~. th~:;late.Car-. 155 QUESTIONS AND'ANSWERS Review for Religious dinal Massimo Massimi, then president of the Commission, gave the following interpretation on March 5, 1954, Prot. N. 1/54: "One cannot see how it can be maintained that in the sacred func-" tions of which the aforesaid canon speaks externs may not be ad-mitted and still less that the doors may not be kept open, since there is no trace of such a prohibition in this same canon which regulates the matter." This reply, although not as yet officially promulgated, is to be considered as authentic, general, and merely declarative of the sense of the canon, as is obvious from the words of the reply. There-fore, it is now certain that canon law places no restriction whatever on the admission of externs to the Masses in question. Cf. Ochoa, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 33 ( 1954), 329-52 ; Bergh, Nouvelle Reoue Tb~ologique, 77 (1955), 188-90; Revue des Communaut~s Religieuses, 27 (1955), 111-13; La Vie des Communaut~s Re-ligieuses, 13 (1955), 263-64. ( ues ions and Answers ml7-- Is the quinquennial Repod" fo the Holy See due in 19567 Father Ellis explained this report in the REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 8 (1949), 234-40; 10 (1951), 20-24. The following is a sum-mary of his articles. 1. Who must make this report in 19567 All congregations of brothers; all superiors general of religious institutes of women in all the countries of North, Central, and South America; and the higher superioresses of independent monasteries or houses of the same countries. The superioresses general of societies of common life, sec-ular institutes, and confederations throughout the world will dis-charge this obligatibn in 1957. 2.Lan. guage in which the report is to be ~vritten. Brothers and religious women may use the vernacular, that is, English, French, German, Italian, or Spanish. 3. May it be typed? The report should be typed if at all pos-sible. If written by hand, the handwriting must be clear and good ink used. Good bond paper, not too heavy, and not translucent should be used. 4. Merely number question. Merely put the number of the question before the answer; db not repeat the question before the 156 Maq, 1956 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS answer. 5.Method of a~swering. Answer the questions with a complete sentence, not with a mere "yes" or "no." . 6. Time of handing in. The report may be handed in any time .during 1956, but it should cover the five-year period from ! 9.51-55, inclusive. 7. Signing the report. The superior general and all the general councilors must sign the report. 8. To wbbm t's report sent? After it has been authenticated b~r the signature of the local ordinary of the mother house, the rep0rt is sent by pontifical institutes directly-to the Rev. Segretario, S.Con: gregazione dei Religiosi, Palazzo delIe Congregazioni, Piazza S. Cal-listo, Roma, Italia. All diocesan institutes and independent monas-terles and houses.are to send their report to the local ordinary of their motlqer house. When he has read it, he will add his comments and S~fid the report to the S. Congregation of Religious. If the diocesan congregation has houses in other dioceses, the local ordinary of the mother house must send copies of the report to these, local-ordinaries and, after receiving their comments, add them to his own before se.nding the report to the S. Congregation. " 9. Where ma~. copies of tbb"report be obtained? Copies may be o~Dined fo, r $1.50 from the Rev. Ar.chlvlsta, S. Congregazmne Rel!giosi, e.tc., as above in n. 8. The questions for pontifical insti-i: utds' are obtainable from this source in Latin, English, French, Ger-man, Italian, and Spanis.h; those for diocesan in'stitu'tes and inde-p~ endent monasteries' and houses only in Latin. 10. In what other sources can.the, r~;vort be found? T'he report for pontifical institutes is found in English in the REVIEW FOR RE-LIGIOUS, 9 (.1950), 52-56: 108-12; 166-68; 209-24; 269-79, and also in'B0uscaren, Canon Law Digest, III, 162-203. The re-port for diocesan institutes in English is found in Creusen, Religious Men and Women in the Code, 5th ed., 278-316, and in French in "La Vie des Communaut& Religieuses, .8. (1950), 257-88. The re-port for .independent monasteries.and houses in E.nglish is found in {he REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 13 (1954), 251-269, and in French in Revue des Communaut~s Retigieuses, 24 (1952), 3-16. --18- ,,We offer two Holy Communions for any deceased member of our In-stitute. However, Ihave been instructed more than once that no one can offer a Communion for ~no+her. Holy Communion as a suffrage for the. dead is a common and 157 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Re~iew ~or Religious ancient practice in religious institutes and also among the faithful in general. A Communion received for another does not effect grace in the other person ex opere operato. The intention in a Communion received as a suffrage for the dead is to obtain the deliverance of a soul from the pains of purgatory. The influence of Communion to this effect is ex opere operantis, by way of merit de congruo, im-petration,. and satisfaction, and also by the application of any in-dulgences attached to the Communion and applicable to the souls in purgatory. The fervor of prayer and its impetrhtory value are usually greater because of the reception of the Eucharist. The satisfactory value arises from the increase of divine charity effected by Communion and also because Communion contains the note of something diffi-cult and contrary to the inclination of nature. Since the union with God in Holy Communion is highly conducive to the increase of these values, it is evident that Holy Communion as a suffrage for the dead is a most commendable practice. Cf. Van Noort, De Sacra-mentis, I, n. 397; Doronzo, De Sacramentis, I, 733-35: Beraza, De Novissimis, n. 1268. Are exempf religious ob]iged ÷o say 7o Mass collecfs prescribed (ora-flones imperatae) by fhe local ordinary? All priests, diocesan or religious, even if exempt (S. R. C., 2613, ad 1; 3036, ad 5: can. 612), also if they are visiting priests and do not reside in the diocese, are obliged to say the orationes imperatae in any church or oratory, even private,, within the diocese in which it is prescribed. (Cf. J. O'Connell, The Celebration of Mass, 189; Hecht, Rubricae Generales Missalis, 48; Hebert, Lecons de Liturgie, II, 203.) The local ordinary may establish that the irnperata is to be omitted on more days than those stated in the rubrics. (S. R. C. Lauretana, December 14, 1927.) A pad he may also exempt places that are not exempted by the rubrics. If he has not expressly done either, these prayers are to be said according to the norms of the rubrics, which are given above with regard to person and place. While the obligation is clear, it is also a fact that at least very many priests find the orationes imperatae of prolonged duration highly monotonous, annoying, and a complicating factor in Mass. It is frequently stated by commentators that in the spirit o~ the General Decree on the Simplification of the Rubrics of March 23, 1955, orationes imperatae should now be prescribed less frequently and for lesser periods of time. A quick analysis of the general de-cree will reveal that a prolonged imperata is not in keeping With the 158 Ma~ , 1956 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS evident purposes of the decree of decreasing ~omplications, reducing the number of prayers, of lessening monotony, and eliminating ex-traneous elements in both the Mass and the Divine Office. A prolonged oratio imperata pro re gravi also loses its nature of a special petition. 20 In our concjrecjafion no one makes a will. Aren't we oblicjed by canon law to make wills? This is a case of disturbed and even disturbing ignorance of canon law. A will is a disposition in whole or in part of the property that one will own at death by an act that is revocable until death and effective only at death. All novices in all congregations and also in monasteries of nuns of only simp.le vows, whether they actually own property or not, before their first profession and consequently in the last weeks (about the last month) of the noviceship, must make a will for all property that they then actually own and that they may own in the future. If for any reason the will was not made during the noviceship, it is to be made after first profession and as soon as possible. Those who made profession before the Code of Canon Law (May 19, 1918) are not obliged to make a will. At least .if they actually own property, they are to be most strongly urged to do so. The subject is perfectly free in the determination of the dis-positions of the will. Novices in orders (institutes of solemn vows) are not obliged to make a will, but they may do so. They also are to be strongly urged to make a will, at least if they actually own property and especially if the interval between the noviceship and solemn pro-fession is very long. A novice destined for only simple perpetual vows in an order should make a will. The will of novices destined for the solemn or an equivalent simple vow of poverty will be ef-fective only if they die before taking such a vow, since the solemn profession takes away all property rights. The will is to be made even if the novice does not actually own property, i. e., he is then to make the will only for property that he may acquire in the future. Even if they are under age and their wills are invalid by civil law, the novices are to make a will, which will oblige by canon law and in conscience. When they reach the requisite age, they are to make ,the will in a form that is civilly valid: but they are not to change the dispositions without the necessary permission. It is illicit but not invalid to change the dispositions of a will without the permission ordinarily of. the Holy See; but, if the case 159 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review for Religious is urgent and" there is no time for recourse to the Holy See, without the permission of a higher superior; and, if recourse cannot be made to a higher superior, without that.ofthe local superior. A novice made his temporary profession on August 18, 1953. May he make his perpetual profession on August IS, 19S6, when all the others of his group will be making their perpetual vows.'? If .he does, his perpetual profession, whether solemn or simple, will be .certainly and evidently invalid. Canon law demands three ,full years of temporary vows for the validity of any perpetual pro-fession.~ The time in this case expirep on the anniversary day (August 18, 1953-August 18,¯ 1956). The time in this and all of the fol-lowing cases is computed physically, mathematically, not morally. Therefore, if the perpetual profession in the preceding case is made on August 17 and only an hour or only a minute is lacking to August 18, the perpetual profession is certainly and evidently invalid. ¯ The. time is completed on the day" following in these cases, in all of which the duration is required for validity: the complete year required for the validity of the noviceship (August 1~4, 1955-August 15, 1956) ; 'the fifteen complete years of age required for the validity of the canonical year of no,ciceship (~August 14, 1941-August 15, 1956); the sixteen required for any temporary profession (August 14, 1940-August 15, 1956); the twenty-one for perpetual profes-sion, whether solemn or simple (August 14, 1935-August 15, 19~6) ; the forty required for a superior or superioress general and for a superioress of a monastery of nuns (August 14, 1916-August 15, 1956) ; the thirty for other higher superiors (August 14, 1926- August 15, 1956); the ten complete years from first profession re-quired for any higher superior (August 14, 1946-August 15, 1956). The following are computed in the same way as in the preced-ing paragraph but are required only for liceity: the postulancy (Feb-ruary 14, 1956-August 15, 1956) ; the thirty-five years of age usu-ally required by the constitutions for general officials and" demanded by the Code for'the master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1921- August 15, 1956); the thirty years commonly required by the con-stitutions for local superiors and demanded by the Code for the as-sistant master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1926- August 15., 1956); the ten years from first profession required by the Code for the master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1946-August 15, t956) and the five years also demanded by the Code for the assistant master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1951-August 15, 1956). 160 Mar , 195~ QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Unless the particular law of the institute states otherwise, a noviceship of two years is completed on the second anniversary (August 15, 1954-August. 15, 1956). The'same principle is true ofa noviceship of eighteen months. When the constitutions demand a greater duration than that required by the Code for validity, this added duration is prescribed only for liceity unless the constitutions certainly state that it is necessary for validity. This principle is true of a noviceship of eighteen months or two years, of temporary vows prescribed for four, five, or six years, of a greater age for the profes-sions, for the office of higher superior, or of added years of profession demanded for this same office~ For example, can. 504 requires that the provincial have completed his thirtieth year for the validity of his appointment or election. If the constitutions demand thirty-five years of age, the added five years are required only for liceity. Time is especially to be .watched with regard to the noviceship and temporary profession. The first canonical maxim of the novice-ship is that an invalid noviceship renders any subsequent profession invalid. The first canonical maxim of temporary profession is that a temporary profession of less than three full years renders the per-petual profession invalid. The first canonical maxim of all these cases of time is that time is computed physically, mathematically, not morally. A candidate appl!ed for our institute who had been born of a mixed marriacje and baptized a Catholic in'infancy. The Catholic parent died durincj his infancy, and he was then broucjht up ,~s an Episcopalian. lie was converted to the Catholic Church'at tfi~ ~.cje of fifteen. Is he af-~ fected by the impediment of, "those who have renounced the C;atholio faith and joined a non-C:atholie sect (c. 542; '1 o)?. An impediment is to be strictly interpreted, i. e., its extension is to be confined to the narrowest sense possible within the proper meaning of the wording of the law (c 19).'Therefore, those bap-tized as Catholics, whether their parents were Catholics or non- Catholics, but brought up from irlfar~cy in heresy, schism, infidelity, or without any religion and who were later converted to the Cath-olic Church are not included in this impediment of can. 542, 1", which demands that the subject have. knowi.~gt~ pro~fessed the Cath-
Issue 34.2 of the Review for Religious, 1975. ; Review ]or Religious is edited by faculty members of the School of Divinity of St. Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copy-right Q 1975 by Review [or Religious. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $1.75. Sub-scription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year; $11.00 for two years; other countries, $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or mgney order payable to Review ]or Religious in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to p~rsons claiming to represent Review ]or Religious. Change of address requests should include former address. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor March 1975 Volume 34 Number 2 Renewals, new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to Review for Religious; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to Review for Religious; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard.; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to .Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. Typical Constitutions Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J., a specialist in canon law for religious, is a member of the Jesuit Community at St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19131. INTRODUCTION 1. Plan. The purpose of the present work i~ to facilitate the writing of constitutions of congregations of sisters. It is in fact a typical set of con-stitutions and consists of three parts: I. Spiritual, which is a topical list of spiritual matters for the articles of the first and purely spiritual part of the con-stitutions. Legal norms and details are excluded from this part. 11. Legal, the more important legal articles of congregations of sisters, and these are to make up the second part of the constitutions. III. Statutes, which are not part of the constitutions. These consist of the lesser legal norms to which are to be appended the enactments of general chapters and the ordinances of superiors general. The present work is baled primarily on "Typical Constitutions of Lay Religious Congregations," Review for Religious, 25 (1966), 361-437, also ob-tainable as a reprint from Review for Religious; secondarily on "Proper Juridical Articles of Constitutions," ibid., 27 (1968), 623-32; and lastly on "Constitutions without Canons," ibid., 452-512, which also contains a hand-book of the canons that apply to congregations of sisters, 477-508. 2. Two parts in constitutions. The essential principle of this plan is not that the constitutions are divided into two parts but that the first part is purely spiritual and therefore does not contain legal norms or details, which are con-fined to the second part and to the statutes. The reason for following this prin-ciple is my experience, observation, and judgment that legal norms and details necessarily dry up the spiritual articles of constitutions. The Holy See ap-proved the constitutions of Visitation Nuns, effective from February 2, 1971, 191 192 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 which are divided into two books, one spiritual, the other legal. The same ap-proval had been given in the past to the constitutions of some orders of nuns, in which the canonical norms were appended to but did not form part of the con-stitutions. A juridical norm is to be accurate, clear, and as brief as possible. There are to be no superfluous words; every word is to mean something perti-nent. The result is a dry utterance, and it is evident that details are dry. Law and details have their necessary and proper place in the religious life. They are to be observed but this does not mean that they are to obstruct or to be con-fused with the spiritual. Ecclesiae sanctae (no. 14) states in effect that less stable, less general, and more detailed norms should not be part of the con-stitutions. 3. Canons should not be included in the constitutions unless this is necessary or counseled for the sense of the particular article of the con-stitutions. The constitutions are the proper law of the institute; canons and other matters of common law are the universal law of the Church. There will undoubtedly be translations of the new canon law into at least the principal vernacular languages. An analytical index or handbook of the canons that apply to congregations of sisters can be used by all congregations, and the ex-cessive number of legal articles that have been in the constitutions of each con-gregation can thereby be eliminated. As stated above, there is such a handbook of canons for congregations of sisters in Review for Religious, 27 (1968), 477- 508. 4. First and spiritual part of the constitutions. Typical topics for this first section are listed below. This section should consist of the broad, fundamental, spiritual, religious, human, and social principles of the religious life. The style should be in keeping with the dignity of the matter, motivating, and inspiring. It is to be well written but is not to be merely attractive spiritual reading nor mere narration or information. It is to lead to action, as is the second part of the constitutions and the statutes; it is a rule of life and conduct, and it is in this most important aspect that the style of current experimental constitutions is defective (Review for Religious, 33 (1974), 378-9). This section is not to be a manual of spiritual theology; it gives the more general and fundamental motivation and spirituality of the Church and of the institute. The spiritual sec-tion does not free from but presumes and demands the constant prayerful study of Sacred Scripture, the teaching of the Church on spiritual, theology and the religious life, spiritual theology itself, and other sound spiritual words (ibid.). Obviously the spiritual section should be solid and not filled in with unreal or unsubstantial motivation or spirituality. Especially for this section, the follow-ing footnotes in the article, "Typical Constitutions of Lay Religious Congregat!ons," can be consulted. These contain a listing of other articles, particularly those of spiritual content, ,often found in chapters of constitutions in the past. These footnoteg are nos. 5, 16, 19, 22, 27-9, 32, 36, 40-1, 43-6, 71-2, 74, 90, 93, and 95. From this same article, the following articles should be in the first and spiritual section of the constitutions: 1-2, the general and special Typical Constitutions / 193 purpose; 82, 94-5, the definitions of the essential religious vows; and no. 93, the law of common life in relation to poverty. 5. Second and legal section of the constitutions. This is composed in greater part of the determinations of matters left undetermined in canon law and also of articles over and above canon law. By reason of canon 572, par. 1, no. 6, the vows must be received by the legitimate superior according to the constitutions. The constitutions therefore must determine who is the legitimate superior in this matter. Canon law says nothing on the age required for elected general officials nor for local superiors. The practice of the Holy See in ap-proving the constitutions of pontifical congregations commonly demanded thirty-five years of age for such officials and thirty for local superiors. These are consequently articles over and above canon law. The more important and broader legal articles are to be in this section, those of lesser moment and less general in the statutes. Headings are put at the beginning of many articles in these two sections that the reader may see at a glance and reflect on the topics to be in the second and juridical part of the constitutions and in the statutes and also to note the general difference of the topics in these two sections. These headings therefore do not have to be retained in the constitutions. The order of the matters or articles in none of the three sections will necessarily be the same in all congregations. However, it is recommended to follow the same order in this second section and in the statutes for facility of use. Other articles of like import may be added to any of the three sections. In the juridical part of the constitutions and in the statutes, more important additions should be put in the former, the less important, less general, less stable in the latter. This legal sec-tion and the statutes have especially been based on the three articles mentioned in no. 1 above. In the article, "Proper Juridical Articles of the Constitutions," the following explanatory footnotes can be ~sefully consulted: Nos. 2, 4, ad-mission to and dismissal from the postulancy; 3, prolongation of the postulan-cy; 5, admission to the noviceship; 8, dismissal of a novice; 9, prolongation of the noviceship; 10, admission to profession; 11, anticipation of renewal of tem-porary vows; 12, exclusion from profession; and 13-5, dismissal. Articles 86, 101-2 of this section may be omitted, and 58 transferred to the statutes. 6. Statutes, which are not part of the constitutions. It is to be emphasized that this section is not part of the constitutions. Therefore, it does not demand the approval of the Holy See nor of the local ordinaries in the case of diocesan congregations. Consequently, it may be changed by the institute itself, unless the matter is one of common law, as the custom book is now changed by the in-stitute. This section is to contain the norms that are less important, less general, less permanent, more procedural than .substantial, more office and job profiles and descriptions than norms on the religious life (Ecclesiae sanctae, no. 14). Articles 3, 10, 19, 21, 23-4, 29, 33, 41, 43, 88, and 95-6 of this section may be omitted. The enactments of general chapters and the ordinances of superiors general should be placed at the end of this section. For this reaspn it can be more efficient and economical to print this section as a separate and less expensive booklet. 194 / Review for Religious, Volume34, 1975/2 7. Bibliography. In addition to the articles mentioned in no. 1 above, the following questions and answers and articles in Review for Religious will be helpful: "Too Much Canon Law in Constitutions," 15 (1956), 220-1; "The Constitutions," 19 (1960), 323-67; "Differences in Constitutions of Sisters and Brothers," 26 (1967), 507-16; "Differences of Law between Pontifical and Diocesan Lay Congregations,"' 27 (1968), 289-307; "Omission of Canons from Constitutions," ibid, 1144; "Postconciliar Norms on the Revision of the Constitutions," ibid., 1145-7; "Votes Required for a Revision of the Constitutions," ibid., 752-7; "Canon Law for Religious after Vatican II," 31 (1972), 949-66; 32 (1973), 1273-87; 34 (1975), 50-70; "Revision of the Constitutions," 33 (1974), 376-85. 8. Exclusion of added notes. It had been my intention to add some ex-planatory notes, but I later felt that this would only encumber an article that was already very long. It is sufficient to note that the duration of the postulan-cy, noviceship, and temporary profession is that which 1 consider the best. Provincial superiors and officials may also be elected in the provincial chapter. Finally, the directress of novices and her assistant do not have to be designated for any determined duration of office. 9. Based on the practice of the Holy See. The legal section of the con-stitutions and the statutes have been presented with the practice of the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes in approving constitutions always in mind. However, at times I have proposed suggestions of my own, for example, in art. II, 31, 59, and 115 of the legal section and art. 60 of the statutes. 10. General chapter retained as now. I found the place and manner of presenting the general chapter difficult to decide. I finally concluded that the best place was at the end of the legal section of the constitutions, with the norms of common law retained as now. PART I. SPIRITUAL The spiritual section, as here given, is composed simply of a list of the headings that should be developed in it. One important reason for this plan is to give full possibility for the expression of the distinctive character of a religious institute, which cannot be readily actuated in the legal section. As stated in the introduction, this part should consist of the broad, fundamental, spiritual, religious, human, and social principles of the religious life. It should give the more general .and fundamental motivation and spirituality of the Church and of the institute. Other topics may be added but they should fall within the principles just given. I. Divine vocation. The invitation of the Holy Spirit is manifested in the interior illumination and inspiration of the personal, close, and especially the total love of our Lord for you. 1 Jn 4:9-11, 19; PC, no. 6. 2. Response. Your response was to accept a life of personal, close and es-pecially of total love for our Lord. Col 3:14; Rom 13:10; I Cot 13:!3; Eph 3: 17-8; LG, nn. 39-40, 44; GES, no. 24; PC, nos. 5, 11. Typical Constitutions 3. Baptismal consecration. Relation of this invitation, response, and acceptance by God to baptism, or baptismal consecration, as the sacrament of regeneration and initiation. PC, no. 5. 4. Spirit and charism of the founder or foundress. 5. Relation of Rule, constitutions, and all law for religious to this invitation-response or consecration. PC, no. 2; Review for Religious, 33 (1974), 381. 6. Invitation to perfection is to the perfection of love or better still to a love that is personal, close, and especially total of our Lord and of all mankind for Him. 7. Perfect love will be attained completely only in the eternal possession of God in the beatific vision. From this it follows that life on earth must be similarly supernatural and be lived with sufficient understanding and con-sciousness of the Indwelling of the Trinity, of sanctifying grace as the par-' ticipation in the divine nature, as adoption into the family of God, of the in-fused virtues, the predominance of the supernatural virtue of charity, of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, the illumination and inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and of the relation of these to the Mystical Body, the vine and the branches, and the sacraments. I Cor 3:16-7; Jn 14:23; 2 Pt 1:4; 1 .In 3:1; Rom 8:17; Gai 4:4-6; Eph 1:4-6; Rom 8:28-30. 8. Our Lord is the ideal. However, we do not so much imitate as live Him, by growing through love and in proportion to its degree into His way of think-ing, loving, and desiring, and thus in any circumstances doing what He would do. This is the source, the living, that Vatican II emphasized in its effect of witnessing to Christ. Phil 2:5. 9. The outstanding fact of the consciousness of our Lord was that He was the Son of God. Ours should be a like consciousness of being a daughter or son of the Father, the younger sister or brother of our Lord, and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. This should be a result of the conviction of the divine adoption. 10. Difference from the lay life is in the means to the end. Mt 5:48; 1 Thes 4:3; Eph 1:4; I Pt 1:4-6; LG, no. 11, 39, 42. 11. The purpose of the essential means, the evangelical counsels, is to con-trol the principal obstacles to the perfect lore'of God. LG, no. 44-6; Letter of the Papal Secretary of State, July 13, 1952, Bouscaren-O'Connor, Canon Law Digest, 4, 96. (a) Chastity. 1 Cor 7:32-8; LG, n. 42; Pius XII, Courtois, The States of Perfection, nn. 505-505a. (b) Poverty. Mt 19:23 ff.; 13:22; Lk 12:34; 12:23. (c) Obedience. Rom 5:!9;.Phil 2:8. 12. Religious life is ecclesial. The religious life is ecclesial because it is part of the function of the Church to promote the intensely universal and total love of Christ, which is what religious are primarily to live, and this is what they are primarily mandated to live by ~he approval of the Church of their institute and its Rule and constitutions; Vatican II places the religious life in the Dogmatic 796 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 Constitution on the Church; canon law makes religious life a distinct class of persons in the Church, with juridical existence and distinctive rights and obligations; the Church in approving the apostolic nature and constitutions of an apostolic religious institute gives its members a mandate to go forth as its apostles; in the religious life should be found primarily the sanctity that is the note or guide to the true Church; the Church interprets authentically the evangelical counsels, regulates their practice, establishes states of perfection, approves Rules and constitutions, and guides and watches over religious in-stitutes that they may remain faithful to the spirit of their founders. LG, nos. 43-5. 13. Necessity of all three evangelical counsels. Leo XIII, Plus XI, Plus XII, Paul VI, Vatican II. Courtois, ibid., nos. 33, 130, 403; Bouscaren- O'Connor, ibid., 6, 427; LG, no. 44. 14. Mass, Eucharist. The Eucharist as the center of the life and day of the religious; counsel of due devotion to the Real Presence. 15. Liturgy. The liturgical spirit should be progressive according to the norms of the Church, markedly interior, adult, restrained rather than distinc-tively emotional, and not prominently characterized by a love of novelty and change. 16. Devotions. The spiritual life of a religious should not be mere devotionalism, but devotions and practices approved by the Church should be neither excluded nor discouraged. 17. Blessed Virgin. The institute and its constitutions should necessarily emphasize the Blessed Virgin Mary in her relation to our Lord~ redemption, the Church, and to the sanctification, community life, and apostolate of the members. 18. Sacred Scripture. The reading and study of Sacred Scripture should be encouraged primarily in relation to and for the spiritual life. 19. Prayer. The broad principles of prayer and its place in the religious life should be given. Liturgical prayer does not exclude personal prayer. There should be a prescription of at least a half hour of daily mental prayer. Lk 5:16; 6:12; 9:18; 11:1. 20. Community life. Its pui, poses are: strength and perseverance to live the religious consecration by living with others of the same consecration; help in the apostolate and professional aspect of life; to enable the religious to develop socially and to have a socially satisfactory life. Anything is to be avoided that would fragment the congregation or that would factually eliminate or lower community life. 21. Apostolate. The mission of the Church must be a continuation of that of our Lord, and that of a religious institute must be to be a part of the aposto-late or mission of the Church. The primary purpose of redemption was the com-munication of divine life, and thus the essential apostolate of a religious in-stitute is that its members be an instrument, even if remote, in the communica-tion, intensification, and retention of divine life. The work should also be such as to help the union of the religious with God. The apostolic works are com- Typical Constitutions / 1117 munity works, not, outside of a rare exception, to be merely an individual work. There should be a special love and dedication to work for the poor, the neglected, the handicapped, the unfortunate, and the disadvantaged. The religious life is not mere natural development nor an apostolate of mere social work and action (GES, no. 42). All secularization of life or work must be avoided. 22. Formation. The broad spiritual, educational, professional, human, and social aspects of formation should be given in this section. 23. Cloister, Silence. In some institutes more contact with seculars should be encouraged than in the past, but cloister should be observed and the house should never lose the atmosphere of a religious house. The members of a com-munity should have the assurance of reasonable privacy. Religious silence is an aid to prayer and to an interior life, not mere politeness. 24. Mortification. The tendency to self and sin within us demands morti-fication. This must always be voluntary but much more passive than active mortification. Not everything in the Christian life is positive but nothing is purely negative. Mortification, renunciation, abnegation have as their purpose an intensification in virtue, which is always lived personally in Christ, and es-pecially in the supernatural virtue of charity. 25. Ecumenical spirit. 26. Religious and the modern world. The relation of religious to the tem-poral world should be included and based on the Constitution on the Church in. the Modern World of Vatican II. 27. The broad principles on at least several of the following should be in this part of the constitutions: suitability of candidates, pre-entrance guidance, postulancy, noviceship, juniorate, religious habit, profession, the sacrament of penance, religious exercises, correspondence, suffrages for the dead, retirement and care of the aged, sick and infirm, government, general and provincial chapters, superior general, other superiors, councilors, treasurers, directresses of postulants, novices, and junior professed, provinces, regions, houses, the Rule, and the constitutions. PART II. LEGAL I. General purpose. The Sisters of. are a pontifical (diocesan) congregation whose general purpose is the response of a personal, close, and particularly total love of our Lord and of all men and women for Him in a supernatural life that is a filial love of the Father, an intimate participation in the divine life, and whose primary and universal norm is the person Christ, un-der the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. It is a life mandated and guided by the Church, and by the charism and spirit of their own congregation. These are supplemented by the laws of the Church and of their own congregation. The sisters profess .the simple vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, which are an essential means to the attainment and intensification of this love. 2. Special purpose. (For example:) In their special purpose, the sisters, mandated by the Church as its apostles, are essentially to be an instrument of 198 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 God in the communication, preservation, and intensification of the same divine life in others. This they do through their life and work as Christian educators and nurses in hospitals. 3. Authorization necessary for a change in the special purpose or in the particular works. Without the permission of the Holy See the special purpose may not be changed, nor may works not included in it be added in a general and permanent manner. 4. Change in the habit. No permanent, substantial, or general change in the form or color of the habit may be made without the permission of the Holy See. 5. Right to admit to the postulancy. The right to admit an applicant to the postulancy belongs to the superior general (provincial congregation: higher superior), who has also the right to dismiss her if she is judged unfit for the life of the congregation. A postulant has full liberty to leave the congregation. 6. Right to admit to the noviceship. The right to admit to the noviceship appertains to the superior general (higher superior) with the consent of her council. 7. Duration of the noviceship. The duration of the noviceship is two years. The added year is not required for the validity of profession, and the superior general with the advice of her council may dispense from it wholly or in part. 8. Dismissal of a novice. For any just reason a novice may be dismissed by the superior general (provincial congregation frequently: higher or provincial superior) with the advice of her council. 9. Prolongation of the noviceship. If the st~itability of a novice is doubtful, the superior general (provincial congregation frequently: higher superior) with the advice of her council may prolong the time of her noviceship but not beyond six months. 10. Religious profession. Upon completion of the noviceship and in the novitiate house, the novice shall make profession of simple vows or other com-mitment for three (two) years. At the end of this period the sister shall renew her vows for two (three) years. The superior general (provincial congregation: provincial or higher superior) may prolong the prescribed period of temporary profession but not beyond a year, in which case the sister must renew her tem-porary profession. OR: . . . the novice shall make profession of simple vows for one year. This profession is to be renewed annually until five full years of temporary vows are completed. The superior general . . . OR:. Upon the completion of the noviceship and in the novitiate house, the novice shall make profession of simple vows for three years or until the com-pletion of her twenty-first year, if a longer time is necessary to attain the age prescribed for perpetual profession. The superior general., may prolong the prescribed time of temporary profession, but not beyond a second term of three years, in which case the sister must renew her temporary profession. The right to admit to first profession, renewal and prolongation of tem-porary vows, and perpetual profession appertains to the superior general with Typical Constitutions / 199 the vote of her council. This vote shall be deliberative for the first temporary profession but only consultative for the renewal and prolongation of temporary vows and perpetual profession. (Provincial congregation:) The right to admit to first profession, prolonga-tion of temporary vows, and perpetual profession appertains to the superior general with the vote of her council. This vote shall be deliberative for the first temporary profession but only consultative for prolongation of temporary vows and perpetual profession. The provincial superior presents the requests for admission to the superior general, with the deliberative vote of her council for first profession and the consultative vote for prolongation of temporary vows and for perpetual profession. The right to admit to renewals of temporary vows appertains to ttie provincial superior w~th the consultative vote of her council. 11. For the validity of any profession, the following is necessary in addition to the other requisites stated in canons 572-3: that the profession be received by the superior general or a sister delegated by her. (Provincial, regional, and) Local superiors and their legitimate substitutes are delegated by the con-stitutions to receive all professions in their (provinces, regions, and) houses and with power also to subdelegate. The added period of two years is not necessary for the validity of the perpetual profession, and the superior general with the advice of her council may dispense from it wholly or in part. 12. The following is the formula of profession: 13. Obedience. The sisters are bound to obey by reason of the vow only when lawful superiors command expressly in virtue of holy obedience or in equivalent words. 14. Superiors shall rarely, prudently, and cautiously command in virtue of holy obedience and only for a grave reason. It is expedient that a formal precept be given in writing or at least in the presence of two witnesses. 15. Local superiors, especially of small houses, shall not give commands in virtue of holy obedience except in grave and urgent cases, and they should then immediately notify the superior general (provincial congregation: provincial superior). 16. The sisters are obliged by the virtue of obedience to fulfill the prescrip-tions of the constitutions, statutes, and other orders of superiors. 17. Supreme authority. Supreme internal authority is exercised ordinarily by the superior general assisted by her council and extraordinarily by the legitimately assembled general chapter. 18. Authority of the superior general. A serious reason and the deliberative vote of her council are required for the superior general (a higher or regional superior) to transfer or remove a superior or official before the expiration of a prescribed term of office. Unless otherwise specified, officials may be reap-pointed indefinitely. With the consent of her council, the superior general may prolong the term of office of (provincial, regional, and) local superiors when this is necessary. 200 / Review for Religious, l/olurne 34, 1975/2 19. The superior general has the right to transfer the sisters from one house to another and to assign their duties. 20. Provincial congregation. The congregation is divided into provinces. The original establishment and the total suppression of all existing provinces are reserved to the Holy See. All other establishment, modification, and sup-pression of provinces appertain to the superior general with the consent of her council and to the general chapter. Transfer to another province. Only the superior general with the advice of her council and ordinarily after consulting the interested, provincials may per-manently transfer a sister from one province to another. 21. The superior general shall prudently direct and supervise the ad-ministration of the temporal goods of the congregation and of each (province, region, and) house in accordance with the prescriptions of canon law, the con-stitutions, and statutes. 22. The superior general may not appoint a vicar and delegate powers to her nor may she grant a sister active or passive voice or deprive her of it. 23. If it should ever seem necessary to remove the superior general from of-rice, the general council must submit the matter to the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes (diocesan: the ordinary of the residence of the superior general). If the superior general thinks it her duty to resign her of-fice outside the time of the sessions of any general chapter, she shall in writing make known her reasons to the same Congregation (diocesan: same ordinary). During the time of any general chapter, even if only of affairs, the superior general shall present her resignation and reasons to the chapter, which is com-petent to accept it, elect her successor and also other elective general officials. 24. Canonical visitation. The superior general shall make the visitation of the entire congregation at least every three years (at least once during her term of office). She shall see that the houses immediately subject to her are visited every year. The provincial superior shall make the visitation of all the houses of her province once a year, and the same frequency of visitation of a region shall be observed by the regional superior. Both may omit this visitation in the year of the visitation by the superior general. Should the higher or regional superior be lawfully prevented from making the visitation, another sister is to be delegated for this purpose. 25. The superior general may designate a visitor for an individual (province or) house or for a particular matter; (the provincial and regional superiors m~.y do the same for an indi~,idual house or a particular matter;) but to appoint a visitor for the entire congregation (in the case of a provincial or regional superior, for the ei~tire province or region), the consent of the perti-nent council must be obtained. The visitor must be a sister of perpetual vows. 26. The purpose of the visitation is to strengthen union and charity, to in-quire into the government and administration of the (province, region, and) house as also into the fulfillment of the obligations of the religious life; to cor-rect prevalent abuses, and to give occasion to each sister to speak freely on matters that concern her personal welfare or the general good. The (Provincial, Typical Constitutions / 201 regional, and) local superiors retain the usual exercise of their office during the visitation. 27. Councilors. The general council is composed of the four general coun-cilors. The superior general, although she presides and votes in the council, is not a member of the general council. She places all acts in her own name, even in matters that require the consent or advice of the council, since she alone possesses the authority to govern the congregation. 28. Although the superior general has the right of acting completely un-assisted except in matters reserved to higher authorities or that by law demand the consent or advice of the general council, yet she is earnestly counseled to seek the advice of her council also in other important matters. 29. The duty of the councilors is to give advice and assistance to the superior general in matters of government and administration, to cast a deliberative or consultative vote according to canon law, the constitutions and statutes, and to propose whatever they think is to the best interest of the con-gregation. 30. The councilors are bound to secrecy concerning all matters discussed in the sessions, as well as those confided to them by reason of their office. If a councilor violates this secrecy, she shall be admonished by the superior general. If she repeatedly violates it, she shall be corrected according to the gravity of her fault. 31. If a general councilor or elected general official dies, resigns, becomes incapable of fulfilling her duties regularly, or is deposed, the superior general with the consent of her council shall replace her by a sister having the requisite qualities, who shall hold office until the next general chapter. No general coun-cilor or official may resign her office or be removed except for a serious reason, accepted as such by the superior general with the consent of her council. 32. The assistant and vicar takes the place of the superior general when the latter is absent or when for any reason whatever is unable to exercise her office. 33. Although the superior general alone has the right to convoke the general council, when she is ill, absent, or otherwise impeded, the assistant con-venes and presides over the council. 34. When acting in her representative capacity, the assistant shall issue only such directions as are required for ordinary government and cannot be deferred; and then as far as possible she shall act according to the presumed will of the superior general. 35. At the death, resignation, or legitimate ~emovai from office of the superior general, the vicar shall assume the government of the congregation with full power and equal rights. She shall continue in this office until the elec-tion of the superior general at the next chapter, to be convoked according to art. 67. 36. In the absence or disability of the assistant, the councilor next in precedence and so on in succession shall act as the representative of the superior general. 37. Administration of temporal goods. Not only the congregation but also 202 / Review for Religious, I/olume 34, 1975/2 each (province and) house is capable of acquiring, possessing, and ad-ministering temporal property. 38. Provincialsuperior. Each province is governed by a provincial superior who like the superior general is a higher superior. The provincial superior is ap-pointed by the superior general with the consent of her council for a term of three years. She may be reappointed for a second but not for a third immediate term in the same province. She continues to govern the province until the arrival of her successor. 39. The primary duty of the provincial superior is to govern the whole province so as to promote the common and individual good. She must be an example of religious life, distinguished for her virtue and practical judgment, devoted to the interests of the sisters, loyal to the supreme authority in the con-gregation, and obedient to ecclesiastical directives. She is to be thoroughly convinced that on her administration depends the well-being of the province. 40. The provincial superior has the right: (a) To govern the whole.province in accordance with the constitutions and statutes, with the exception of matters reserved to higher authorities; (b) To give commands and make regulations in conformity with the con-stitutions and statutes; (c) To admit candidates to the postulancy; (d) To grant the sisters the necessary permissions for studies, travel, visits, and similar matters according to the established regulations; (e) To encourage and initiate good works. 41. It is the duty of the provincial superior: (a) To exercise supervision over the observance of the constitutions, statutes, and all obligations of the religious life; (b) To make the visitation of the houses in conformity with art. 24 and to submit a report of her visitation to the superior general; (c) To advise and direct local superiors in their activities; (d) To present, with her recommendations, matters submitted by local superiors that require recourse to the superior general; (e) To examine the financial statements of the houses and to make the financial reports of the province; (f) To examine the annual personnel and disciplinary reports of the local superiors and forward copies of these, along with her own report, to the superior general. 42. In extraordinary and difficult matters, the provincial superior should consult the superior general. If the urgency of the case makes this impossible, she should later inform the superior general of the matter. 43. The four (two) provincial councilors constitute the provincial council in the same way as was stated for the general council. One of the councilors shall be designated as assistant and vicar and shall take the place of the provincial superior when the latter is absent or otherwise impeded from fulfilling the duties of her offices, unless the superior general with the consent of her council has appointed another sister as acting provincial. In the event of the death or Typical Constitutions / 203 removal from office of the provincial superior, the vicar shall assume with full powers and equal rights the government of the province until the newly ap-pointed provincial assumes office or until the arrival of an acting provincial ap-pointed in the same way by the superior general. In other respects the assistant shall observe the norms established in art. 32-6. The provincial councilors, secretary, and treasurer are appointed on the recommendation of the provincial superior by the superior general with the consent of her council; they must be at least thirty years of age and of perpetual vows. The provincial secretary and treasurer may be councilors but not the provincial assistant. 44. The norms of statutes nos. 60-87 apply with due distinctions to the provincial council and councilors and the provincial secretary and treasurer. 45. Regions. Because of their distance from the motherhouse or other proportionate reasons, houses that cannot as yet be united into a province may be grouped into regions, which are not distinct moral persons. The establish-ment, change, and suppression of regions appertain to the superior general with the consent of her council. 46. Regions are governed by regional superiors who in almost all respects have the rights and duties of provincials. Their authority is delegated by the superior general but, unless an express restriction is made or is to be un-derstood from the nature of the matter, this delegation contains all the authority possessed by provincials. The regional superiors are consequently to be guided in general by the articles of the constitutions and statutes on provinces, the provincial superior, and the provincial officials. 47. By the law of the constitutions and for her lawful appointment as regional superior, a sister must possess the qualities required by common law for provincials. The articles of the constitutions on the manner of appointment, term of office, reappointment, removal from office, and relation of the provin-cial superior to the superior general all apply also to the regional superior. 48. The regional superior is assisted by two councilors and, if it seems necessary or opportune, by a secretary and treasurer, all appointed by the superior general with the consent of her council. These sisters must be professed of perpetual vows. One of the councilors shall be designated as regional assistant and vicar. With due distinctions, nos, 60-87 of the statutes, and art. 43 above apply to the regional council, councilors, and the regional secretary and treasurer. 49. Houses. For the erection of a house, the superior general must have the consent of her council and the written consent of the local ordinary. The con-sent of both is also necessary for the suppression of a house,, which likewise appertains to the superior general. (~Diocesan:) For the erection of a house, the superior general must have the consent of her council and the written consent of the local ordinary. The suppression of a house appertains to the local or-dinary after having consulted the superior general. The latter must have the consent of her council for requesting or agreeing to a suppression. 50. Local superiors. Every house, including the motherhouse, shall be 204 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 governed by a local superior, who is appointed by the superior general with the consent of her council for a term of three years. She may be appointed for a second but not immediately for a third term in the same house. The local superior must have completed her thirtieth year and be professed of perpetual vows. She continues to govern the house until the arrival of her successor. 51. The local superior possesses the authority that canon law, the con-stitutions, and the statutes assign to her and has the right to govern the house in all matters not reserved to higher authorities. 52. The superior shall devote herself with generosity and perseverance to the education and formation of the younger sisters, particularly those of tem-porary vows. 53. Directress of novices. The formation of the novices is entrusted to the directress of novices who must be professed of perpetual vows and at least thirty years of age. 54. Obligation, change, and interpretation of the constitutions and statutes. The (Rule), con~stitutions and statutes do not of themselves bind under sin but only under the penalty imposed for their infraction, unless the violation concerns the vows, or divine or ecclesiastical laws, arises from a sinful motive, or gives scandal. 55. Superiors are bound to admonish the sisters and to impose penances for violations of the constitutions and statute's. The sisters are obliged to accept the corrections and to perform the penances. 56. The superior general may interpret authentically also the statutes and the ordinances of the general chapter, but the Holy See alone can authentically interpret and change the constitutions. In a doubt about some particular point, the general chapter, as also the superior general with the advice of her council, may give a practical interpretation of the matter and the sisters are obliged to follow this interpretation. (Diocesan:) The superior general may interpret authentically also the statutes and the ordinances of the general chapter, but the constitutions may be neither authentically interpreted nor changed without the unanimous consent of the ordinaries of the dioceses in Which the congrega-tion has houses. In a doubt . . . 57. Changes in the constitutions may not be made without serious reasons. Any change must be first discussed in the general chapter, and if it obtains at least two-thirds of the votes, it shall be submitted to the Holy See (diocesan: local ordinaries) for a decision. 58. A complete copy of the constitutions shall be given to every sister at the beginning of the noviceship that she may study and earnestly strive to observe them. 59. Dispensation. No superior of the congregation, without an express con-cession from competent authority, may dispense from the laws of the Church or the decrees of the Holy See. 60. For a determined time and a proportionate reason, the superior general may dispense individual sisters, a house, province, region, or the entire con-gregation from a merely disciplinary article also of the constitutions. A provin- Typical Constitutions / 205 cial and a regional superior have the same power for their sisters, houses, province, or region, and a local superior for her sisters and house. The direc-tress of novices has the same power as a local superior but only with regard to the novices and the novitiate. 61. All superiors may dispense themselves in those matters in which they may lawfully dispense others. GENERAL CHAPTER 1. Convocation and members 62. The general chapter must be convoked as often as general elections are necessary. The ordinary convocation takes place every sixth (fifth, fourth) year at the expiration of the term of office of the superior general and on her death, resignation, or deposition. 63. (Pontifical:) To convoke the chapter for any reason other than those specified above, the permission of the Holy See is required in addition to the consent of the general council. (Diocesan:) To convoke the chapter for any reason other than those specified above, the superior general must have the consent of her council. 64. The chapter must be convoked by the superior general at least six (three, a year) months before the day fixed for its assembly. In the letter of convocation, the date and place of the chapter shall be designated, and the prayers to be said for the success of the chapter shall be prescribed. The place of the chapter shall be determined by the superior general with the consent of her council. 65. Before the convocation, the superior general must inform the ordinary of the diocese in which the chapter will convene of the date of the election of the superior general, that he may preside either personally or by delegate at this election. 66. The meeting of the chapter may be anticipated or deferred for an im-portant reason, but not more than three (six) months in either case. 67. In the event of the death, resignation, or deposition of the superior general, the chapter must be convoked by the vicar as soon as possible, so that the assembly of the chapter will not be postporied more than six (three, a year) months after the vacancy of the office. 68. The members of the chapter are: (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) -- or (g) The superior general The four general councilors The secretary general The treasurer general Former superiors general The provincial superiors delegates elected by each province The regional superiors 206 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 The delegates elected by (the regions and) the sisters according to art. or (g) Forty (or other number) delegates elected by the sisters. 69. The superior general and elective general officials continue as members of the assembled chapter even though at the elections other sisters have succeeded them in office. 70. The superior general with the consent of her council may summon other sisters to assist in the clerical and similar work of the chapter. She may in the same manner invite such sisters and externs to present and discuss questions with the chapter. None of these are permitted to vote. 71. The chapter elects the superior general, general councilors, secretary general, treasurer general, and treats of the more important affairs that con-cern the entire congregation. 2. General norms to be observed in elections 72. The tellers elected for the general chapter must take an oath to perform their duty faithfully and to keep secret the proceedings of the chapter even after the elections are completed. All the capitulars are likewise bound to secrecy: The places of the tellers and secretary shall be near the president. 73. The tellers are to take care that the ballots are cast by each elector secretly, individually, and in order of precedence. The secretary draws up ac-curately the proceedings of the chapter, which shall be signed by the president, the tellers, and the secretary herself. These are to be preserved in the archives of the congregation. 74. Two-thirds of the capitulars must be present for the validity of the acts of the general (and provincial) chapter, but all must be convoked. 75. Even though a sister may have the right to vote in her own name under several titles, she may nevertheless cast but one vote. 76. The capitulars must be present in person at the election. No one may validly vote by letter or by proxy, lfa capitular in the house where the election is being held cannot be present at the election because of illness, her written vote sh"all be collected by the tellers in a sealed envelope. 77. If a capitular believes that she cannot attend the general (or provincial) chapter on account of sickness or for some other serious reason, she is to in-form the superior general (or provincial superior), who shall decide with the consent of her council whether the capitular should be excused and her sub-stitute summoned. 78. All the sisters, whether capitulars or not, are forbidden to procure votes directly or indirectly for themselves or others. Prudent consultation regarding the qualities of those eligible is permitted within the bounds of justice and charity. 79. Each of the electors shall write on her ballot the name of the sister for whom she votes, fold the ballot, and drop it in the ballot box placed before the president. 80. When all the ballots have been cast, the tellers shall first count the Typical Constitutions / 207 folded ballots in the presence of the president and the electors to ascertain whether the number of ballots corresponds to the number of electors. If the number of ballots exceeds the number of electors, the balloting is null and void. Otherwise they shall proceed to the inspection of the ballots. 81. The ballots are then opened and examined. They are read first by the senior teller, who in an audible voice shall make known the name on each ballot, then by the president and lastly by the junior teller. The votes must be recorded by the secretary. At the end of each balloting, the president must an-nounce the names of all sisters voted for and the number of votes given to each. 82. No sister may validly vote for herself. A vote is also null and void: (a) If given by one who is incapable of a human act or has by law been deprived of active voice; (b) If it is not given freely. Consequently a vote is invalid if an elector is forced directly or indirectly by grave fear or fraud to elect a specified sister or one or the other among several specified sisters; (c) If it is not secret, certain, absolute, and determined; (d) If it is blank or for an ineligible person. 83. Even if one or more votes are null and void, the election is valid provided the one elected received the number of valid votes required by the constitutions. 84. Unless otherwise prescribed for a particular election, all elections shall be decided by an absolute majority of secret votes, that is, a number which ex-ceeds half the number of valid votes cast; but if after two ballotings no one has received an absolute majority, a third and last balloting will be held, in which a relative majority decides. In an equality of votes among several candidates in this third balloting, the senior by first profession is elected; if the sisters made their first profession on the same day, the senior~by age is elected. This same norm shall resolve an equality of votes on the only, limiting, or decisive balloting of any election. 85. After the required number of votes has been obtained, the president shall declare the election legitimately made and announce the name of the sister elected. This proclamation of the newly elected superior general ter-minates the duties of the presiding local ordinary. 86. All sisters are obliged to accept any office to which they have been elected. 87. The ballots must be burned by the tellers after each session. 88. Ira sister elected as superior general or general official is not present at the chapter, she is to be summoned immediately; but the sessions of the chapter are suspended only in the former case. 89. The office of the superior general and of the elected general officials always terminates at the election of their successors. 3. Election of delegates 90. All sisters, including those of temporary vows or other commitment, have active voice in the election of delegates to the general (provincial) chapter. 208 / Review for Religious, l/olurne 34, 1975/2 Only sisters of perpetual vows, unless members of the chapter in virtue of any office, have passive voice. OR: Only sisters of perpetual vows have active and, unless members of the chapter in virtue of any office, also passive voice in the election of delegates to the general (provincial) chapter. 91. The superior general (provincial) shall publish a list accessible to all the electors, compiled with the consent of her council, of all the sisters of passive voice. 92. In each house on the day determined in the letter of convocation, the electors shall assemble under the direction of their local superior. Each shall elect by secret ballot forty (or other number) sisters. 93. The local superior shall collect all the ballots without inspecting them and enclose them with her own ballot in an envelope, which she shall seal in the presence of the electors. She shall write on this inner envelope, "Election of Delegates, house N . " and forward it immediately to the superior general (provincial). 94. As soon as possible after all the envelopes have been received, the superior general (provincial) and her council shall open the envelopes and count the votes of this first balloting. The secretary general (provincial) shall record the votes. All sisters who received an absolute majority are elected. A report of the first balloting containing a declaration of those elected, the number remaining to be elected in the second balloting, and a list of the sisters voted for and the number of votes each received will be published to all the houses as soon as possible. 95. A second voting with the same procedure will be held in all the houses on the day appointed by the superior general (provincial). A relative majority is decisive in this second balloting. The substitutes are in order the sisters who received the next highest number of votes after those elected in the second balloting. The superior general (provincial) shall immediately inform the con-gregation (province) of the complete results. OR: ,90. As 90 above. 91. The superior general (provincial) shall publish a list accessible to all the electors, compiled with the consent of her council, of all the sisters of passive voice divided into three groups as equal as possible in number according to precedence from first profession. 92. In each house on the day determined in the letter of convocation, the electors shall assemble under the direction of their local superior. Each shall elect by secret vote ten sisters from each group and a fourth ten from any or all groups and in any proportion. 93. As 93 above. 94. As soon as possible after all the envelopes have been received, the superior general (provincial) and her council shall open the envelopes and count the votes of this first balloting. The secretary general (provincial) shall record the votes. All sisters who received an absolute majority are elected. A Typical Constitutions / 209 report of the first balloting containing a declaration of those elected, the number remaining to be elected from each group in the second balloting, and a list of the sisters voted for and the number of votes each received will be published to all the houses as soon as possible. 95. A second voting with the same procedure will be held in all the houses on the day appointed by the superior general (provincial). A relative majority is decisive in this second balloting. The substitutes are in order the sisters of each group who received the next highest number of votes in the second balloting after those elected. The superior general (provincial) shall im-mediately inform the congregation (province) of the complete results. 96. (Provincial congregation) Houses immediately subject to the superior general elect two delegates, superiors or subjects, of perpetual vows who are - not members of the chapter in virtue of any office, to the general chapter. The voting is carried out and the votes forwarded to the superior general according to the norms of art. 92-5. 4. Provincial chapter a. Convocation and members 97. The provincial chapter is to be convened as often as a general chapter is to be held .and at least three (six, a year) months before the date of the assembly of the latter. The provincial superior is the president of the chapter, and its principal purpose is to elect the delegates to the general chapter. The provincial shall convoke the provincial chapter at a date sufficient for the proper prechapter preparation for both the provincial and general chapters. 98. The members of the chapter are: (a) The provincial superior (b) The four (two) provincial councilors (c) The provincial secretary (d) The provincial treasurer (e) The delegates as described in nn. 90-5 b. Sessions 99. The chapter shall immediately elect from among the capitulars by a relative majority of secret votes the two tellers and in the same way, in a dis-tinct balloting, the secretary of the chapter. The tellers for these elections shall be the two junior capitulars by first profession, and the secretary shall be the provincial secretary. 100. The chapter shall then elect by separate and secret ballotings and ac-cording to the norm of art. 84 two (three, four or more) delegates and two (three, four or more) substitutes to the general chapter. These must be sisters of perpetual vows. , 101. After these elections, the chapter shall deliberate on matters that con-cern the spiritual and temporal welfare of the province. The same procedure shall be followed in deliberations as in the general chapter. 210 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/2 102. Enactments of the provincial chapter have no force until they are ap-proved by the superior general with the consent of her council. They are then promulgated to the province by the provincial superior. 103. The chapter shall finally deliberate on the proposals to be made to the general chapter by the province. 104. The secretary shall draw up the complete proceedings of the chapter according to the norm of art. 73. One copy is to be sent immediately to the superior general, and a second copy is to be preserved in the archives of the province. The provincial superior shall immediately publish the elections to the province. 5. Preliminary sessions 105. The chapter immediately elects from among the capitulars by a relative majority of secret votes the two tellers and in the same way, in a dis-tinct balloting, the secretary 9f the chapter. The tellers for this preliminary election shall be the two capitulars youngest by first profession, and the secretary general shall be the secretary. 106. The chapter shall then elect by a relative majority of secret votes and on one ballot a committee of three capitulars who had no part in preparing or approving the reports of the superior general. This committee is to examine the reports thoroughly and give its observations to the chapter before the election of the superior general. 107. The superior general presents to the chapter two distinct and com-plete reports: one of the persons, religious life, and works; the other on the material and financial condition of the congregation since the last chapter. The financial report must have been prepared and also signed by the treasurer general. Copies of the reports should be distributed to the capitulars before the opening session. 6. Election of the superior general 108. The day before the election of the superior general shall be spent in retreat by the capitulars, and permission shall be requested for exposition of the Blessed Sacrament. 109. On the day of the election of the superior general, Mass shall be offered in the house where the chapter is held to invoke the blessing of God on the work of the chapter. If the rubrics permit, the Mass shall be the votive Mass of the Holy Spirit. 110. To be elected validly to the office of superior general, a sister must be professed of perpetual vows and have completed her thirty-fifth year. 111. The superior general is elected for six (five, four) years. She may be elected for a second but not for a third consecutive term, o i 12. The superior general is elected by an absolute majority of secret votes. If three ballotings fail to produce this majority, a fourth and last balloting shall be held. In this balloting the electors shall vote for one of the two sisters who Typical Constitutions / 211 had the highest number of votes in the third balloting, but these two sisters themselves shall not vote. If more than two would be eligible by reason of an equality of votes in the third balloting, the norm of art. 84 shall limit the can-didates to two. Of these two the sister who receives the greater number of votes in the fourth balloting is elected. (Diocesan congregation of women:) The local ordinary has full power to confirm or rescind the election of the superior general according to his conscience. 113. The president shall proclaim the newly elected superior general. This act terminates the duties of the presiding local ordinary. 7. Election of the general officials 114. After the election of the superior general and after she has taken the oath according to art. 72, the chapter under her presidency shall elect the four general councilors, the secretary general, and the treasurer general. These elec-tions are made by separate ballotings and according to the norm of art. 84. Immediately after the election of the four councilors, a distinct election for the assistant and vicar shall be held from among the four elected councilors. Or: The first councilor elected shall also be the assistant and vicar. 115. To be elected a general councilor or official a sister must have com-pleted her thirtieth year and have made perpetual profession. Any one of the councilors except the assistant may be elected as secretary general or treasurer general. These two officials should possess the special competence required for their offices. The superior general .may appoint one or more assistant secretaries and treasurers. (Appointment articles) The secretary general and the treasurer general are not elected by the chapter but appointed (for a term of three years) by the superior general with the consent of her council. Both may be general coun-cilors but neither may be the general assistant. Both should possess the specialized competence required for their offices. The superior general may ap-point one or more assistant secretaries and treasurers. The secretary general is not elected by the chapter but appointed (for a term of three years) by the superior general with the consent of her council. She may be a general councilor but not the general assistant. She should possess the specialized competence required for her office. The superior general may appoint one or more assistant secretaries and treasurers. 8. Chapter of affairs 116. After the elections the chapter shall treat of the more important af-fairs that concern the entire congregation. The enactments of the chapter may not be contrary to common law. or the constitutions. 117. Matters are decided by an absolute majority. I f the votes are equal, the presiding superior general has the right of deciding the matter. The voting is public. Any capitular has the right of requesting a secret vote on a particular matter. Such a request shall be put to the public vote of the chapter, lfthe ma- 212 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 jority favors the request, the voting on the particular matter shall be secret. Or: Matters are decided by an absolute majority of secret votes. If the votes are equal, the presiding superior general has the right of deciding the matter. 118. (The provincial chapters and) All professed sisters may submit written proposals to the general chapter. These must be forwarded to the superior general or her delegate at the prescribed time before the opening of the chapter. The capitulars retain the right of making proposals thereafter and during the sessions up to the definite time determined by the chapter, after which no proposals may be submitted. l l9. At a suitable time before the general chapter determined by the superior general, committees of three or more capitulars, appointed by the superior general with the consent of her council, shall arrange the proposals and prepare a report on each distinct proposal. These reports are to be com-pleted before the chapter opens. Every effort is to be made to have these com-mittees composed predominantly at least of capitulars. The superior general may permit that some or all of the committee members be elected by the secret vote of professed sisters or that they propose names for appointment. 120. The chapter is not obliged to deliberate on every matter proposed. It may simply exclude anything that appears useless or inopportune, or it may remit a matter to the study and decision of the superior general and her council after the close of the chapter. 121. The principal affairs are: (a) Suitable means of perfecting or restoring the living of the religious life (b) Proposals submitted to the chapter (c) Determination of the contribution that each house must make to the general treasury Or: Determination of the contribution that each house must make to the provincial treasury, and each province to the general treasury (d) Extraordinary expenditures which the superior general (provincial, regional), and local superiors may authorize or make alone, those that demand the advice or consent of their councils, and those for which local superiors must recur to the (provincial, regional superiors and either of these to the) superior general (e) Norms to be observed in addition to the prescriptions of the sacred canons in alienations, purchases, the assuming of obligations, and other matters of a financial nature (f) Determination of the dowry (g) Confirmation, modification, or abrogation of ordinances of previous general chapters (h) (In provincial congregations) Establishment of new provinces or the suppression of existing ones, the uniting of provinces, or the modification of their boundaries (i) Determination of more important matters for which the advice or con-sent of the general (provincial, regional) or local councils is necessary. 122. The enactments of the chapter remain in force permanently unless Typical Constitutions / 213 amended or abrogated by subsequent chapters. Or: The enactments of the chapter remain in force until the next chapter, in which they may be confirmed, modified, or abrogated. 123. The chapter may not be protracted beyond a reasonable length of time. The superior general shall publish the elections, ordinances, and other acts which the capitulars have determined should be published. STATUTES I. Classes in institute; rights and obligations. The members form one class of sisters subjec( to the one superior general and living under the same common norms. 2. Precedence. The following is the order of prec.edence in highly official and ceremonial matters (see full list in Review for Religious, 25 [1966], 365-8): 3. Titles. The superior general shall be called. The title of. shall be given to. The title of all other religious is Sister. The superior general alone at the expiration of her term of office shall retain the title of. and have the precedence stated in art. 2. 4. Religious habit. (For example:) The habit is of suitable black materi-al. 5. The veil of the professed sisters is of black material and light in weight. 6. The professed sisters wear a silver ring on the third finger of the left hand . . . 7. The sisters are permitted to wear white habits, veils, and cinctures while occupied in duties or in a climate that necessitates or counsels this dress. 8. Dowry. Postulants shall bring the dowry determined by the general chapter. The chapter may grant delegation in this matter to the superior general and her council. 9. The superior general (provincial congregation: higher superior) with the consent of her council may remit wholly or in part the dowry of a candidate who lacks financial means. 10. A postulant dispensed from the dowry is obliged to establishone later if she receives any substantial gift or bequest. 11. After the first profession of a sister, the superior general (provincial congregation usually: provincial superior) with the consent of her council and that of the local ordinary must invest the dowry in safe, lawful, and profitable securities. ! 2. The dowries must be prudently and justly administered at the habitual residence of the superior general (provincial congregation usually: provincial superior). 13. Material entrance requirements. The superior general (provincial con-gregation: provincial or higher superior) with the consent (or advice, or no vote required) of her council shall determine the wardrobe and the sum to be paid for the expenses of the postulancy and noviceship. In particular cases and for just reasons, the superior general (provincial congregation: higher or provincial superior) has the right to dispense wholly or in part from this requirement. 214 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/2 14. A record shall be kept in a special register of all the property that the candidate brings with her to the postulancy, signed by the candidate and two sisters as witnesses. 15. The candidates, upon their admission to the postulancy, must sign a civilly valid document in which they declare that they will not seek compensa-tion for services given to the congregation before or after profession, whether they leave or are dismissed. This document is to be renewed at the time of perpetual profession. 16. Testimonials for admission. Before being admitted candidates must present these credentials: (a) Certificates of baptism and confirmation (b) A testimonial of good moral character from their pastor or another priest, unless the aspirant is already well known to the superior general (higher superior) (c) Certificates of good health, both physical and mental, from reliable professional sources (d) Other testimonials that the superior general (higher superior) may con-sider necessary or opportune. 17. Postulancy. The time prescribed for the postulancy is a year. For a just reason and with the advice of her council, the superior general (higher superior) may prolong or shorten this time but not beyond six months. 18. Every three months the directress shall give to the superior general (higher superior) and her council a report of the postulant's virtues, defects, and aptitude for the life of the congregation. 19. About three months before the beginning of the noviceship, the postulant shall in writing petition the superior general (higher superior) for ad-mission to the noviceship. 20. Before beginning the noviceship, the postulant shall make a retreat of. entire days. 21. Noviceship. As soon as possible, each province shall have its own novitiate. 22. The noviceship begins in the manner determined by the superior general (provincial congregation: higher superior) The added year ends on the second anniversary of the inception of the noviceship, and on this day the temporary profession (or other commitment) may be licitly pronounced. 23. Three months before the end of the noviceship, the novices shall in writing request admission to the profession (or other commitment) from the superior general (provincial congregation frequently: provincial superior). 24. The novice shall be informed of her admission to vows so that in due time she may relinquish the administration of her property, dispose of its use and usufruct, and make a will, as prescribed in common law. 25. Before pronouncing her vows (or other commitment), the novice shall make a spiritual retreat of. entire days. 26. Profession of a novice in danger of death. Even though she has not com-pleted the time of her noviceship, a novice in danger of death may, for the con- Typical Constitutions / 215 solation of her soul, be admitted to profession by any superior, the directress of novices, or their delegates. The ordinary formula of profession is to be used if the condition of the novice permits, but without any determination of time. 27. By this profession the novice is granted a plenary indulgence in the form of a jubilee; the profession, however, has no canonical effect. If the novice should recover her health, her state will be the same as if she had made no profession. Therefore, if she perseveres, she must complete the full time of the noviceship and on its completion make a new profession, All of these prescrip-tions apply to other forms of commitment. 28. Religious profession. The written declaration of profession, whether temporary or perpetual, must be signed by the professed sister, the superior general or sister delegate who received the profession, and two other sisters as witnesses. This document shall be carefully preserved in the files of the con-gregation. 29. Three months before the expiration of each temporary profession, the sisters shall present a written petition to the superior general (provincial con-gregation frequently: provincial superior) to be admitted to the renewal of tem-porary vows or to perpetual profession. 30. When the time for which the vows were pronounced has expired, they must be renewed without delay. However, for a just reason, the superior general (provincial congregation frequently: higher or provincial superior) may permit the renewal of temporary vows to be anticipated, but not by more than a month. An anticipated renewal expires only on the day on which a non-anticipated renewal would have expired. Higher superiors.for a just cause may permit first profession or commitment to be anticipated but not beyond fifteen days. 3 I. Before perpetual profession, the sisters shall make a retreat of. entire days, and before renewal of temporary vows or commitment, a retreat of. day(s). Only the first profession must be made in the novitiate house. 32. Poverty. With the permission of the local superior, sisters may perform acts of proprietorship required by civil law. If such an act includes alienation of property or concerns an important matter, this permission is reserved to the superior general (provincial congregation: higher superiors) unless the case is urgent, when it may be given by the local superior. 33. Penance. All superiors are to strive to have confessors readily available before Communion. 34. Religious exercises. The sisters shall daily recite in common Lauds (and) Vespers (and) Compline of the Divine Office. 35. Every day the sisters shall spend a half hour in mental prayer. They shall individually prepare the matter of the prayer beforehand. 36. They shall make the particular and gen'eral examen of conscience at noon and at nigl~t. Privately and at a convenient time during the day, they shall recite five decades of the rosary and devote at least fifteen minutes to spiritual reading. 216 / Review for Religious, IZolume 34, 1975/2 37. The sisters shall accustom themselves to visit the Blessed Sacrament frequently. 38. Annually the sisters shall make a retreat of. full days. They shall observe a day of monthly recollection, which ordinarily is to be the o. Sunday of the month. 39. The sisters shall make a public devotional renewal of their vows and commitment on . . . They should renew their vows frequently in private, par-ticularly at Mass, and on the day of monthly recollection. The formula of this renewal is . 40. Superiors shall grant another suitable time to sisters who are prevented from performing the prescribed spiritual duties at the ordinary time. 41. Mortification and penance. In the practice of corporal mortification and penances of a private nature, the sisters are to be guided solely by the con-fessor; for those that are public they must have the permission of the superior. 42. Enclosure. The parts of the house subject to enclosure are the dor-mitories of the sisters, their cells, the infirmary, in a word, all places destined by the superior general (provincial congregation: higher superior) for the ex-c| usive use of the sisters. 43. If the chaplain or other priests live in a house of the sisters, their apartments shall if p~ssible have a separate entrance and be separated from the part of the house occupied by the sisters. 44. The sisters shall observe the prescribed norms and usages on leaving the house. 45. Sisters living outside a convent of the congregation for study are obliged, if possible, to live in a religious house. 46. Correspondence. The correspondence of the sisters is subject to the authority of superiors, and of the junior professed, novices, and postulants also to their directresses. 47. Silence. Religious silence shall be observed according to the prescribed norms and usage of the congregation. 48. "~postolate. The sisters in hospitals shall be guided by religious and ethical principles in their professional activities. In a doubt they shall consult religious or ecclesiastical authority. 49. Care of the sick. Spiritual aid shall be promptly given to the sick. They may ask for the confessor they prefer and are to be given the opportunity of receiving Holy Communion frequently and even daily during their illness. 50. Suffrages for the dead. At the death of a professed religious or novice, the local superior shall immediately inform the superior general (provincial) and the close relatives of the deceased. The superior general (provincial) shall promptly send a notification to all the houses (of the province). 51. Departure and dismissal. The superior general (higher superior) with the advice of her council, for just and reasonable motives, may exclude a religious from renewing temporary vows (or other commitment) or from mak-ing profession of perpetual vows, also because of physical or psychological ill-ness. Religious who have made profession of temporary vows (or other corn- Typical Constitutions / 217 mitment) may freely leave the congregation when the term of the vows has ex-pired. 52. For the dismissal of a sister of perpetual vows, serious external reasons are required, together with incorrigibility, after attempts at correction have been pre~viously made without success, so that in the judgment of the superior general and her council there is no hope of amendment. The efforts at correc-tion shall include not only the admonitions but also a change of employment, transfer to another house, and other suitable means, if judged expedient for a reform of conduct. 53. If by the consent of the council expressed in secret ballot the sister has been found incorrigible and her dismissal approved, the superior general shall transmit the whole matter, with all the relevant acts and documents to the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes (diocesan con-gregation: ordinary of the diocese where the religious house to which the sister is assigned is situated): (Added article in diocesan congregation:) The sister has the right to appeal to the Holy See against the decree of dismissal, and if she makes this appeal within ten days from the date on which she was informed of her dismissal, the decree of dismissal has no juridical effect while the recourse is pending. 54. In an automatic dismissal according to canon 646, it is sufficient that the superior general (provincial congregation: higher superior) with the advice of her council make a written declaration of the fact, but she is to take care that the collected proofs of the fact are preserved in the files of the congrega-tion. 55. In the case of~rave external scandal or of very serious imminent injury to the community, any professed sister may be immediately sent back to secular life by the superior general (provincial congregation: higher superior) with the consent of her council or even, if there is danger in delay and time does not permit recourse to the superior general (higher superior), by the local superior with the consent of her council and that of the local ordinary. The sister must immediately put off the religious habit. The local ordinary or the superior general (higher superior), if she is present, must without delay submit the matter to the judgment of the Holy See. 56. A sister who has been canonically dismissed is by that very fact freed from all her religious vows. 57. Superior general. The residence of the superior general shall be at the motherhouse and may not be permanently transferred without the consent of the general council and the permission of the Holy See (diocesan: permission of the ordinary of the present and proposed places of residence). 58. With the deliberative vote of her council, the superior general may place certain houses and works under her immediate authority and may also transfer these to a province. 59. The office of the superior general is incompatible with that of local superior, even in the motherhouse, or with that of any other official. '60. General council. The councilors should live at the motherhouse, but in a 218 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/2 case of necessity two of them, with the exception of the assistant, may live else~,here, provided they can attend the meetings of the council, to which they must always be summoned. The councilors should not be burdened with any employment that might prevent them from fulfilling properly their duties as councilors. Or: At least one councilor, ordinarily the general assistant, must live at the motherhouse. The other general councilors must be assigned to houses from which they can attend the meetings of the council, to which they must always be summoned . . . 61. An ordinary session of the council shall be held every month, but the superior general may convoke the council as often as important affairs are to be discussed. The council may not deliberate unless the president and at least two councilors are present. 62. At the beginning of the session the miiautes of the precedit~g meeting as recorded by the secretary general shall be read. When approved they shall be signed by the superior general and the secretary. 63. The superior general shall then place before the councilors the matters for discussion. When a subject has been stated and appropriate explanatigns given, she shall allow the councilors to speak and shall take care to obtain'the opinion of each. The councilors shall express their opinions with becoming respect, simplicity, and sincerity. 64. When the consent of the councilors is required, the voting must be by secret ballot. The decisions of the council are to be made by an absolute ma-jority. In an equality of votes, the superior general may decide the matter. 65. A full council is necessary for appointments to office. If a councilor cannot be present and the appointment cannot be deferred, a sister of perpetual vows shall be chosen by the councilors as substitute. 66. The superior general may summon sisters who are not councilors for in-formation or advice, but such sisters are never permitted to vote. All who thus attend sessions of the council are 9bliged to secrecy. 67. The superior general must have the deliberative vote of her council in the following cases: (a) Condonation in whole or in part of the dowry (b) Investment of the dowry (c) Determination of the expenses of the postulancy and noviceship (d) Admission to the noviceship and first profession (e) Establishment or transfer of a novitiate (f) Imposition of a formal precept of obedience on the entire congregation, a province, or a house (g) Dismissal of a professed of temporary or perpetual vows and the send-ing of a professed religious immediately back to secular life (h) Convocation of an extraordinary general chapter; designation of the place of the general chapter; inviting of externs and sisters who are not capitulars to the chapter; excusing of a capitular and the summoning of her substitute; compiling of list or groups for the election of delegates; appoint-ment of committees for proposals to the general chapter; and approval of enactments of provincial chapters Typical Constitutions (i) Transfer of the permanent residence of the superior general or of a provincial superior (j) Appointment of a visitor for the entire congregation (k).Choice of a substitute for an absent general councilor (1) Acceptance of the resignation, removal, or deposition of a general coun-cilor or official, and appointment of a successor in these cases (m) Appointment, prolongation of term, transfer, and removal of (provin-cial, regional, and) local superiors, their councilors, secretaries, and treasurers; of a directress or assistant directress of novices, of junior professed, of postulants; instructress of tertians, supervisors of schools and studies, prin-cipals of schools, and administrators of hospitals (n) Placing of houses and works under the immediate authority of the superior general and transferring of them to provinces ¯ (o) Transfer or removal of a superior or official before the expiration of a prescribed term (p) Approval of the accounts of the treasurer general (q) Imposition of an extraordinary tax, investment of money, alienation of ¯ property, contracting of debts and obligations, making of contracts in the name of the congregation, extraordinary expenses, and other matters of a financial nature according to the norms of canon law and the ordinances of the general chapter (r) Establishment, change, and suppression of provinces, regions, and erec-tion and suppression of houses (s) Uniting of the offices of Iota1 superior and local treasurer (t) All matters remitted to the deliberative vote by the general chapter (u) Determination of matters that require the consent or advice of the (provincial, regional, and) local councils. 68. The superior general must have the consultative vote of her council in the following cases: (a) Abbreviation of the added period of the postulancy, noviceship, and temporary vows or other commitment (b) Prolongation of and dismissal from the noviceship (c) Admission to renewal of temporary vows, their prolongation, admission to perpetual profession, and exclusion from renewal of temporary profession and from perpetual profession (d) Declaration of fact for the.automatic dismissal of a professed sister (e) Transfer of a sister from one province to another (f) Approval of the reports of the superior general to the general chapter (g) A practical interpretation of a doubtful point of the constitutions (h) All matters remitted to the consultative vote by the general chapter. 69. Secretary general. It is the duty of the secretary general to assist the superior general with the official correspondence of the congregation. She shall be present at all meetings of the general council and record the minutes of the sessions. She is obliged to secrecy in all that refers to her office. 70. She shall be in charge of the general archives and of all documents relating to the history and administration of the congregation. No document 220 / Review for Religious, l~olume 34, 1975/2 shall be taken from the archives except in conformity with the established regulations. 7 I. The secretary shall compile the annals of the congregation. Every year she shall receive from the local superiors an accurate record of the principal events of their houses. Or: The secretary shall compile the annals of the con-gregation. Every year she shall receive from the provincial (and regional) superiors an accurate record of the principal events of the provinces (regions), and houses. 72. The secretary shall be attentive to all legislation and decrees of the Holy See and to diocesan regulations and civil enactments that affect the congrega-tion, and shall keep the superior general and her council informed on all such matters. 73. The preceding articles apply with due distinctions to (provincial, regional, and) local secretaries. 74. Treasurers. The administration of the temporal goods is entrusted to the general (provincial, regional) and local treasurers under the direction of the respective superiors and the supervision of their councils. The treasurers are obliged to secrecy in all that appertains to their office. 75. The superior general may appoint as many assistants as necessary to the general and local treasurers (general treasurer, and the provincial and regional superior may do the same for provincial, regional, and local treasurers). 76. Treasurer general. The treasurer general manages the financial affairs connected with the general funds. Every six months she must give an account of her administration to the superior general and her council. If everything is found in order, the superior general and the council shall approve her ad-ministration by signing the statement. 77. The treasurer general must see that the (provincial, regional, and) local superiors send a report of their administration to the motherhouse every six months. She shall examine these reports to obtain an exact insight into the financial state of the congregation and its parts and shall give the general coun-cil an accurate account of her examination. 78. Provincial and regional treasurers. The provincial (and regional) treasurer(s) is (are) appointed by the superior general with the consent of her council. Neither the provincial superior nor the assistant provincial may be provincial treasurer. The two preceding articles must be observed also by the provincial (and regional) treasurer with regard to the provincial superior (and the regional superior), her council (their councils), and the local houses. 79. Local treasurers. In each house there shall be a local treasurer, who is appointed by the superior general (provincial) with the consent of her council. Although it is preferable to separate the office of local superior from that of local treasurer, the superior general (provincial), with the same vote of her council, may combine them if this is necessary. 80. The local treasurer shall render a monthly account of her administra-tion to the local superior and her council, who shall examine and approve it ac- Typical Constitutions / 221 cording to the norm of art. 76. Every six months each house shall send an ac-curate financial statement to the superior general (provincial). 81. Administration of temporal goods. Each province must contribute to the general and each house to the provincial (or regional) treasury the sum determined by the general chapter. The superior general with the consent of her council may, when necessary, impose an extraordinary tax on all or some of the provinces and houses or authorize a provincial or regional superior to impose such a tax. 82. Houses or works whose financial responsibility appertains to ecclesiastical or lay administrators and in which the income consists of salaries paid for the sisters shall remit to the general treasury that part of the surplus established by the general chapter. 83. The treasurers validly incur expenses and perform juridical acts of or-dinary administration within the limits of their office. 84. Stocks, bonds, securities, and similar papers shall be placed in a secure safe or safe-deposit box, and the treasurer shall keep an exact record of all such deposits and withdrawals. 85. Each house must maintain an inventory of all property owned by the community. The inventory must be renewed annually for adjustment and depreciation. One copy is to be retained in the house (and another in the provincial or regional house) and one in the files of the treasurer general. An inventory is to be maintained in the same manner for all property owned by (the province and) the congregation. 86. The investment of money should not be made except on the authoriza-tion of the superior general (higher superior) with the consent of her council and ordinarily with the advice of a honest and competent financier. 87. Besides the ordinary expenses, each (province, region, and) house may expend only the sum determined by the general chapter. For other extraor-dinary expenses recourse must be made to the superior general (higher or regional superiors). 88. Provinces. In each house there shall be a provincial house so organized that the proper performance of all provincial duties may be assured. 89. Provincial councilors, secretary, and treasurer. The provincial coun-cilors shall individually submit an annual report to the superior general on the spiritual and temporal state of the province. 90. The provincial superior shall assemble her council once a month; ex-traordinary sessions shall be called when necessary or opportune. 91. The provincial superior must have the deliberative vote of her council for the following acts: (a) Condonation in whole or in part of the dowry (b) Investment of the dowry (c) Determination of the expenses of the postulancy and novicesliip (d) Admission to the noviceship (e) Imposition of a formal precept of obedience on the whole province or an entire house 222 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/2 (f) Sending a professed religious immediately back to secular life (g) Designation of the place of the provincial chapter, inviting of externs and sisters who are not capitulars to this chapter, excusing of a capitular and summoning of her substitute, compiling of lists or groups for the election of delegates, and the appointment of committees on proposals to the general or provincial chapter (h) Appointment of a visitor for the entire province (i) AppointmenL transfer, and removal of local councilors and treasurers, the assistant directress, of novices, the directress of postulants, principals of ~chools, and the uniting of the offices of local superior and local treasurer (j) Removal or transfer of an official before the expiration of a prescribed term (k) Choice of a substitute for an absent provincial councilor (1) Approval of the accounts of the provincial treasurer (m) Investment of money, alienation of property, contracting of debts and obligations, the making of contracts in the name of the province, extraordinary expenses, and other matters of a financial nature according to the norms of canon law and the ordinances of the general chapter (n) Other matters according to the enactments of the general chapter or of the superior general with the consent of her council (o) The determination of matters that require the consent or advice of local councils. 92. The provincial superior must have the deliberative vote of her council for the following requests to the superior general: (a) Erection and transfer of a novitiate and erection and suppression of houses (b) Admission to first profession (c) Dismissal of a professed of temporary or perpetual vows (d) The appointment, proposal of names, removal, deposition, and replace-ment of provincial councilors and officials, local superiors, directress of novices, of junior professed, instructress of tertians, supervisors of schools and studies, and administrators of hospitals (e) The imposition of an extraordinary tax (f) Other matters according to the ordinances of the general chapter or of the superior general with the consent of her council. 93. The provincial superior must have the consultative vote of her council for the following acts or requests to the superior general: (a) To assign the duties of the sisters and to transfer them from one house to another within the province (b) Abbreviation and prolongation of the postulancy, the noviceship, and temporary vows or other commitment (c) Dismissal from the noviceship (d) Admission to renewal of temporary vows (e) Admission to perpetual profession and exclusion from renewal of tem-porary vows a~nd from perpetual profession Typical Constitutions / 223 (f) Declaration of fact for the automatic dismissal of a professed sister (g) Other matters according to the ordinances of the general chapter or of the superior general with the consent of her council. 94. Regions. The regional councilors shall individually submit an annual report to the superior general on the spiritual and temporal state of the region. 95. Houses. At least., sisters must be assigned to a house and adequate provision made for their spiritual assistance. 96. Local superiors. A sister who has been in office for six (twelve) successive years may not again be appointed local superior in any house before the lapse of a (two, three) year(s), except in a case of serious necessity. 97. The local superior shall send a written report once a year to the superior general (provincial) on the spiritual and temporal state of her community. 98. Local officials. In every formal house there shall be two councilors. One is to be designated as assistant and vicar. In smaller houses there is one coun-cilor. The councilors must be sisters of perpetual vows. The local councilors shall write individually to the superior general (provincial) once a year on the spiritual and temporal state of the house. 99. In the absence of the local superior, the assistant shall preside and replace her in whatever is necessary for the ordinary management of the house. 100. The local superior shall convoke her council every month or oftener, if necessary. The norms on the general council, with due distinctions, apply to the local council. Local councilors have only a consultative vote except in the ex-traordinary case mentioned in art. 55 and in matters for which the general chapter or the superior general (or provincial superior), with the consent of her council, has decreed that the vote must be deliberative. 101. The following are the subjects to be discussed by the superior and her council: the fulfillment of the obligations of the religious life and the religious spirit of the community, the occupations of the sisters, the material and finan-cial condition of the house, the work of the school or institution, and the means to be used to encourage works of zeal and to correct deficiencies. 102. Directress of novices. If the number of novices or any other good reason renders it expedient, a sister shall be given as assistant to the directress. The assistant shall be under the immediate authority of the directress in all matters pertaining to the government of the novitiate. She must possess the necessary and suitable qualifications for the office. 103. The directress and her assistant are appointed for three years. Both must be free from all other offices and duties that might interfere with the care and government of the novices. 104. The directress shall grant all ordinary permissions and dispensations to the novices. 105. Every three months the directress must present to the superior general (provincial superior, regional superior) a report on the vocation, character, conduct, progress in.religious life, aptitude,'and state of health of each novice. Non-possessiveness and the Religious Vows Brother Richard DeMaria, C.F.C. Brother Richard DeMaria, C.F.C., is a faculty member in the Department of Religion; lona College; New Rochelle, New York 10801. "You can't take it with you" is an oft-cited maxim from the treasures of pop-ular wisdom, intended to temper the Faustian spirit within man by the reminder that death will separate him from all possessions, honors, and ac-complishments. The maxim applies not only to our inability to carry possessions beyond the doors of death. It speaks also to our daily experience: it is impossible to hold onto the joys whi,ch life provides. It is like the proverbial efforts of a child trying to capture soap bubbles. Rather than simply delighting in their multi-colored beauty, (he child tries to capture them and, in so doing, destroys them. So it is with pleasure: the attempt to capture the beautiful ex-perience destroys it. The attempt-to-own generates dissatisfaction, disappoint-ment, worry, jealousy, suspicion, envy, and a host of internal cancers, all of which crowd out the simple faculties of enjoyment. Possessiveness, the Enemy of True Delight This suggests an important principle: the enemy of true delight is possessiveness. He who would experience the beauty of God's world, the joys of full human life, must learn to enjoy beauty, love, achievement without try-ing, without wanting, to possess them. This approach--symbolized by open-handed arms, extended to touch without holding--is not easily learned, and yet it is necessary if one hopes to taste fully the joy which life bestows, erratically but prodigally, on those who have discerned her ways. The truly wise person is one who, for example, delights in the excitement of achievement, who knows well the joys of friendship,, who has developed an appreciation for the arts, but 224 Non-possessiveness and the Religious Vows / 225 who resists the tendency to possess them. This person knows that, because life is generous, there is no reason to cling to one particular object, person, or ex-perience. There will always be others. The possessive person, on the other hand, bent upon having certain selected experiences, fails to notice and thus enjoy the offerings of a bountiful world. This person has not learned a key truth about human life: the beautiful things in life "happen" and cannot be made to occur or to remain. The effort to force their occurrence, which in-evitably fails, only introduces disappointment and frustration, pain and anger. A new insight into religious life can be gained when it is approached in this context. The three vows, which have been considered descriptive of the religious life, are concerned with three drives within the human spirit which are particularly susceptible to the possessive tendency. It is the thesis of this paper that religious life, as it has been traditionally structured, places a person in a life style which should reduce the pressures leading to possessiveness in each of these areas. Accordingly, each vow involves both a promise to observe a par-ticular life style, as well as a pledge to seek the freedom from possessiveness which that life style is intended to inculcate. In this article, we shall consider separately these three human drives, noting both healthy (nonpossessive) and unhealthy (possessive) forms of each, showing how the religious life style should foster the former. The Vow of Obedience Essential to healthy personality is the sense of fulfillment which one feels when, with body and mind, through ingenuity and hard struggle, one over-comes the forces of disintegration and creates order, beauty and happiness. To know that one has created, has made one's mark upon the world, has con-tributed to the progress of society, is a deeply felt human need. For one who has known this self-affirmation which follows successful creative efforts, work is not drudgery but is an invitation to self-fulfillment. But we often find the possessive tendency present here, adulterating the healthy creative drive, transforming it into a force which is debilitating. The valuable drive to create can give way all too easily to a pathetic search for success and recognition and, then, the energy which should be directed toward creative activity is channeled into frantic efforts to attain or retain positions of prestige. The person who is possessive about success will avoid any under-taking unless there is a guarantee of succeeding. He will pare his life down to a few "safe" activities in which he knows he can succeed, activities in which there is no competition. When he has found something which affords him some recognition, he will jealously protect that position, resenting any newcomers who might replace him. He studiously will avoid challenge. Such are not the ways of the creative person. He, too, enjoys the taste of success and delights in the recognition which accompanies achievement. But he knows that too much concern with success is destructive, distracting,, and futile; therefore he refuses to expend excessive energies in vain efforts to main-tain positions of real or imagined importance. He knows when and how to let 226 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 go of past success: he willingly relinquishes a position when others better qualified are available. He knows when and how to accept a new challenge, even when--especially when--there is no assurance as to the outcome. Such a life is filled with challenge and struggle, and the excitement of knowing that one is attempting the "impossible." It is difficult to be such a person. It is in this context that we might consider the vow of obedience. By the vow of obedience, a religious not only promises to observe the traditions and customs of a congregation but pledges as well the intention to overcome as far as is possible the tendency to be possessive with respect to creative endeavors, the tendency to idolize success, prestige, or power. The religious life style, in which authority is defined in terms of service to the community, where ap-pointments to positions of authority are for relatively short periods of time, where~ one's "standard of living" does not depend upon the positions held--such a life style establishes a milieu which should reduce the tendency to idolize position. The life of religious community should free its members from many of the pressures which are experienced by others in a world where com-petition is the game plan and where concern for livelihood itself forces many to engage, however reluctantly, in a scramble for positions, and a subsequent campaign to eliminate all contenders, once an office is acquired. Unfortunately, there are religious who never take advantage of this freedom which the structure of their life facilitates but who allow possessiveness to color all their activities. There is no automatic relation between the religious life style and true detachment. Many are the religious who carve for themselves niches in life from which they cannot be moved; many are the religious who place great store in the most foolish of honors and distinctions and who jealously resent anyone interested in the same; many are the religious who are fearful of innovation and innovators and allow this fear to paralyze their lives; many are the religious who never experience the sense of power~and of joy which come from struggle against, and success over, difficult odds. Insecurity is not easily overcome. But the point remains that the com-munal life style can facilitate, and is intended to facilitate, a detachment from the vitiating need to achieve success or prestige. Once freed, the creative drive can be a source of happiness, joy, and growth. The Vow of Chastity Little need be said of the important role which the drive toward human relationship can play in the development of mature personality. Love has the ability to shatter, even if only temporarily, the consciousness which walls a per-son off into an isolated, self-absorbed space. Suddenly, or gradually, the ex-perience of giving and receiving love introduces one into a new understanding of life and one's relation to it; it allows one to dispense with unneeded, counter-productive defenses; and it encourages one to "unpretzel" himself, to allow himself to touch and to be touched by powers beyond the self. For many, love is the first experience, the first taste, of that "other life," that other "self," which is within ("the kingdom of God is within you"), waiting to erupt into and Non-possessiveness and the Religious Vows / 227 gladden the lives of every person. "God is love" is the way the Christian writers spoke of the sacred, and for many, perhaps most, love relations will remain the door by which they can understand and enter into the Godly perception. Because the experience of love is redemptive, a person understandably wishes to prevent it from being destroyed, diminished, or infringed upon. Unfor-tunately, this healthy wish to protect something important can, and does, easily degenerate into counterproductive efforts to possess and to demand love, which can never be possessed or demanded. And, thus, the salvific drive towards relationship is transformed into a destructive passion. The possessive person mistakenly believes that exclusivity is a prerequisite to deep, "real" love, and thus he reaches out only to those few people from whom he expects near total response. He wants undivided attention from those he loves. In his desire to keep the loved one for himself, he cuts the other off from every outside relationship, interest, and involvement, foolishly thinking that he can be all things to that person. He even views the interests and ac-tivities of the other, when these are not held and enjoyed together, as rivals to be eliminated from the field. And in a similar way, he limits his own world. Cut off thus from the sources of growth, they both die of malnutrition. That is, if they are not first destroyed by the suspicion and jealousy which inevitably plague such possessive relationships. Clinging love, so different from simple love, is a cancer which leaves its host blinded or distraught. How different is the non-possessive person! He fears the human tendency to suffocate loved ones, and therefore he is pleased when the other develops new, outside relationships and interests, knowing that they are the sources of life and growth. He fears as well his tendency to suffocate himself. He knows it is important that he never stop growing in love, that he not cease to meet and commune with the different people life brings into his world. Without denying the special importance of long-standing friendships and loves, the non-possessive person values the opportunities to commune with many people in a lifetime. As he grows in maturity, he finds that it becomes progressively easier for him to let down his defenses, to give and elicit trust and spontaneity in others, to communicate as a person to a person. In other words, he grows in the ability to love. A clarification may be necessary here: at first, the suggestions in this sec-tion might seem to reject the possibility or value of permanent relationships, especially marriage. But a call for non-possessive love should not be confused with an advocacy for that non-responsible form of love which is delighted to be freed from any kind of commitment. In every friendship and romance one takes upon himself responsibilities to the other which perdure even after that mysterious, uncontrollable attraction we call love has passed on. Which is to say that the relationship of friendship or marriage is more than simply a form of intimate intercommunion. In view of this analysis, the vow of chastity might be seen as follows: by the vow of chastity a religious promises not only to live a chaste, unmarried life, but pledges as well his or her intention to eradicate the strong, "natural" 22a / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/2 propensity toward possessive love and to overcome the "natural" propensity to restrict love and care to a few people over whom he or she can claim an ex-clusive priority. Celibacy is a call to be constantly open to relationship, to be ready to befriend any person met with a non-demanding love. Far from a pledge to live in isolation from human love, the vow of celibacy asks of those so vowed that they strive to love deeply without making claims upon others. Especially it would ask them to fuse this freedom with a concern for the lonely, the unattractive, the fearful. Because the religious neither takes a spouse nor parents children, he or she avoids the temptation to center all one's love and care upon a few people, and the temptation to regard spouse and children as people over whom one has a right to demand love. By opting to live a com-munity life, the religious places himself or herself in a milieu where both the joys and responsibilities of multirelationship are encouraged and facilitated. Thus the celibate life style is a structure which should aid the development of an enlarged and non-destructive approach to the world of intimacy. These comments are not intended to suggest that the celibate form of life automatically engenders this freedom so necessary if one is to know fully the joy of love. Many are the religious who faithfully observe the restrictions of celibate life, but who never attain its spirit: whose relationships with friends or students or colleagues are characterized by ownership, exclusivity, jealousy, and all the concomitant signs of possessiveness. Many are the religious who never find througl~ their celibate life the freedom to enter easily int6 warm, redemptive relationships, who never realize in their lives the truth of the maxim that religious are called to parent thousands. In summary: the vow of chastity has traditionally been presented in terms of sacrifice, a sacrifice which was valued because human relationships were thought to interfere unnecessarily with the search for God or the demands of the apostolate. There is, of course, truth in this argument: as we have seen, love can give birth to a possessiveness which does interfere with a person's service to God and neighbor. The vow might better be supported by a spirituality which differentiates between possessive and non-possessive relationships, which knows that love can be both the source of salvation and the source of destruc-tion. The celibate life, then, is valued, not because it involves renunciation but because it can be a step towai'd the ability to love without that possessiveness which weakens or destroys the consciousness which we call love. The Vow of Poverty Repeatedly in Christian hist6ry, there arose the temptation to embrace Manicheism: to see the world and its joys as the creation of an evil spirit and as traps for the human soul. Against this heresy, orthodox Christian theology has insisted that the God who created man's spirit also created the material world, and that, as the author of Genesis insists, He saw it, and found it to be good. Orthodox spirituality teaches the Christian that he can discover the God of the Gospels reflected in His creation: through the beauty of the world, through the joys which it brings, one meets and touches the sacred. Sensitivity to the beauty Non-pissessiveness and the Religious Vows / 229 of life is'a drive, an important ,one, by which a person can taste and see the goodness of God. The joys of life help man to venture outside his narrow self-world, to discover h~s at-homeness w~th that which is beyond, to understand the truth that one is but a branch whose fulfillment depends upon maintaining unity with the Vine. He who islinsensitive to beauty, whose mind cannot be moved by the complex-powerful-fragile world is indeed a poor man, dis-possessed of a key which can fr~e him from the prison of alienation and from the illusion of i,n, dividualism. ,~s the Christian learns daily when gathered around the Lord s Table, God [is to be found in His world, in the common bread and wine¯ But enjoyment of the world and its pleasures easily parents a possessiveness toward things which is neither healthy nor redemptive. The possessive per-sonality begins to amass, or Idesires to amass, large stores of material belongings, assuming that ownership of things is a prerequisite to enjoying them, is a means of holding onto joy. No sooner ts the beauttful encountered than the possessive person begm,s planmng ways to hold onto the source ofthat pleasure in order to insure that it can be repeated. But experience teaches that this effort to prolong-by-possessing fails¯ It succeeds only in introducing worry, jealousy, and dissatisfaction. This concern for, this worry about, owning becomes so ~mportant that the original goal of enjoyment ~s overwhelmed and forgotten. Time is spent collecting, protecting, preserving, insuringmand these become substitutes for enjoymetlt. In one's desire to hold onto a particular joy, one fads to notice, and therefor~ to respond to, the ~nnumerable joys which prodigal world offers PossessiTe people, people who desire to own a lot, are often people who enjoy very httle. The non-possessive person, precisely because his attentions and energies are not being channeled into the attainment or protection of a few chosen ob-jects of importance, is one who ~an find delight in the most unexpected places, I who is regularly surprised by joy. He understands that the person who wishes to know the joys of this life mus~ resist the ever-present, self-defeating tendency to force their attentions¯ He m!ust learn to touch without holding. Traditionally, the vow of poverty has been understood in terms of sacrifice, a "giving up" of the material world, whose pleasures are sirens to the spirit, diversions from the work of the Master¯ A more balanced, ~ncarnat~onal spirituality would teach Christians to be wary, not of pleasure itself, but of the spirit of possessiveness toward~ pleasure and the world which affords these joys. Such a spirituality woul~l teach Christians that in pleasure they ex-perience the salvific presence of the Creator, and that such appreciationsmfar from being destructive--can be invaluable aids to the spiritual life¯ This spirituality would also maintain that the attractions of the material world can be dangerous, not because they themselves are spiritually injurious, but because they do tend to excite the possessive tendency within a person. Enjoy-ment easily gives way to covetousness, worry, jealousy, frustration, all of which destroy integrity and distract from values. It is this spirit of possessiveness--the need to own, the fear of losing, the desire for more--which is injurious to the life of grace and which must be overcome¯ 230 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/2 The vow of poverty might be approached in this context: by the vow of poverty, a religious promises not only to live communal life according to the constitutions and customs of his or her congregation, but pledges as well the in-tention to overcome as far as is possible the possessive tendency toward the good things, the pleasures of this world. Communal life, where material resources are shared and where individual worry about present or future needs is considerably reduced, is a structure which should make non-possessiveness toward material things a more easily attained goal. By eliminating many of the pressures of finance which accompany a more individualistic way of life, the common life facilitates the development of that freedom from possessiveness which is essential if one is to live life fully and enjoy properly the things which life provides. This is not to suggest that there exists some automatic relation between observing the requirements of a communal life and achieving a proper interac-tion with material things. Many are the religious who faithfully observe every detail of their communal obligations but who never attain a spirit of freedom from worry and possessiveness about "things," who never come to realize that "freedomrs just another word for nothing left to lose." Many are the religious for whom the life of communal sharing represents deprivation, rather than a door to fuller experience. Nor should one deduce from this approach to pover-ty that there is no sacrifice or renunciation involved in the life of communal sharing. Within most people there is something of the Lucifer who would rather be master in hell than serve in heaven. The desire to possess, to make certain things one's own, is a strong drive, and is controlled only with con-siderable effort and denial. But the point remains: the goal of the vow of pover-ty is not a renunciation of all pleasure, but the purification of one's ability to experience and enjoy God's world. Summary and Conclusion In summary, the three vows reflect three aspects of a central spiritual goal: to experience fully human life without seeking to "possess" its joys. While vowing to observe particular sets of obligations, the religious pledges as well the intention to lead a life characterized by freedom from possessiveness--to attempt a life in which the joys of intimate relationships with people, ap-preciative interaction with things, and genuine rejoicing in successful endeavors do not deteriorate into a jealous demand for attention and affection, into a constant search for things to own, into an idolatrous quest for prestige. These are the ideals of religious life. And, to this writer, the extent to which religious have been successful in realizing these ideals is impressive: Even in times when the spirituality was quite different from that articulated in this article, the writer met many religious men and women who exhibited that joy in life which follows upon a non-possessive stance. Loving and caring in their relationships; appreciative and sensitive to the simplest of pleasures; ready to respond to the challenge with a spirit which so often spelled victory--these describe well the lives Of Non-possessiveness and the Religious l/ows / 231 countless religious men and women. It would seem, then, to this writer, that religious life works. His judgment is favorable because he realizes how power-ful is the possessive tendency within the human spirit, and what a marvelous thing it is to see it mastered. His judgment is favorable because he realizes how difficult it is to learn that "obvious" truth about human life: that "you can't take 'it' with you." The Modern Religious Community and Its Government Sister Mary A lice Butts Sister Mary Alice of the Congregation of Notre Dame of Montreal is a member of the Department of Political Science of St. Francis Xavier University, Sydney Campus; her address is: Holy Angels Convent; P.O. Box 1384; Sydney, Nova Scotia BIP 6K3; Canada. The study of political philosophy involves, for anyone who takes on the exer-cise, a study of the term "community." In the process of such a study, it is not difficult to find some similarities between "community" as it relates to the political scene and the same word as it is used to designate particular religious groups. In the following pages I shall attempt to draw some lessons from political philosophy and then apply those lessons to the community life of religious. I want, first of all, to examine the senses in which the word "community" is used. Then I shall try to apply these findings to "religious communit.y" and specifically to the modern religious community. Finally, I shall look at a few aspects of the methods of governing a modern religious community. Community in Political Thought From the very dawn of the writings of political philosophy, there was a recognition of the fact that ~ human is created as a social being, that he or she can live a complete life only in association with other human beings. Aristotle and the Greeks in general taught that human life could be lived most fully in a small community where every citizen knew every other and each played his part "in ruling and being ruled." All through the history of political theory we recognize the inevitable conflict which must arise between the individual, on the one hand, and the group on the other. Even in philosophy itself, we speak of the whole as composed of heterogeneous parts. The smallest organisms contain 232 The Modern Religious Community and Its Government / 233 cells which strain to go off on their own and we need never be surprised if clusters of human beings living in communities will be less compact, since they are larger and looser. St. Thomas Aquinas and Medieval philosophers in general addressed themselves to the problem of the whole and the parts; that is, to the realization that individual members of any community may be for greater integration or for greater separateness simply because of their individual temperaments. The ones who are for greater integration seek security first; those for greater separateness may be simply moved by a spirit of adventure. For others, the side they choose may depend partly on the theory they hold regarding the nature of the group itself. These ask the question: Is the community a means of supplementing what the individual can do for himself or is it an organic body with a life of its own, in some sense beyond the life of the individual member? This is the question which is posed for the students of political theory. Just to illustrate how one pursues this problem, let us consider a few lines from a text in political thought describing the te~ichings of nineteenth century liberal theorists. The text reads: In the language of Emmanuel Kant, a community is a "Kingdom of Ends." A political problem . . . is a problem in human relations, to be solved with a mutual recognition of rights and obligations, with self-restraint on both sides. Within such a relationship, issues and disagreements will evidently be perennial. ¯. The liberal presumption is that their solution can be found by discussion, by interchange of proposals, adjustment, compromise, always on the assumption that both sides recognize rights and perform obligations in good faith. And the institutions of such a community are thought of as primarily providing the means by which discussion can end in a meeting of minds that reduces coercion to an unavoidable'minimum. They exert authority, but it is a kind of loose-fitting authority which is only rarely burdensome and on the whole is largely self-applied by the people concerned? Religious Community Is More than Political Co~mmunity The above
The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Senior Arts/Humanities category. ; Investigating Joshua L. Chamberlain; Distinctions Between the Memory and Reality of Maine's Famed Colonel Jacob Maker HI 430 A Professor Sodergren 12 December 2021 1 The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. Academic books such as Hands of Providence by Alice Rains Trulock, John Pullen's Twentieth Maine, and Conceived in Liberty by Mark Perry portray Chamberlain in a prolific 2 light. They all generally revere him, initiating their books with praise calling him "a great American hero and a genuinely good man," as well as "remarkable" and a "graceful gentleman".1 Not only do these historians hold these ideals, but the US Army and other agencies openly promote Chamberlain for his heroics without analyzing the reality of who he was holistically.2 Hands of Providence is one of the more prolific biographies describing Chamberlain and the 20th Maine. Trulock writes of his life before, during, and after his war service. She accurately illustrates how Chamberlain's colleagues at Bowdoin, as well as others in his life, regarded him early in the war.3 Comparatively, she notes statements from his soldiers about how they viewed him during the war, both in good and bad lights.4 Pullen does the same, but instead focuses mainly on the unit instead of its commander. This also allows for more in-depth analysis of how his men, and soldiers of the Confederacy, viewed Chamberlain.5 He also describes his work ethic, intelligence, and leadership characteristics regarding how they effected his colonelcy and command during the war. Conceived in Liberty differentiates from the other works because it primarily focuses on the two commanders at Little Round Top and their lives before, during, and after the war. This includes some of the more unsavory events that Trulock and Perry omit, particularly how Chamberlain's home life regarding his wife Fannie's disappointment in their marriage.6 The mentioning of this, as well as information about the abovementioned 1880 affair make this source stand apart from the others.7 1 Trulock, Hands of Providence, xvii; Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 3. 2 United States Department of Defense, "Medal of Honor Monday," https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]; Weart, "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. 3 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 4 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 5 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 6 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 4; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 42; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 7 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 387-392. 3 Edward Longacre's The Soldier and the Man is an interesting contradictory source. Instead of constant praise for Chamberlain, Longacre credits him for both his good and poor actions during the war. He calls into question his ego and insecurities, selfish desires for greatness above all else, and indifference towards soldiers to include ordering their execution.8 Longacre writes this from a different perspective, that of truth regarding Chamberlain's life both good and bad. There have also been two articles that discuss Chamberlain and his leadership both written by military officers. The first is "Leadership as a Force Multiplier" by Lieutenant Colonel Fred Hillyard, and the second is "Blood and Fire", written by Major John Cuddy. Hillyard focuses on Chamberlain's leadership characteristics while deeming if he deserves the high pedestal he is placed upon, while Cuddy analyzes how different scholars understood Chamberlain and his leadership philosophy. They both state how Chamberlain has been designated as a symbol of leadership within the military and agree that he received all his knowledge from his commander, Colonel Ames, who was West Point educated.9 Furthermore, they consider Chamberlain in a favorable light by calling him a military genius.10 This differs from other sources in that it outright debates his poor attributes instead of assuming him to be an admirable figure. These articles exemplify the dichotomy of reality and fiction regarding how Chamberlain is remembered. This literature provides insight on the dichotomy of thought regarding Chamberlain, with the more mainstream historians, like Trulock, Pullen, and Perry picturing him as an idyllic, humble, and professional gentlemen who represented the best of Federal officers. This is countered by more modern writers, such as Longacre, Hillyard, and Cuddy, understanding that 8 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 100; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 118. 9 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 4. 10 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 2. 4 Chamberlain was by no means perfect, and his flaws should be investigated as much as his successes. Chamberlain's life and legacy is extremely important because it effects how we remember him and his actions during the Civil War. Popular history tells us of Chamberlain's battlefield heroics and of his gentlemanly manner both in and out of battle. Yet, what has not been compiled popularly is the reality of his life, and the memory associated with it. Growing up in Maine, learning about Chamberlain and his regiment was common, mainly as a high point in Maine's history. However, it is increasingly important to recognize who our leaders and heroes were in their lives and hold them accountable for both the good and bad things they did over the course of their lives. Throughout the research, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain was viewed in high regard by both his adversaries and peers during the Civil War, as well as in his post-war politics, continuing into today's popular history. Yet, there are differing opinions that emerge over time regarding whether his political skills were as impressive as portrayed as well as how multiple personal issues plagued him and his ability to execute the offices bestowed upon him. *** Joshua Chamberlain came from a respected family in Brewer, Maine, outside of Bangor. In the Bangor area, and later Brunswick, Chamberlain and his relatives were regarded as model citizens who held dear to principles of toughness, work ethic, and democratic values.11 He was raised with these morals and sought after them in his personal and professional life. Concepts of honesty and integrity became trademarks of the family, with his parents expecting those attributes from the Chamberlain children.12 Educated in religion at the Bangor Seminary as well 11 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 16. 12 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57. 5 as traditionally at Bowdoin, he garnered a reputation as an astute academic who was a stickler for the rules and lived by a code of honor.13 Despite his found success in the classroom, Chamberlain had always fancied a military lifestyle, devoting one term of school at the Whiting Military Academy in 1843, as well as participating in several musters with the Maine Militia before entering service in the Civil War.14 Soon after his schooling, Chamberlain accepted a position as a professor at his alma mater, Bowdoin College. He influenced and instructed students on rhetoric and language prior to the war, even writing recommendations and using his political sway to help students gain commissions and enlistments.15 Eventually, his longing to serve coincided with the nation's necessity for leadership. Joshua Chamberlain's contributions to the preservation of the Union are undoubted, yet the perception of him by peers before and in the early years of the conflict indicate dissenting opinions from his popular reference as a revered leader by all. With the nation at war, Chamberlain's desire to serve increased daily as students graduated, or dropped their academics, and enlisted to serve the Union. In envy, Chamberlain utilized his familial and academic connections to pen a letter to the Governor of Maine, Israel Washburn. In this letter he states, "I have always been interested in military matters, and what I do not know in that line I know how to learn", pleading with the governor to allow a man with no military background or training a chance to command.16 Having claimed to be taking sabbatical in Europe, his colleagues detested his notion to leave Bowdoin and sent letters to the Governor urging him to not grant Chamberlain a commission declaring him to be "'no fighter, but only a mild-mannered common student'", "'nothing at all'", and "'good for nothing'".17 Evidently, despite he and his family's 13 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 20, 25-26. 14 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 18, 53. 15 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 17. 16 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 9. 17 Colleagues at Bowdoin, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11. 6 reputation throughout Maine, some harbored public doubts about his ability to lead men into battle, mainly because he was thought to be needed more in his role as a Professor at Bowdoin than in the army by some. Contrarily, there were others who supported Chamberlain's military ambitions full-heartedly. Brunswick's reputable physician, Dr. John D. Lincoln, wrote on Chamberlain's behalf, declaring him to be "'as capable of commanding… as any man out of… West Point" and that the enlisted men would surely "'rally around his standard as they would around a hero.'"18 It wasn't just family friends who supported Chamberlain, local newspapers deemed him "a capable and efficient officer" both fit for battle and the lieutenant colonelcy of the 20th Maine.19 The political sway of the his physician as well as the admirability of local press convinced Governor Washburn to grant Chamberlain's commission, yet opting instead to place West Point educated Adelbert Ames of Rockland as commander of the unit due to Chamberlain's lack of field experience and general military knowledge.20 Although there was noted dissent regarding his commission, his soldiers and fellow officers attest to his leadership attributes both under fire and while encamped. In accordance with what Dr. Lincoln wrote to Governor Washburn, he was commended by his troops as being "idolized" within the unit for his stature and leadership, unlike Ames who was viewed as tyrannical and cruel to his men.21 The men of the 20th Maine were driven towards Chamberlain's sympathetic, more egalitarian leadership style, as Ames gave his men no respect believing that military hierarchy should be placed above all else. The men of the unit rejected this, as in Maine 18 Lincoln, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11-12. 19 "Letter from the State Capitol," Portland Daily Press. 20 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 55. 21 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 77. 7 they and their commander stood evenly on the social scale.22 Colonel Ames was detested for his constant drill and disrespect for his men, being proclaimed by his soldiers as a "'savage" whose "'men would surely shoot him'" when drawn into battle.23 Ames was blissfully unaware of these thoughts, but Chamberlain relished his public perception and continued to care deeply about his men and by extension his image. By default, the volunteers fell on Chamberlain for support and assurance, as they distrusted their Colonel. Chamberlain proved himself militarily at Fredericksburg, and most notably Gettysburg, as a great military officer and tactician. Although his actions are known and renowned, the perspective of him by others during battle is paramount to understanding how he was perceived. For example, over the course of the war Colonel Ames forced many of his regiment's officers to resign due to poor performance and lack of leadership, yet he referred to Chamberlain as his "'best officer'" who led from the front and modeled honor and bravery for his unit.24 Soldiers testified to an instance where his academic and military intelligence united to deceive the enemy by pretending to be a Confederate under the cover of darkness, fooling the enemy into believing the Union line was far away.25 They also pronounced his leadership as something that should be exemplified, as he refused to order his men into unnecessary danger and would not give them orders he would not execute himself.26 This praise was not solely from his soldiers, but other officers from around the army. The commanding general of the Fifth Corps, General Sykes, congratulated him after Gettysburg by saying that the actions of the 20th Maine, and Chamberlain's leadership thereof, were the most 22 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 23 Thomas Chamberlain, as quoted in Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 24 Ames, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 25 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 57. 26 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 80; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 151. 8 important to occur during the battle and that if Little Round Top was lost so was the Union cause.27 His direct superior, Colonel Rice, declared "'your gallantry was magnificent, and your coolness and skill saved us.'" indicating a consensus amongst all involved that Chamberlain's actions were valiant and noble placing him amongst the army's most superb officers.28 His subordinates and supervisors agreed that Chamberlain was an exceptional officer, which is something to note considering some officers, like General Thomas, were liked by their men and hated by their leaders. While it is not surprising that comrades of Chamberlain praised him, the reactions and testimonies of his enemies are important as well. Colonel William Oates was the commander of the opposing 15th Alabama at Little Round Top, and remarkably only had good things to say about Chamberlain. Oates stated that the decisiveness taken by the 20th Maine made them the hardest fighting unit he had ever seen, and that their "'gallant Colonel'" possessed exorbitant amounts of "'skill and… great bravery'" that saved the Union from defeat.29 Another anonymous soldier recollected on how, during Little Round Top, he had a clear line of sight on Chamberlain, yet felt a strong feeling not to fire upon him. He adhered to this feeling, and later expressed how glad he was that he hadn't killed him in a letter to Chamberlain.30 However, it was not only units involved in direct conflict against Chamberlain that respected him. During the surrender at Appomattox, Confederate Major General John B. Gordon stated that the officer from Maine was "'one of the knightliest soldiers of the Federal army'" because of the respect Chamberlain had bestowed upon the surrendering forces.31 Instead of 27 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155. 28 Rice, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 271. 29 Oates, as quoted in Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 30 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 122. 31 Gordon, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 9 humiliating the men as they laid down their weapons, Chamberlain ensured that they were treated fairly, yet still making it known who the victor was. In postwar years, editions of the Confederate Veteran painted Chamberlain in a similar fashion. They tell of how brilliant he and his unit were in battle, over 35 years after the end of hostilities.32 The magazine makes it known how great of a leader Confederate soldiers believed he was. In fact, he is cited as representing the Federal Army in 1913 at a monument dedication in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This reconciliatory monument represented the peace between the states by inscribing the names of both Confederate and Federal war dead. Furthermore, Chamberlain attended as a "distinguished soldier" and gentlemen in the eyes of former Confederates.33 It is common for friendly forces to recognize the brilliance of successful military actions; yet surprising that enemy combatants also revered Chamberlain and his actions despite their catastrophic impact on the Confederate war effort. Chamberlain is remembered after the war for his accolades as a representative of Maine while pursuing political aspirations and maintaining public appearances, yet his support never faltered, and he remained generally well respected despite familial disputes and marital issues that troubled his private life. Politically savvy since his days as a professor, Chamberlain made the jump from wartime commander to state executive in a matter of years after the conclusion of hostilities. An indication of his popularity with the people of Maine, he was elected with the largest majority of any gubernatorial candidate in his first election. He ran on the promise to ratify the 14th and 15th amendments, all while ensuring the former Confederacy paid for their sins while earning their right of federal representation. 34 32 "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran. 33 "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial", Confederate Veteran. 34 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 337. 10 Chamberlain desired "'suspension of certain privileges'" and "'certain rights'" for former Confederates, of which he believed had been relinquished by waging war. 35 He appealed to Congress, arguing that war is not a game, therefore the losers should be held accountable for their transgressions. He was known for a conservative streak compared to other Republicans, which itself angered those radicals in Maine politics. For example, he publicly argued against allowing suffrage to freedmen, claiming it to be too much of a change too quickly.36 He also supported Maine's conservative senator in voting against the impeachment of Andrew Jackson, an obvious minority opinion in fiercely liberal Republican politics. 37 He was never a practical politician, but his neglect of party viewpoints disgruntled leaders within Republican forums. This was different from other reconstruction leaders, as many focused-on reconciliation instead of punishment and often sided with the powerful postwar party. Although popular among the citizens of the state, he was unprepared for the life of a politician. In essence, he was not prepared for dissenting opinion, and outright disregard for his point of view at times, as he was at this point used to military reverence for the commanders orders. He fought with the legislature on several issues, mainly temperance and the legality of capital punishment in the state, but also found common ground and gained support from both parties.38 Previous legislations had proposed and supported temperance committees that oversaw laws regulating alcohol use and distribution. They established "special police", which Chamberlain declared an unconstitutional infringement on the rights of Mainers.39 He wrote to the legislature describing his dissatisfaction regarding this bill yet felt it his duty as executive to 35 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 36 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 264. 37 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 38 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 39 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338; Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 11 sign it nevertheless due to its success in the legislature.40 He angered many within the state with his conduct regarding this issue, refusing to attend temperance meetings and denying them public forums. Chamberlain took his position as governor quite literally, as is evident by his signing of bills he disagreed with instead of vetoing them. He believed it was his, and the government of Maine's, responsibility to enact and therefore enforce law. By extension, he brought this same fervor to the capital punishment debate saying that laws should either change or be enforced. He is quoted saying, "'If we cannot make our practice conform to our law, [we must] make our law agree with our practice'".41 This debate had been raging far before Chamberlain was Governor, with his predecessors simply tabling execution authorizations as it was state law the Governor had to authorize each death with a signature. Furthermore, he used his executive power to commute sentences, but insisted on carrying out many of them considering it, again, his elected duty.42 He confided in his mother that "'many are bitter on me about capital punishment but it does not disturb me in the least'", continuing to describe that some had sent threatening letters in response to his ordering of the executions. 43 He responded calmly "'The poor fool for whomever thinks he can scare me… is mistaken… I do not have a particle of fear in me of anything that walks or flies,'" assuring his mother of his safety.44 His administration was not without success, as garnered support on several important issues. Chamberlain's exoneration of Civil War veterans with pardons received support from both parties, and the people as well.45 Furthermore, the establishment of the Maine's agriculture 40 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 79; Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 197. 41 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 42 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 43 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 44 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 45 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 71. 12 academy, the predecessor of the University of Maine, under his administration again excited the people and both political parties.46 This school created another avenue of education for Maine's youth, one not affiliated directly with the little ivy elite of Bowdoin, Bates, and Colby Colleges. Despite his immense popularity, and the fact that both parties supported him in a fifth term, Mainers typically regarded him as an ineffective politician.47 Today, he is not remembered for his political career or exploits, with historians and everyday people recognizing him for his war exploits. Unbeknownst to the public, while Chamberlain pursued political and public aspirations, his family was disintegrating. Not only did he and Fannie have marital issues, but his siblings all experienced turmoil that was directly and indirectly caused by the patriarch's endeavors. During the war, it was known that Fannie and Chamberlain were often at odds regarding their marriage and the direction of their lives. While she begrudgingly supported her husband's military endeavors, she was often distant during the war and hoped that when he returned to Maine he would settle down and make time for her.48 According to letters between the two, it appears that Fannie would often neglect to return letters to Chamberlain, saying he had sent seven letters by October of 1862 compared to receiving only two from his wife.49 This pattern continues throughout the war with Chamberlain asking "'Where are you… I do not hear from you all this long while?. It is more than a month that I have heard a word from you?'".50 Fannie and Chamberlain's marriage was strained by the distance and lack of communication during the war, yet his issues would also follow him into his post-war career. 46 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 47 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 48 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 49 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 23. 50 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Desjardin, Life in Letters, 184. 13 Fannie understood how tenaciously ambitious her husband was. He was a man of perception, and it came to no surprise to her that he accepted the Republican nomination and subsequent election as governor. Unlike her support during the war, Fannie made it clear she did not and would not encourage him in this undertaking, as she felt neglected as a wife.51 She felt so strongly about this, she refused to accompany her husband in Augusta, instead opting to stay in Brunswick. He missed her dearly and wanted to share his experience as governor with her pleading, "'we are getting rather lonesome without you…'" while encouraging her to accompany him saying "'we are having some quite pleasant times, only you are wanting to complete our happiness.'"52 Still, despite his proposed love and longing for his wife, their marriage continued to decline throughout his term to the point of abuse accusations and threats of divorce. Fannie, extremely unhappy with her marriage by 1868, released public statements alleging physical and mental abuse during their marriage. Chamberlain's response was chilling, saying "'if it were not you… I should make quick work of these calumniaters…'".53 Seeming more concerned with his public image than his marriage or the state of his wife, he says his enemies will "'ruin'" him when they catch hold of the allegations.54 Chamberlain scolded her like a child, warning her of the perils that faced widows in their society, as well as the unsought humiliation a separation would bring for himself and their families.55 These marital issues continued for the remainder of their lives, with Chamberlain confused on how or why his wife remained so disappointed in their union. They came to a mutual agreement, that they would remain married to preserve public respect for themselves and their family while living separately 51 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334. 52 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334; Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 59. 53 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 54 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 55 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 341. 14 for much of the remainder of their lives.56 These public statements were used as fodder by his enemies but amounted to make little difference as Chamberlain was subsequently reelected. Despite this, it is important to understand these accusations to therefore appreciate Chamberlain holistically, and acknowledge their absence in popular history. During the war, Joshua's brother Tom fought alongside Chamberlain in the 20th Maine while the remaining Chamberlains awaited the return of their soldiers. Sarah, their sister, continued life at home while John, being chronically ill, served alongside his brothers as a Chaplain. Upon returning home, John became increasingly sick. Despite the ailments of his brother, Chamberlain ran and was elected for governor whilst his wife spent considerable time caring for John.57 Tom, meanwhile, was lost after his wartime service. He lived and worked in New York for a time, yet never found anything worthwhile. Soon thereafter, John died and Governor Chamberlain left his Tom to fend for himself, stranding him both financially and emotionally as Tom had come to rely on the hospitality of John in Chamberlain's absence.58 Later in life he did the same, as Tom returned to Maine in 1889 after failed pursuits in Florida. Chamberlain, now retired, refused to help him as he had his own financial problems. Tom, neglected to attend any reunions of the 20th Maine, therefore allowing his brother to obtain the spotlight.59 Upon Tom's death, Chamberlain retained the same mindset regarding his siblings. Despite this, Tom never resented his brother, in fact encouraging and supporting him until the day of his death.60 Joshua Chamberlain made himself a priority throughout his life, doing so by routinely disregarding the needs of his loved ones in exchange for his own. This is 56 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 339. 57 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 78. 58 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 82. 59 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 86. 60 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 88. 15 another unknown aspect of Chamberlain's life, and something that he and popular historians do not want the public to see, as it would taint his image as a saintly officer and leader. Omitted from almost every contemporary textbook or lesson regarding Joshua Chamberlain is the 1880 Maine Gubernatorial crisis, termed the 'Count-Out Crisis'. Essentially, elected Democrat Governor Alonzo Garcelon sought reelection in 1879 against two opponents, Daniel F. Davis of the Republican Party and Joseph L. Smith of the Greenbacks Party. With the vote split between three candidates, 49.6% of the votes went to Davis with the remainder split between Garcelon and Smith. The Maine Constitution declared that without over 50% of the votes, no winner could be announced, and the legislature must elect the governor.61 Facing a Republican majority in the legislature, Garcelon manipulated the votes by casting aside Republican votes as invalid, causing the Supreme Court of Maine to declare his actions unconstitutional and award the governorship to Davis. Garcelon refused to yield his office and began appointing Democrat and Greenback Representatives and Senators while declaring himself the rightful governor. All sides began to mobilize paramilitary forces, forcing then Commander of the Maine Militia, Joshua Chamberlain, to intervene.62 Called upon by leaders of the elected legislature, Chamberlain swiftly took control of the government by using civilian police to oust Garcelon's staff and council before alterations could be made to the legitimate election results.63 Controlling the state as a military dictator, Chamberlain now faced the daunting task of relinquishing power to one of the three factions, retaining it for himself, or allowing the courts to decide. He was urged from all sides, with many pleading him to retain the democratic institutions in place.64 Chamberlain confides his great 61 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 239; Foley, Ballot Battles, 164. 62 Foley, Ballot Battles, 165-167. 63 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 356. 64 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 242. 16 responsibility in Fannie saying "'There is… No Governor, no legislature… I have been obliged to assume the defense… of the state… I am determined that Maine shall not become a Southern American State'".65 He is interpreted as referencing his Confederate counterparts and the lawlessness he associated with their secession and subsequent reintegration into the Union, as well as nations literally situated on the South American continent that were notable monarchies and dictatorships. Chamberlain's outlook on his role in this matter is that of a noble hero, something that surely inflated his ego as well as gave him a needed break from what he deemed to be a morbidly boring life as a civilian. Committed to solving the issue in a non-partisan and equitable manner, Chamberlain managed to enrage almost everyone in Augusta during his occupation. He was offered appointments as senator by each side, to which he adamantly refused stating it was the sole responsibility of the courts to decide the outcome.66 He was discouraged that his own party had amounted military forces and bribed him, and that they and the Democratic camp called him a traitor and usurper who abused his office as Commander of the Militia by intervening.67 Both sides plotted against him, threatened to kill or kidnap him, yet he stayed true to his goal of "'keep[ing] the peace'" and allowing laws to be executed rightfully.68 A local paper describes the scene as dire, where all of the power of the state was vested into Chamberlain until matters could be resolved.69 It was also cautionary, asking citizens to stay calm and avoid the capital, as infantry from Gardiner had been given authority to fire upon civilians or police should they act malicious.70 In the end, he gracefully guided Maine through twelve days of political and social 65 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 138. 66 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 67 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 68 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 359. 69 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 70 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 17 unrest, ultimately allowing the court to empower the duly elected legislature to establish Davis as Governor. While Chamberlain fought to maintain his public image though marital and political disputes, today's scholars have begun to delve into his life and analyze his actions. Military writers, for example, annotate analysis his military exploits without necessarily focusing on other aspects of his life. By extension, these writers represent the popular memory of Chamberlain today. Military doctrine displays Chamberlain as the best and brightest military leader of the Civil War, yet writers like Hillyard, Cuddy, and Foley discuss his leadership style progression and whether he deserves the high pedestal he is placed in. Fred Hillyard points out in his paper that the Army uses Joshua Chamberlain as an example of leadership to be emulated, saying that the Army claims responsibility in developing leaders in his image through their education pipelines.71 Hillyard, in the 1980's, questions whether or not this selection is plausible, stating that the notion of military education is lost using Chamberlain as an example as he was schooled at a liberal arts college and volunteered for his commission without any prior military education.72 Hillyard also asserts that although the individual actions of Little Round Top are admirable, the tactics and leadership of the Civil War cannot be adequately translated to modern conflicts. He argues that "students may not relate to the muskets, bayonets, [and] bugle calls… when their thoughts are normally of sophisticated weapons systems… [and] the modern battlefield".73 Moreover, Hillyard continues to question the Army's position regarding Chamberlain, asking if his actions, although notable, were necessarily different from military actions of his time. 71 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 72 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 73 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 18 Hillyard equates Chamberlain's war heroics to his personality, luck, and the fact that the pressure of the situation helped shape him into a military genius. Chamberlain's temperament and personal awareness were key to his success at Gettysburg, in that he was able to learn and adapt to the given situation.74 Hillyard also contributes Chamberlain's willingness to share in the suffering of his men as a motivator for them to follow his lead in battle.75 Unequivocally agreeing that his actions were great, he remains unconvinced that Chamberlain was a special instance of leadership. He determines that when people of character are placed in precarious situations, they usually will make consequential decisions.76 He concludes that Chamberlain is a great example of leadership, one that people can look to and learn from, but is not convinced he is the best example that the military should look toward. This exemplifies that, even in the 1980's, scholars viewpoints of him were changing as a holistic image of Chamberlain and his leadership attributes were being developed. In his paper, John Cuddy focuses on Chamberlain's leadership development over time, and how he became a symbol of leadership for the military and the public. Interestingly, Cuddy contradicts Hillyard by saying that his actions during battle were not a result of him being an exemplary human being, instead attributing his bravery to his personality, personal interactions with different role models, as well as his education and professorship at Bowdoin.77 These characteristics, Cuddy argues, projected him to success in leadership roles, and the evaluation of them and him can help others in the future. He also asserts that Chamberlain had an inert sense of entitlement for esteem and prestige citing his pleas to Senator Morrill regarding his permanent appointment to Major General following the war.78 Despite his ego, he was outwardly concerned 74 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 75 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 8. 76 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 5. 77 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 4-5. 78 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 6. 19 for the welfare of his troops, yet also garnered the need for respect and order within his unit. He was sympathetic to his men but was also strict when called to do so. Cuddy attributes these and other personality traits to his success militarily and asks future students to analyze his self-need for adventure and validation as an example of poor leadership. Chamberlain's combination of humbleness regarding his troops and desire to prove himself made him daring yet conscious enough to lead gracefully in times of stress. Cuddy also determines that Chamberlain is an example of what good role models can do for leadership development, citing his boyhood idols as well as military leaders. Cuddy establishes that Chamberlain's upbringing was filled with military heroes, like his father and grandfather, of whom he always wanted to emulate.79 His childhood was filled with menial labor, hard lessons, and eventual academic prowess. Chamberlain was an advocate for hard work before the war and took these ideals with him into service. Never receiving formal military training, he yearned to prove himself in battle saying "'Soldiering in a time of peace is almost as much against my grain as being a peace man in time of war'" when asked prior to the war about militia service.80 His upbringing shaped his character, which Cuddy argues helped shape him into an effective military leader. Interestingly, we see Foley stray from the commonality of the other military writers, as he seems to agree with popular historians that Chamberlain was a "honorable" and "inspiring" man who answered his nation's call when needed.81 Foley neglects to mention his development as a leader, instead citing sources that clearly picture him as a leader born for greatness. He cites a plethora of Chamberlain's victories, both on and off the field of battle. These include early 79 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 15. 80 Chamberlain, as quoted in Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 7. 81 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 8. 20 military accomplishments, as well as earning the trust of his men.82 Foley concludes that Chamberlain was simply a military anomaly, crediting in part his successes to "'good genes'".83 He states that Chamberlain's intellectual prowess and desire for challenge fueled his military success, completely disregarding his development as a leader and person throughout his life.84 His lackluster analysis of Chamberlain's life and development is a discredit to leadership development of future military officers, as his paper clearly misinforms the reader by asserting that Chamberlain was a special instance of innate leadership capability. Chamberlain's preeminence is further celebrated today through monuments erected in his name and image. Intriguingly, these monuments were placed far after the Colonel's death in 1914. The first monument was raised on Veteran's Day, 1997, in Brewer near the Chamberlain home. 85 This monument is placed in a public park that is itself a replica of Little Round Top as well as an homage to the Underground Railroad. Named after Chamberlain, it serves to commemorate his battlefield heroics and those of the Hollyoke House that was an actual part of the railroad.86 It is interesting, noting Chamberlain's unfavorable opinions on voting rights for freedmen, that a memorial to him and his unit are placed at an extremely interesting and important historical site in terms of the Underground Railroad, of which Chamberlain was not involved. Yet, the contributions of the Holyoke Family are overshadowed by Joshua Chamberlain's legacy. It's date of completion, as well as location, are significant 82 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 16. 83 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 30. 84 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 29. 85 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 86 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. Chamberlain Park Statue, Brewer, Maine 21 Chamberlain Statue, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine Maine National Guard Headquarters, Augusta, Maine Chamberlain Post Office, Chamberlain, Maine because it shows that his popularity continued to grow despite his actions having taken place more than 130 years before the monument was placed. The revival of Chamberlain and his exploits in the 1990's can also be explained by he and his unit's stardom in later media. Additionally, Chamberlain retains a second monument in Brunswick on the campus of Bowdoin College. Dedicated in 2003, it is not surprising that the college wanted to commemorate its most notable alumni.87 Yet, this is significant given that the school and its faculty denied his initial requests to serve and slandered him to retain him as a professor. Again, it is notable that almost one hundred years after his death, Bowdoin utilizes the popularity and prestige of Chamberlain's name and likeness to honor him on their campus. Both monuments indicate that Chamberlain's popular memory is alive and thriving in Maine and will be for the foreseeable future. They also indicate that his remembrance has grown in recent years, as these monuments were dedicated in the last twenty-five years. In addition to monuments, his memory lives through his posthumous appointment as the namesake of the Maine National Guard Headquarters in Augusta, dedicated in 2018, as well as an eponymous village in my hometown established sometime in the late 19th century. His legacy is an integral part of Maine's military and political lineage as identified through his idolization by local and state organizations. 87 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brunswick," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 22 It would be absurd to diminish Joshua Chamberlain's importance to the Civil War and the Battle of Gettysburg. His decisive military actions and the courage of his unit earn him the distinction as a great officer in the history of our military. The memory displayed by both the northern and southern soldiery indicates just this and exemplifies his gentlemanly traits that are often noted by popular historians and the public. Yet, these examples do not demonstrate the holistic view of who Chamberlain was during his time on earth, both during and after his service in the war. While he was respected for his gallantry in battle by almost all, historians have regularly neglected or diminished his shortcomings in life. Understanding the totality of historically significant people's life is important because we cannot afford to remember people in a single-faceted sense. When looking back on the past, the public deserve to know the good and the bad about the people they are supposed to admire. A one-dimensional viewpoint on any figure has no benefit except to paint a false reality, one that hides reality in exchange for a rose-colored fallacy. Instead, we should be yearning to investigate the lives of our heroes to learn from both their mistakes and accomplishments. In essence, there is more to learn from the mistakes of others than from their successes. Joshua Chamberlain has rightfully been admired for his heroics in battle, yet his private life seemed secluded, isolated, and rarely discussed. Yet, as of late, writers have begun to acknowledge that the hero of Little Round Top was indeed human, with his own demons that menaced him throughout his life. Accusations of abuse, familial abandonment, and general neglect of those he loved has begun to threaten Chamberlain's legacy. Given these flaws and misdeeds being exhumed, will his reputation, for which he fought vehemently to maintain, be tainted or amended in the coming years? Will the lessons taught in Maine schools feature his military feats, as well as his personal shortcomings? This is a question for historians, both 23 professional and amateur, to answer. We hold the keys to truth through research and analysis, and despite the man's noted contributions to our nation, we also owe a debt to future generations to lay out the entirety of Chamberlain's story, and let our children decide the fate of Maine's famed Colonel. 24 Annotated Bibliography Cunningham, S.A. "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran, 1900. This edition of the Confederate Veteran discusses an encounter between a former Confederate and Gen. Chamberlain years after the war, discussing what happened on the Gettysburg battlefield. The disagreement the two had regarding it, as well as the adjectives used to describe Chamberlain, are interesting and are noted in the paper. "Chamberlain holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal, January 12, 1880. This news article discusses the Maine gubernatorial crisis in 1880 from their point of view. The article talks about Chamberlain being essentially inserted as a military governor, and the fear in the community regarding this. It is used to support research done in other sources. Chamberlain, Joshua. The Passing of the Armies: An Account of the Final Campaign of the Army of the Potomac, Based Upon Personal Reminiscences of the Fifth Army Corps. Lincoln and London, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. Chamberlain's own autobiography is interesting because it was written out of necessity for money. It describes his own experiences of the war and why he believed certain instances occur. This is fascinating because others have differing accounts than he. I did not cite it in the paper, but it is listed in the bibliography. Cuddy, John F. "Training Through Blood and Fire: The Leadership Development of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain." Air Command and Staff College (2015): 2-37. Major Cuddy's essay focuses on Chamberlain's progression as a military leader throughout the war. He states that by modern standards he was a great strategist and soldier yet did not learn at an academy or college. Cuddy advocates for the experiential learning that affected Chamberlain, which he says made him into a great officer. It is used as support for the changing of thought regarding Chamberlain as of late. Desjardin, Thomas A, ed. Joshua L. Chamberlain: A life in Letters: The Previously unpublished letters of a great leader of the Civil War. Harrisburg, PA: National Civil War Museum, 2012. This collection of letters from Chamberlain depicts his personal feeling throughout the war, his gubernatorial years, when he was President of Bowdoin, and throughout his life with his family and colleagues. These primary sources were used when discussing his marital issues, as well as personal feelings during his post-war life. 25 Desjardin, Thomas A. Stand Firm Ye Boys from Maine: The 20th Maine and the Gettysburg Campaign. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995. Desjardin's work focuses exclusively on the Battle of Gettysburg and the actions taken on Little Round Top by the 20th Maine. Most of this book regards the tactics of the battle, but throughout there are personal quotes from soldiers that will be useful, as well as the final two chapters that deal with the immediate memory of the 'Count-on Crisis' and how that affected the remainder of his life. I did not cite this in the paper, but did research it. Foley, Edward B. Ballot Battles; The History of Disputed Elections in the United States. Oxford UK: Oxford University Press, 2016. This book has a chapter devoted to the Maine gubernatorial crisis, which was very hard to find research on. I used this source to provide context on the event and why it occurred, while highlighting the importance of Chamberlain's resulting actions. Foley, Chris M. "Citizen Warrior; Major General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain; A Study in Command." USMC Command and Staff College (2012): 8-32. Foley offers a Marine Corps investigation into Chamberlain, who he was as a person, and his leadership characteristics. Like the other officers' papers on Chamberlain, he agrees that the man was a military genius but tends to agree with Trulock and Pullen that Chamberlain's knowledge was an anomaly. Goulka, Jeremiah E, ed. The Grand Old Man of Maine: Selected Letters of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain 1865-1914. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Goulka's collection of letters fits well with the subject of memory because these letters go from during the war until his death. They discuss in depth his time as governor and the issues regarding his family. They are used to support the secondary source work regarding his life and the events that occurred during it. "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial" Confederate Veteran, 1913. The source is another Confederate viewpoint on the Colonel of the 20th Maine. This, like many, portrays him in a positive light. It is regarding a monument displaying peace between belligerents in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This primary source shows an example of how Confederates and Federal troops viewed him during his life. Hillyard, Fred. "Leadership as a Force Multiplier: The Joshua L. Chamberlain Example." US Army War College (1983): 1-29. This essay is written by an Army officer at the War College. LTC Hillyard discusses Colonel Chamberlain's leadership attributes and if he deserves the high stature he has and still is placed in within the Army. He focuses on how Chamberlain was not a trained soldier, but instead an avid learner who used his ability to absorb knowledge from other professional soldiers. Cuddy's piece on the same subject will support this, and Hillyard's 26 article will be used to further demonstrate Chamberlain's reverence amongst the modern military and changing ideals today. "Indignation in Maine" New York Tribune, December 20, 1879. The New York Tribune article discusses again the situation in 1880 in Maine, but from the outside viewpoint of New Yorkers. It is more of how outsiders view the situation instead of Mainers. "Letter from the State Capital" The Portland Daily Press, August 9, 1862. In my research, this is the first instance I could find discussing then Lt Col Chamberlain and his appointment to the newly designated 20th Maine. It states who the officers and NCOs will be within the unit. It describes Chamberlain in a good light, before he was even in combat, which is important to the research. Maine Civil War Monuments "Brewer." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is the State of Maine website that documents all the monuments within the state. It gives the relevant information regarding when the monument was placed and by whom. I also will include personal photographs of the site in the final Draft. Maine Civil War Monuments. "Brunswick." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is like the prior source, simply a different monument. They serve the same purpose and this one will have a personal photograph as well. Nespitt, Mark, ed. Through Blood & Fire: Selected Civil War Papers of Major General Joshua Chamberlain. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1996. This source will add to primary source collection off Chamberlain through letters but only includes works from 1862-1865. They will be used to express his personal feelings during the war regarding his service, his family, and hopefully any issues within his organization. It is used as supporting documents regarding how he was viewed in his time versus how he is remembered. New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "140th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument at Gettysburg." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry-2/140th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] The site depicts the 140th New York Infantry's monument at Gettysburg, which is a statement itself about the men who fought with the unit. It stands as a simple memorial to those who died, including the regimental commander. 27 New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "44th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry/44th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] This huge castle is dedicated to the fighting men of the 44th New York, who were also alongside the 20th Maine at Little Round Top. It is a superfluous monument, given the fact their role in the battle was overlooked by the heroics of Chamberlain and his men. It has a lengthy inscription, unlike the 44th's, which describes what they did during the battle and how many perished. Both these sources will be used to show that some friendly soldiers harbored at least a little bit of jealousy and resentment for Chamberlain's popularity and recognition when they received little to none. Longacre, Edward G. Joshua Chamberlain: The Soldier and The Man. Conshohocken, PA: Combined Publishing, 1999. This book was one of the more helpful sources. It goes into who Chamberlain was as both a soldier and normal person, which my paper discovers through memory. This source helped me express to the reader who Chamberlain really was and how that relates to his popular portrayal. Also, it is one of the only sources that really questions Chamberlain and asks tough questions of his character and actions. Loski, Diana H. The Chamberlains of Brewer. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1998. Loski's book primarily confers how the entire Chamberlain family came to be, and their relevance throughout history. It not only discusses Joshua and Fanny, but also his brother Tom, his sister, other extended family, and of course his parents. I use it to discuss his familial life, mainly regarding how he abandoned them routinely. Norton, Oliver W. The Attack and Defense of Little Round Top, Gettysburg, July 2, 1863. New York, NY: The Neale Publishing Company, 1913. Norton's piece, while older, gives a lot of valuable insight into the battle itself. While this is important to compare thinking from the past to present, there are other sources that do a better job. I do not cite it in the paper Perry, Mark. Conceived in Liberty: Joshua Chamberlain, William Oates, and the American Civil War. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books Limited, 1997. This is one of the more credible sources regarding Chamberlain and his memory, as it also discusses his adversary on Little Round Top and their parallels. Through this source, we can see how other officers and officials of the time viewed Chamberlain both during and after the war, and more importantly how his foes viewed him. Also, the book discusses some of his actions after the war, how it affected his personal life, and how others perceived him. This is a good source to use to refer to both how people thought about him but also the reality of his actions. Also, it is a beneficial source to see how adversaries thought of him, specifically William Oates who commanded the regiment that opposed him at Little Round Top. 28 Pullen, John J. The Twentieth Maine: A Volunteer Regiment in the Civil War. Philadelphia, PA: J.B Lippincott & Company, 1957. The book provides instances of how he is/was remembered. Mainly this source quotes Oates, Chamberlain's counterpart, but also Chamberlain's soldiers regarding their leader. Because the point of this paper is to focus on memory, this source will be helpful because it has a lot of points regarding how the people he commanded felt about Chamberlain. Smith, Diane Munroe, ed. Fanny and Joshua: The Enigmatic Lives of Frances Caroline Adams and Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1999. Like the Chamberlains of Brewer source, this book will give greater understanding of the relationship of Chamberlain and his wife. Comparing to other sources, I will see if in fact their relationship was strained and if so why. It is mainly letters between the two, accompanied by brief excerpts describing the times and circumstances of the letters. These sources will help determine if his stately appearance was a public rouse or if he was privately a different man. Trulock, Alice Rains. In the Hands of Providence: Joshua L. Chamberlain and the American Civil War. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992. Trulock's work is one of the prolific biographies of Joshua Chamberlain but is claimed by writers like Cuddy and Longacre to be one sided and only include the more cheerful instances in his life. Most of the work puts Chamberlain in a good light by designating him as a marvelous leader who was fair and beloved by his troops. Strangely, she does mention some of his more unsavory actions after the war, as well as explaining his resistance in allowing freedmen to vote. I use this source a multitude of times because the author covers almost every instance of Chamberlain's life. United States Department of Defense. "Medal of Honor Monday." https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. This DoD article discusses Chamberlain as an astute, gentlemanly officer who was a gallant recipient of the Medal of Honor. While this is true, it again is an example of popular memory regarding Chamberlain. He is viewed only through his singular actions, not by a collection of them. Weart, David. The Military Leader. "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain- Leadership in Action," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. Weart's online article does the same as the DoD's. It describes Chamberlain in a single faceted manner and neglects all the instances that made him human like everyone else.
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Prices always right The Lutheran paWication^ocieiJ No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel- • op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address ■ HENRY. S. BONER, Supt. The CDerea^y. The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. VOL. XIV. GETTYSBURG, PA., NOVEMBER 1906. No. 6 CONTENTS "THE POWER OF SMALL THINGS "—Oration. . . 152 ELSIE A. GERLACH, '07. "POE: WIZARD OR CHARLATAN "—Essay. . 155 W. WlSSLER HACKMAN, '08. "THE TRAGEDY OF A SOUL"—Oration. . . . 158 CLIFFORD E. HAYS, '07. "TIME—ITS DEMANDS AND GIFTS "—Oration. . . 164 SARA B. BRUMBAUGH, '07. " CONSCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION ''—Essay. . . 167 D. L. BAKER, '08. "CO-OPERATIVE COLLEGE GOVERNMENT "—Essay. 169 '08. "THE STUDENT AND COLLEGE "—A LIFE LONG RELA-TION— Essay . .171 ROY E. SMITH, '08. "A TOURNAMENT "—Story. 172 LEVERING TYSON, '09. EDITORIALS, . 176 EXCHANGES, 179 152 THE MERCURY. THE POWER OF SMALL THINGS. ELSIE A. GBRLACH, '07. EVER since Cartier discovered the St. Lawrence civilized people have stood in awe before the grandeur of the mighty flood of Niagara Falls. They have thought and talked and written about its tremendous power, its majesty and grand beauty; but no one ever considered its source, or thought of it in its parts. It was always thought of as one grand whole, until suddenly the world was startled by the fact that the beau-tiful Niagara was threatened. Then it was that the beauty loving Americans realized that out of small things great things grow, when they saw that the use of the great mass of water, little by little for supplying the manufacturing establishments, would steal away the greatness of the world's greatest falls. You all know the result of the awakening, that popular opinion prevailed and Niagara was saved from a gross sacrifice to mercenary motives. I have used the illustration only to show how often we forget the importance of little things. It is a world old subject, this fact of small beginnings. We know that the mighty avalanche, sweeping everything before it and burying whole towns with its millions of tons of snow, is made up of the feathery flakes. We know, in fact, that the entire universe, in all its immensity, is composed of atoms; yet do we realize the significance of the small things in nature. History speaks plainly of the power of little things. The importation of the first slaves into America may have seemed a thing of trifling moment; yet the war of the rebellion grew out of it. Again, it was but a small band of Pilgrims that landed at Plymouth Rock; yet their coming was the begin-ning of the career of the grandest nation of the world. The world of finance in the great Hippel embezzlement pre-sents a striking illustration of the principle we are considering. Do you think that when the respected banker stole seven million dollars, it was his first offence? Of course not. If all the facts were known his crime could be traced back along a line of ever lessening thefts, perhaps even to the small sum of a few dollars borrowed, but never returned to the bank. Mr THE MERCURY. 153 His first theft, whatever it was, may have seemed a trifling thing. But what a result! For an example in politics take the system of graft, recently uncovered in Philadelphia. No doubt the grafters were timid at first, and took but little from the public funds ; but they kept growing bolder until the enormity of their crimes could no longer be-concealed. We can see the value of a trifle in every day life. The true story, told of the man on the tower, goes to prove this fact. He was a common day-laborer and was assisting in the com-pletion of an immense chimney on a large factory. He was working on the farther side from the others, and did not notice that they had all finished and descended, and that the scaffold-ing was removed. In a very short time, however, his absence was noticed, and a large crowd gathered below, filled with horror at the thought of the awful death which stared him in the face, for the only possible way to reach him was by scaf-folding, which it would take weeks to build. But suddenly the crowd was quiet as the wife of the man, suspended between heaven and earth, appeared. She had evidently heard, for she was very pale, but calm. Putting her hands to her mouth she shouted, " Unravel your stocking." A cheer burst from the crowd, as they grasped at this feeble hope of rescue. Before long a thin grey thread was lowered, and to this they tied a cord. The yarn was homespun and it carried the cord in safety to the waiting man. The cord in turn drew up a rope and the rope a cable, by which the man descended. Practical application of the subject can be made in every phase of life. To be happy we must be careful of the little things in our home life. To be successful the business man applies the old adage, " Take care of the pennies and the dollars will take care of themselves." To become a college graduate, worthy of the name, the ambitious student must weigh the little things. It is a small thing to prepare a debate or read-ing for the literary society, or an essay for our monthly journal. It may not seem so at the time when you think you can't pos-sibly spare even an hour or so. But it is a small thing when compared to the benefit received from regular literary work: 154 THE MERCURY. first, of course, the benefit gained in preparation, then the power to think on your feet and to accustom yourself to hearing your voice in public speaking. The time given to athletics does not cost much, considering the benefit received. A short time spent in exercising every day helps to bring about the relation of "Sana metis in corpore sano." And it isn't much trouble to really study the lessons assigned. It takes only two hours to prepare a Latin or Greek lesson. To be sure the easier way, by means of " helps," sometimes seems almost pardonable when there is work to be made up on account of sickness, or when import-ant outside work demands the time. But this habit of shirk-ing grows so easily that it must be avoided or the college edu-cation will prove a failure. The seeming trifles at college are very numerous. But these few examples will serve to illustrate their value. The power of small things is strongly brought out by Longfellow in the words: . " Nothing useless is or low ; Each thing in its place is best; And what seems but idle show Strengthens and supports the rest." Oh, but how great a thing it is, how glad, To live in this our day ! when plain strong sense, Free knowledge and Religious influence, Build up a wall against the false and bad, And give the good both temple and defense : To live—when ancient enmities intense Turn to new brotherhood till now unknown ; When science and invention bless the world, Banishing half our pains and troubles hence ; When time seems lengthened, distance nearer grown ; When tyranny from every throne is hurled ; When Right is Might, and Reason holds her own : O, happy day ! fur prophets, priests and kings Have longed in vain to see such glorious things. —Tupper. THE MERCURY. 155 POE: WIZARD OR CHARLATAN? W. WISSLER HACKMAN. I. INTRODUCTION. THE ENIGMA. IN these papers it is not our purpose to rehash any biography of Poe, and such points of his life as may come up in these discussions will do so because they are, in our opinion, essen-tial in throwing light upon the problem in hand. That Poe's heredity, environment and temperament do as much toward heightening as toward solving the mystery that surrounds his literary attitudes and motives may not be denied, much less ignored. Brilliant, versatile, volatile; Byronic in egotism, Pickwickian in fantastic fancy, a Stevenson in action and a Uoyle in plot, he presents an enigma among American authors; an enigma that invites even while it defies investigation. Sensitive, proud and weak ; yes, almost despicably weak he stands the most tragic figure in the realm of American letters ; a tragic success ; a most brilliant failure. A graphic portraitist, a skillful manipulator of plot and atmosphere, a poet surcharged with a shadowy mysticism, a philosopher and scientist in amateur, possessed of an un-bridled daring of conception, a critic, dreamer and prophet— what is he not? Candid and unshrouded he sets himself be-fore us ; frankly and unhesitatingly he draws aside the mantle of his personality and uncloses to vulgar gaze the very wheels and cogs of his literary machinery. And yet, andyet— he is too like the famous chess player he so skillfully exploits, wheels and cogs and cunning mirrors casting deceptive re-cesses, and within, the man, whom none see, smiling derisively on the easy credulity of his admirers. That is just the ques-tion, that the crux of the entire matter of Poe, the genuine-ness of his attitudes. Let sincerity be the touchstone to the man. Is he a great soul struggling through an imperfect me-dium toward revelation, has his genius labored out of the in-tangible depths some magic philosophers stone whereby to convert the dross of earth into the divine gold of ideality ? Again, dare we accept his own implied claim, and treat him as 11 ■ 156 THE MERCURY. the clear-eyed discoverer of a profound unity of all substance and energy, or is he a mere mechanic who frames soul-stirring verse on an arithmetical basis making poetry a matter of mathematical proportions? Or after all is he a base juggler or at lea.st a clever trickster ? Is he king or impostor, prophet or pretender, wizard or charlatan ? Have you never felt the uncomfortable impression intrude itself through the charming plausibility of his philosophy, the eerie beauty of his verse, or the creeping horror of his tales that at your shoulder, as it were, stood Poe, his sensitive lips curled in proud scorn while about them played a smile of mockery and derision almost mephistophelian ? Take his por-trait, search his features carefully—do you not find an in-tangible contempt lurking there? Is it for you or for a stiff-necked, hard-headed people who will be sordid and material-istic ? Take his lighter stuff—plainly you can feel the under-current of banter, whether innocent or malevolent, I dare not yet say. That Poe's was an analytical intellect of the highest type must be conceded, for that he is capable of a keenness of in-sight abnormally acute, we have proof in his own exploits. The unravelling of the "Murders of the Rue Morgue" and the death of " Marie Roget" under circumstances that would have daunted the most optimistic of sleuths are evidences that go far toward establishing Poe's integrity. Had he been on or even near the scenes of these tragedies, for they were real, we might attribute his success to some fortunate discovery, some hidden inkling. But removed as he was from the pos-sible presence of data, his only aids newspaper clippings col-lected by himself, we must admit that success was—in fact could only be—due to the reasoning of a powerful intellect. Whatever Poe is, he is no shallow montebank ; if he resorts to dishonest trickery, it is not because he is incapable of higher things. Yet he does juggle, yet he does descend to the plane of monte-bank. How the same hand that projected " Eureka," that marvelous prose-poem, could perpetuate such worthless, school boy click-clack as abounds in the life of Thingum Bob, seems, - —--'-—- * w THE MERCURY. 157 to say the least, remarkable. It is just this apparent incon-sistency— it does not merit the term versatility—that makes Poe the enigma he is. The fabric of his literary work pre-sents a strange mosaic of pearls and tawdry brass side by side and intermingled in a strange, disconcerting confusion. Thus far we have dealt in generalities ; generalities of, I fear, a vague and dissatisfactory haziness. It has been our aim in this paper to, in a general manner, outline our intended method of procedure. The * following papers will be written with the author's text close to our elbow with a view of being read in like manner. Now in the conclusion of our introduction let us advance one tenet of our literary faith, to wit: Sincerity should be the guide and touchstone in all literary criticism. Much as we dislike the imputation of egotism we shall fear-lessly work out our conclusions independent of popular senti-ment or accepted views on this particular phase of Poe. Not in that we feel ourselves better equipped than others but because we believe that no man should suppress or subvert his own individuality to the authority of another while there exsits the faintest possibility of new discovery. * NOTE—This is the first of a series of six articles to appear in the MER-CURY treating on this particular phase of Poe viewed from four stand-points. Let it be suggested that the succeeding articles be read in con-nection with the authors text. The next article will treat him as Poet —ED. (AM,, .i 158 THE MERCURY. THE TRAGEDY OF A SOUL. CLIFFORD E. HAYS, '07. ALL progress lies through evolution or revolution. Start-ling as this may seem, nevertheless it is true in Religion, Politics and the Industrial World. Progress is the giving up of the old condition and the advance to the new. The pro-gress of a nation or organization is measured by that of the individuals who compose it, and every time a man gives up a long accustomed ideal there is enacted a tragedy of the soul. Two hundred years ago a handful of patriots decided to leave behind the old order of things and set sail on that dark and unknown sea of Democracy. All those men were the de-scendants of races accustomed to monarchy and Despotism, and it was natural that there should be a long and desperate struggle before they could give up the old. No American History disregards the bitter debates of that gloomy period when the Continental Congress was in secret session and our nation's destiny hung in the balance, yet few of us indeed realize what it meant for those men to affix their names to the Declaration of Independence. Up to July 4, 1776, but a few radical dreamers had thought of separation and fewer desired Democracy. The clanging of that old bell caused a struggle in the soul of many a true and noble man before he went either to the Revolutionists or the Torys. And the tragedy of their souls has often been repeated and is now being rehearsed in the Peterhof in Russia. On May 18, 1868 a boy baby was born in St. Petersburg in the recesses of a fortified palace during a period of darkest despotism, the reaction of the spasmodic lenient period of the stormy reign of Nicholas I. During the babes' early years his grandfather Alexander II was harassed by many for-eign wars and internal troubles which ended in the Czar's as-sassination. The 3rd Alexander, the boy's father, took control, but the revolutionists were so active that he remained in con-finement two years before his coronation. Thus this youth was born and reared in a household con-tinually threatened and fearing, yet a household which held sacred the belief in historic Czarism. All his education was THE MERCURY. 159 to prepare him to be a Czar such as former Czars had been, although the fierceness of his ancestors was somewhat miti-gated by the state of affairs during which he was born, yet that one idea, that he would some day be God's vicegerent to rule that vast empire by his own absolute will, was constantly drilled into him. Surrounded and influenced by the bureau-cracy, his inherited autocratic spirit was intensified. Accus-tomed to think and hear that alone, it is not at all surprising that he should come to the throne a thorough autocrat. When twenty-six his father died, after a stormy reign filled toward the close with attempts at assassination. Then Czar Nicholas the II, this youth brought up in utter ignorance of the true condition of his country, secluded and taught aristo-cracy, with a mind and body inherited from a long line of despots, took the government of the vast Empire of Russia and her 140,000,000 souls steeped in ignorance and practically slaves to the nobles for seven centuries. It is a wild dream to think that Nicholas, the crystallized product of a line of Czars ruling for centuries in the same despotic course, should come to the throne filled with noble determination to free his people and set up a democracy. He knew no more of his people and democracy than his people knew of him personally. At court he was surrounded by that crowd of political vam-pires, the Bureaucracy, that class of nobles, the offspring of the Middle Ages, which inherited its rights for centuries. It is a nobility such as no other country knows. Dependent on the Czar and Czarism for their life liberty and property, they cling to the tottering throne of despotism as a vine to a mould-ering wall. Planted when the wall was erected, they have grown old and useless with it, and although they see the wall crumbling and tottering with every fresh blow from the tides of Democracy, yet they must cling to the wall for life. All enlightenment and culture is limited to the palaces of the nobles. "With their enlightenment and widened horizon which includes in its circle both Czar and the people, they see clearer than anyone else the true condition and the only solu-tion. They loathe Czarism which they are forced to support, and fear the people whom they must keep in submission. til Ilk ill'.) I.,.I. 160 THE MERCURY. They see this and fear, yet are bound to the throne for the maintenance of their life; they cling with death like grip to the thing they looth, yet cannot leave. Bureaucracy hangs between life and death, despotism and Democracy, progression and retrogression, but worst of all, knows that either way the pendulum swings aristocracy must vanish as a dream and they with it. Thus it is to their interest to keep the Czar in ignor-ance and their heads above water. With such a spirit ruling them and such interests at stake they drove Nicholas I mad, and hindered his useful reforms. This Czar broke through the ignorance, superstition and teachings of the Czar's and tried to better his people. He instituted education, lessened the censorship of the press, heard embassies from the people, and emulated foreign progress. Yet all this was undone by the bureaucracy who saw in this their ruin. They as ministers bowed to the Czar and promised faithfully to further his work, but out of his presence issued counter orders and altogether blocked his reforms. Real conditions were kept from him, till harassed on all sides, the Czar lost faith in everything, loathed civilization, hated progress and instituted such a despotic re-action that the country was plunged deeper than ever in the dungeon of ignorance. Such is the pitiful struggle in Russia's high places that the nobles in their mad race for life and posi-tion bind upon the Czar, in childhood, the shackles which en-able them to hinder him all through his reign. Surrounded by such conditions, Nicholas II came upon the throne of Russia in the year 1904. Brought up in seclu-sion and study during childhood, taught autocracy and militar-ianism in his youth, surrounded completely by the Bureaucracy, knowing little of Democracy, considering himself the vicege-rent of God and responsible to Him alone, and entirely ignor-ant of the condition of his people he kept the beaten path of his ancestors and it should cause no surprise that he did not immediately accept our western views of things. The recent war broke out and during it the young ruler be-came acquainted with his people. Suddenly into the dark chamber in which he sat and ruled, shut off from the world, a ray of light entered. He heard low grumblings. Then *,. THE MERCURY. 161 his dazzled eyes and startled ears gave evidence of the flames of Revolution and the demands of his people. One minute he was sitting in unsuspecting security; the next he was swept from his feet by that awful whirlwind of plunder and murder. Stunned and lost for awhile it seemed as if all must give way. Forces on all sides dragged him hither and thither. The people clamored, they howled, burned, pillaged, murdered ! Some demanded liberty ; some representation ; while others urged harsher despotism. He had no rest; one said this, another that. One cried " The Police ! Suppress! Trample ! Lash ! " Now came the urgent appeal, give the con-stitution or all is lost. Throw Autocracy to the winds or Russia is lost. Hear your people or your are doomed. The whole world mocked, the nations laughed at this poor imbe-cillic prince, who sat and held the power yet did not act. Yet were they right? Was he imbecillic and weak ? Most assuredly, No! He had always aimed to do the right, and but one thing was opened up to him as the right; therefore he did it in sincerity. On that eventful morning when after sleep-less nights, he signed the decree for the national assembly, he said to Count Witte : " I have never valued aught but the weal of my subject, and have always used autocratic power for that and never wittingly exercised it for any other purposes, I was always convinced that the welfare of the empire demanded this, but now I lay a portion of my power aside because I have good reason to believe it is to the advantage of Russia to do so." Thus drilled and taught Czarism, he came to the crisis blinded ; and when his eyes were opened he did not imme-diately fly to Democracy, and the nations mocked. He, Czar Nicholas, who believed himself to be of divine appointment, descended from a line of despots, did not break away from all precedent, undo the work of his ancestors for ages, did not deny his entire nature and change his mode of thinking in a moment, in immediate need and under great stress without hesitation, thought, or fear, and they said he was a weakling, an imbecile, a child! He loves his country, his whole pride is Russia, therefore he could not deny his moderate and prudent nature, which he 162 THE MERCURY. undoubtedly has, and plunge his people headforemost into our occidental iorm of Government, so strange to a European mind. And, if the truth were only known, the world would see but a handful of rash extremists, followers of such as Maxim Gorky, raving for liberty. What the people want is not so much the reins of government, but a little release from the oppression of the hated nobles. In this awful whirlpool of unrest the Czar could not loose all moorings from absolu-tism and expect to sail clearly and safely to any definite condi-tion. Place our own beloved President in such a position. If he should suddenly awake to the fact that Democracy was crush-ing his people that he had always been deluded, and at the same time four ways of acting, all contrary to his very nature, should be opened to him, he could not tear himself from Democ-racy ; he could not in one day decide what was best for this enlightened people. Let us then be reasonable. Let us consider the Czar with his bias due to a weight of despotic ancestry, hedged about by the autocracy, living in ignorance of the true conditions of his people, coming suddenly to the realization that something must be decided ; pushed hither and thither, all the while re-maining cool and collected, and at last giving that most mag-nificent testimony of a- clear brain and a deep desire for the right by signing the ukase by which he limited his autocratic power, and brought to a close centuries of despotism, and gave an earnest of liberty to 140,000,000 of people. Universal suffrage, a right to levy taxes, supervision over all branches of the government, and " civic liberty based on real inviolability of the person and freedom of conscience, speech, union and association," were on the 19th of August, 1905, conferred on a nation which had remained in ignorance and serfdom for seven centuries. And all this was decided upon by a conservative, prudent and strong willed man. But the most marvelous of all things which this young Prince, this laughed at " Little Father," accomplished; was the inner vic-tory in his soul over his imperial psychic nature, the accumu-lation and inheritance of ages. We are told that in order to THE MERCURY. 163 judge fairly an individual's actions " we must take into consider-ation his position, his character, his past, his individual feel-ings, his moral and physical powers. We must keep in view the incentives from without, the circumstances and limitations among which he moves." Then we can say that the Czar was not a puppet. He was not a mirror reflecting every one's opinion. With but a few short months of earnest thought after his awakening and under tempestuous conditions, he signed that manifesto. On that eventful morning, when Russia's new sun arose and the darkness of absolutism received its first blow, Czar Nicho-las II arose, calmly attended to some minor duties, then went to the Chamber of State where spread upon the table was that document. Standing on his right was Count Witte that diplo-mat of Russia who saved his country's honor in the financial crisis; he who gained a bloodless victory at Portsmouth ; the champion of the people; stood trembling as the Czar made the cross and wrote N-i-c-o-l-a-i, thus signing away his in-herited power. In the ante-room were assembled the minis-ters of Russia, members of the Bureaucracy, waiting to see the doom of their class. As Nicholas calmly signed, arose, and without a word left the chamber as if routine business had been transacted and with stately dignity and composure, passed out, these ministers burst into tears and sank into uncontroll-able grief. As thus we take under review the events of the past few months, we see a man, by the power of his will, in response to the imperative of a noble nature, breaking through all the bounds of influence, throwing off the bias of his inheritance,, changing his whole psychic nature and giving the funda-mentals of freedom to one-tenth of the earth's population. The struggle through which he passed ; the heartache, the doubt, the fear, the loneliness—who shall measure it ? There in his palace, if anywhere on earth, was enacted the silent but awful Tragedy of a Soul. 164 THE MERCURY. TIME—ITS DEMANDS AND GIFTS. '07. IN this, the Autumn season, there sometimes intrudes upon us a resentful feeling, that Time, is ruthless in his van-dalism. We stand before the ruins of the past and read new meaning in the oft-repeated phrase " time passes by." Time passes by—ah, yes! — and never did Attilla leave more devastation in his wake. The wind whispers the news of his arrival and sweet flowers fade, myriads of bright leaves fall. He breathes over the child, and the sparkling eyes become dulled, the rosy cheeks pale and seared. Shaken by his heavy onward tread, mighty columns crumble, beautiful statues fall prostrate. He passes his hand over the masterpieces of a DeVinci or a Titian and the exquisite coloring fades. He steals away the rich voice of a prima donna by whose power and sweetness the world was uplifted and rejoiced. He cramps the flexible fingers of the musician and no more the ravishing strains are heard. He leads captive the devoted statesman to whom a distracted people are anxiously looking for direction. He stalks over a mighty nation and only the record of history remains. But what strange scene is this ? I see a scholar bending over to examine a yellow crumpled volume. With an indrawn sigh of pleasure he whispers—" Ah ! it is old, old." I see a cultured woman wave aside sparkling cut glass and fragile painted china, and picking out a bit of rude discolored ware she exclaims, " Oh, give me this." I see a romping boy eagerly grasp a ragged stamp or black-ened coin. He tosses his cap in thj air and shouts—" Whew this is old." I see a traveller turn his indifferent glance from the most magnificent, the most beautiful of modern architectural achieve-ments and with face lit up with admiration, almost reverence, feast his eyes upon the crumbling columns of the Parthenon or the gloomy walls of a mediaeval castle. I see one turn from the blooming freshness of childhood to the silver hair and lined face of age, as though he had dis-covered some rarer beauty there. - - THE MERCURY. I65 V-Why should we thus stoop to kiss the hand that smites us? Go, ask the scnolar and he will lead you back to the age when men first conceived the idea of transmitting their thoughts by laboriously hewing a few symbols out ot solid rock. Cen-turies pass by until the alphabet appears and slowly, fitfully, at the cost of inconceivable labor, and often personal danger, our great treasury of thought was added to. Now it is the immortal Epics of Homer, now the philosophy for which Socrates willingly forfeited his life. Here and there are scat-tered the works of a Shakespeare, Milton, Hegel, Bacon, and the scholar in gratitude exclaims: "These are my jewels, the gift of Father Time." Ask the scientist and he will place in your hand a clod of earth or lump of coal; then leading you through the once dark avenue of scientific research, with its many windings and stumbling blocks, will turn on one by one, the many illumina-ting theories, and laws by which the by-ways of medicine, mathematics, chemistry and astronomy, have been lit up by that master-workman Time. Ask the musician and he will tell you of the rude ancient lyres which were played by the wind blowing over the strings ; or of the Grecian pipes, having but two or three stops. Then he will place you in a dimly lighted cathedral while a mighty organ peals forth a Handel's Largo, or a full orchestra, one of Beethoven's Symphonies or a single violin—a melody of Reu-benstines. Ask the patriot and he will show you a brave pioneer hew-ing his way through the limitless forest, fighting savages, de-prived of every comfort. He will show you a brave little com-pany of men boldly signing their name to what semed virtu, ally their own death warrant. He will show you a Valley Forge and a Gettysburg. He will show you a country which is regarded as the Paradise of the World. Ask the little child and he will clap his hands and lead you into an enchanted land, peopled with elves and fairies—with Santa Claus, with giants, mermaids, and Grecian heroes. Ask the aged man and he will lay before you memory's book from which the kindly hand of Time has erased all small- j66 THE MERCURV. nesses and disfiguring blots ; and upon the last page you will find inscribed not " Finis," but the expression of the " great conception in which the belief in the human race and its des-tines triumphantly asserts itself"—continued through eternity. UP HIGHER. Every time you miss or fail, Start in on a higher scale, Let each tear, and sigh and moan, Only be a stepping stone ; Let each dark experience Point you to an eminence Up higher. Every stab that racks your heart, Fits you for a stronger part, Every stunning blow of pain, Lifts you to a broader plane. Every foe that can appear, Trains you for a larger sphere Up Higher. Never pause, and ne'er look back O'er the fast-receding track. There's a ghost there, grim and gaunt— IVhat's ahead is what you want. Turn; and you will stand aghast: Never search the bitter past, Look higher ! From each crushing blow of pain, Rise and go ahead again. Though your days fly swiftly past, Push to conquer to the last. Upward yet, and upward ever ; Onward still, and backward never ! Even when you hear the sound Of Death's whisper iook beyond, Up higher. —Joseph Bert Smiley THE MERCURY. l67 V-CONSCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION. D. L. BAKER, '08. conscience and Superstition—what relation can exist be-tween them ? A by no means readily seen one. It is only when we consider each in relation with a third, that their intimacy makes itself apparent. This third factor shall be Religion. Now every known religion sets forth certain staple rules for right living ; none but strives at a certain ethical standard; all hold out a certain reward, present or beyond, for faithful con-formance with its own particular doctrines and precepts. By even a mere passing analysis of the fundamental tenets of varied religion there may be readily discovered a startling con-flict in ethical ideals. Conscience is that peculiar essence which by common con-sent is credited with the office of approval and censure passed upon the actions of self. A violation of moral or ethical law is supposed to entail an unpleasant activity on the part of the conscience bearing a close resemblance and relation to remorse. Strange to say when we refer to the activities of conscience, it is almost always censure we note and rarely approval. Are we then to conclude that conscience is a threatening scourge, a lurking nemesis awaiting some unprotected Sin to pounce upon ? It is when we assume this attitude and then rake them, the infinite fields of superstition, that we are struck by a startling parallelism. As to-day the dreaded cellar fiends and garret spooks invariably lie in wait for the unruly youngster, so throughout the history of mythology it is the evil ones on whom the scourges of fiends and the terror of the Furies fell. Superstition is apparently as inherent in man as conscience itself. The most intelligent of us feel its icy fingers clutch our throats at certain limes—and those times—usually when our consciences are not easy. We perform a misdeed—the natural and legitimate result to expect, is punishment. The sin or crime may have been a secret one ; we know it was unwitnessed —yet racial habit is so over-ruling that we nevertheless expect punishment; intuitively, expect it. In such case, intelligence 168 THE MERCURY. or rather consciousness strives to justify and clothe intuition. Then there is nothing to fear from the human will; if fear con-tinues it must be of the superhuman. At night, when darkness hides danger, the hereditary ani-mal in us fears the lurking creatures of the dark pre-historic beasts of prey—but intelligence denies their existence. The animal fear triumphs and the mind creates a thousand super-stitious horrors to justify it. Any uneasy conscience multi-plies them a thousandfold, e. g., Fields' juvenile poem—"See-ing Things at Night," and Riley's, " Little Orphant Annie." Shall we then say, superstitious fear is merely a modified fear of retribution supernaturally administered because of absence of human agents ? We can say the same of conscience. Dare we then say conscience and superstition are merely dif-ferent manifestations of fear of punishment? If so, how can we explain that individuals of low intelligence are most susceptible to superstition and most callous in con-science ? Can we then define conscience as a source of super-stition ? Here we find ourselves in deep water—very deep ; conscience is supposed to set the standard for absolute right. If so, how can we explain the antagonism in religious dogmas cited in the beginning of this discussion? It seems then as though conscience was dependent on re-ligion. But every religion is burdened by a large amount of superstition, which superstition seems to exert a stimulus on conscience. Which shall we say—conscience is the product of superstition—or superstition, the product of conscience ? The revelation is undoubtedly close, closer in fact than we like or dare to admit. THE MERCURY. 109 CO-OPERATIVE COLLEGE GOVERNMENT. '08. BY cooperative college government we mean the uniting of the faculty with the student body, and the two operating jointly to promote the same end. We do not wish to make an attack on the present form of government with any malice whatever; but having been on trial before the faculty, and several times called into the Presi-dent's office, in company with a body of representative men, to consider questions relative to college government, we feel that a frank expression of our views will not be mistaken. Knowing the sentiments of many of our Alumni and that of the entire student body we are truly convinced that the present form of government is unsatisfactory, and believe that some form of cooperative government would meet with hearty approval. The predominating dissatisfaction with our present form of government is that our faculty do hot stand in close enough relation with the students, to readily understand each indi-vidual and thus are unable to correct his faults while they are yet in bud. Under the present form of government the will of the faculty is absolute. In this one body are vested the Legislative, the the Judicial and the Executive powers. The students are mute as far as government is concerned. The student upon entering the institution is handed a copy of the rules and regulations. He reads them and lays them aside. Soon he has forgotten their contents and violates a minor clause, soon another and then another till he has broken many, and it has now become a habit with him. Suddenly he is notified by the Proctor to appear before the faculty to give an account of himself. All available evidence has been collected by the faculty beforehand and he is asked to make his defense. Occasionally it so hap-pens that he cannot satisfy the faculty as to his innocence and he is given a period of suspension or expulsion, If at the outstart of his transgressions he had been visited by a com-mittee and cautioned as to his conduct, probably he would have avoided this humilation. 170 THE MERCURY. We do not believe that it would be wise to put all power of government into the hands of the students, but we believe they should be given some power. Where could be found a more fitting place for teaching the lessons of citizenship than in the govermental affairs of a college ? Our students have demonstrated that they are capable of taking up the various activities of college life and of hand-ling them successfully. We have our athletic council. In that council are representatives from every class. Why couldn't cooperative college government be run on the same plan ? The Faculty or Trustees electing their members, and each class electing theirs, this body being given full legislative power. Then a committee of students appointed by this couucil to educate the new men with the legislation, this same committee to watch a young man after he had been reported by some student for neglect or misconduct. Then if he persists in his efforts, cautioned, and then if he heeds not, brought before the com-mittee and then if they find him incorrigible, reported to the faculty, who finding out all the facts in the case take definite action. With a system of this kind, we think the faculty would be relieved of much of its burdensome care, and that all hazing and " rough housing " would be eliminated ; for those most annoyed, certainly would report to the committee and this committee being a body of honorable men could do nothing other than deal justice. Also a greater college spirit would be created, for no man would be permitted to become boorish in his manner, and each would know that part of the welfare of the college rested upon him the same as the true citizen knows that part of the nation's welfare rests upon him. When we get a system of college government such as this, then College Spirit will be a kin to Patriotism. THE MERCURY. 171 STUDENT AND COLLEGE LIFE—A LIFE LONG RELATION. ROY E. SMITH, '08. EVER since the custom of having a particular sight, dedi. cated to the instruction of those wishing to become more fully acquainted with the higher learning in science, philosophy, rhetoric and all departments of knowledge, was instituted; since certain ancients, renowned in their knowledge of certain arts, had their "schools" of followers, there has been a relation preserved between master and pupil; between their alma-mater and themselves, rivaling the ties of home and kindred and ever remembered as one of the dearest of their lives. What is this relation which binds with bonds of affection so strong that they last for a life time ? Why is it that we cling to one and repudiate the other ? ' It is the old story of affection through association. Since the beginning of time men have regarded with affection and left with regret things which may have seemed despicable to them at first. The thief does not follow his craft for love of it when he first takes it up, but later he glories in narrow es-capes and gloats over a successful raid. So it is with our college life. We, in time, become a part of our surroundings and when the time comes for our graduation, or when we must of necessity leave, it is with a pang of regret as if we were losing something that held a peculiarly warm spot in our hearts. And we are. For what is like the friendships formed be-tween instructors and those whom they teach ? What besides home affections, can rival those formed with our fellow stu-dents? Those who, having passed through their college life, are struggling with the difficult problems presented to them by the world can best answer these questions. How often do they live over again the good old days when they were Fresh-men ? They can again hear the soft knock at their door and feel over again their sensations of wonder, and then of terror, as they see man after man enter to demand entertainment. Then they thought that something like shame and humility 172 THE MERCURY. crept in as they rowed an imaginary boat in a veritable tem-pest for an imaginary shore, or gave extemporaneous speeches on subjects suggested by the audience. But no touch of bit-terness entered in now. Those things which appeared inde-corous then served only to stamp more vividly in their minds the wonderfnl good-fellowship which underlay all their gruff manners. They even wondered how they escaped getting it harder. Then they would think of their first admittance, involun-tarily and unwished for, let it be said, into the presence of the faculty; and of their mingled feelings as they were told that it was for the good of the College, generally, that they keep out of all scrapes or else go home. Truly these roses, albeit with their thorns, appear sweet and the thorns, as well as the roses, help to bind one more closely to his undergraduate life and also to his Alma Mater. Can we ever forget our undergraduate days ? As well forget the home of our childhood, or the love of a faithful friend ! A TOURNAMENT. LEVERING TYSON, '09. IN the central part of Germany, situated along the banks of the Rhine, and overlooking its surface, stood the stern fore-boding castle of Prince Vonholm. This imposing structure had been the residence of the Vonholm's for many centuries, and the aged, ivy grown walls had long since begun to crumble. The Prince and his family moved into the lowlands, shutting up the habitable part of the ancestral home, seeking the pleas-ures of court life and the education of his children. The Princes' one care was his son Richard. He was a stocky, medium-sized young fellow, muscular and especially well suited for the tournament, the principle source of amusement to the aristocrats of that day. It so happened that Sir Henry Dismusch, a favorite of the king, also had a son about Roger Vonholm's age. He was skilled in all manner of war-like exercises and held the office of head 'squire in the king's retinue. This he acquired by his strict attention to af- THE MERCURY. 173 fairs of the court and also by the aid of his father who, next to Prince Vonholm, was considered the best knight in all the country round about. While Henry Dismusch, Jr., was coursing with his father with blunt spears, Roger Vonholm would take his horse and game bag and would ride off into the woods, leaving the mes-sage that he was going hunting. This he continued to do for two years. Every evening he would come home, completely, tired out with his exertions, but with empty game bag; Yet he was as cheerful as any one in good health could possibly be. His mother was busy tending to Court affairs and his father was off to the war, so Roger's only companion was a middle aged soldier whom the Prince always left at home while he was away on his travels to guard his family. This soldier was the constant companion of Roger and was always by his side on his journeys through the woods; so the Princess Vonholm was not greatly alarmed about the safety of her son. Near the summer residence of the Vonholm's were the huge lists of Crancy. The arena was oval-shaped, six hundred feet long and about four hundred wide. Around this was a circular enclosure about twelve feet wide for the attendants, clerks of the course, and the heralds. This was to be the scene of one of the most interesting tournaments held within many miles of the castle. The young Squire Henry Dismusch was going to defend his title as head squire against all comers. Only young men under twenty years of age were eligible to compete for the honor. A contest of this kind had never been held in the Crancy lists, and the people of the surrounding country did all in their power to please their sovereign by their atten-dance. The all important day dawned fair and cloudless. Before it was time to commence the contest, every available seat in the huge amphitheatre was occupied, and still huge crowds surged through the entrances. Sir Dismusch and his family were seated near the king, awaiting with confidence the combats which meant so much to them. Prince Vonholm sat next to the king watching the surges of humanity for his son, who, for ,^,'^WuH'iti u 174 THE MERCURY. some reason or other, was delayed and could not accompany his father to the lists. At last the Prince turned his attention to the games, as the heralds had announced the preliminary contests. They were well waged but of little interest to the king and his court. These were awaiting anxiously the challenge fight for head 'squireship. The heralds had no sooner announced the proclamation of the knight defender, than a trumpet blast sounded from the far end of the lists, and there entered the arena a knight clad all in sable armor with a white cross upon his shield and a leopard rampant upon his helmet, accompanied by a knight clad all in crimson armor, a gold cross upon his shield and a double eagle on his helmet. The sable knight came forward to the centre of the lists, and raising the visor of his helmet, showed himself to be, King Howard, the brother of the king, the ruler of the neighboring kingdom. He acted as voucher for the knight challenger, saying that he wished to keep his identity unknown until after the contest. The heralds then sounded their trumpets for the contest to start. Various preliminaries were gone through, until at last the knight in crimson armor stood stock still at the northern end of the lists and the knight defendant, at the opposite station. The unknown knight was armed with a sword, mace, and dagger, and rode a huge black charger. His opponent be-strode a milk white steed and his armor was entirely white. He carried a mace hung at his saddle bow, and besides his dagger also carried^a kind of truncheon, a cross between a sword and one of the huge coursing spears generally used in tourna-ments. This last weapon was just becoming popular with the younger knights and 'squires, and Henry Dismusch had also adopted it. It could be convenien-tly wielded on horseback and was not as bulky as the spear. At the blast of the herald's trumpet, both men dug the spurs into the flanks of the horses and thundered down the lists nearer and nearer to each other. With the noise like a clap of thunder the two chargers met and recoiled, each rider doing his best to unseat the other. After the first recoil, the knights m THE MERCURY. 175 fought fiercely hand to hand. The horse of the unknown knight was unruly and the spectators could see that his actions were greatly retarding the strokes of his rider. The combat clashed on. The knight challenger was charging to meet the attack of the knight defendant, when his horse suddenly reared and received the point of the truncheon in his side. Giving a snort, he jumped forward, unseating his rider and falling heavily to the earth a short distance away, dragging the un-known knight with him in his fall. Then the knight defender seeing the knight challenger at his mercy rode over to him to end the contest. Riding his horse beside his fallen opponent, he thrust at him with his truncheon. The knight on the ground was powerless to rise, as the weight of his armor was too great for him. He knew death was imminent and waited for the finishing stroke. When the blow from the truncheon fell he seized the truncheon above the head and held. Had the knight chalen-ger just let go of the handle or stopped his steed, he would have conquered the fallen knight easily. The horse sprang forward and the very stroke that should have ended the knight's career was the means of saving him. He was dragged along the ground for a short distance and then managed to seize his opponent's stirrup. With this aid, he managed to seize the mace hanging to the saddle bow; and tearing it from its fas-tenings, with a mighty blow struck the knight challenger full in the neck and hurled him completely from the saddle. The clerks of the course declared the contest won by the knight challenger F.nd ran up just in time to catch him as he fell from exhaustion. A mighty shout arose when the result of the contest was seen ; but this changed to a roar, when the victor's name was declared by the herald. The surprise and wonder were universal and the amazement of the king was great, but none were more surprised or dumbfounded than Prince Von-holm ; for the name of the victor, which the herald announced, was " Richard Vonholm, this day rightlead squire to his Majesty, King Frederick." M tt,.»:\i,.'iii u THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter VOL. XIV GETTYSBURG, PA., NOVEMBER, 1906 No. 6 Associate Editors GEO. W. KESSI.BR, '08 J. K. ROBB, '08 EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Editor-in-chief WARD B. S. RICE, '07 Exchange Editor THOS. E. SHEARER, '07 Business Manager THOMAS A. FAUST, '07 AssH Bus. Managers. HENRY M. BOWER, '08 H. WATSON DAVISON, '08 Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. POETRY. W e will acknowledge that some persons are more poetic in their thoughts than others, yet we believe that there are a larger number who could write poetry worth reading, if they would make the attempt. There is more of the mechanical in writing poetry than appears on the surface. In reading a poem we are so affected with the loftiness ot thought or the elegance of style that we do not think of the ground work or THE MERCURY. 177 plan by which it was effected. Poetry is not idle rhyme but a well developed plan, the discription of a beautiful thought. We notice a great difference between poetry and prose, both in style and effect. This distinction is difficult to describe; just as the metallic lustre, of a mineral, we know it is a prop-erty but can not thoroughly define it." We notice that poetry is more ornate; it is crowded with thought and beauty ; it pierces the very soul. For example take the quotation from Bell: " Rich were the sable robes she wore." This is animat-ing and suggestive ; but suppress the emphasis by a rearrange-ment of the words : " She wore rich sable robes." You now notice how flattered, how less attractive it is. Often too, rhyme lends charm to the poem, though not necssarily so, as some of the best are written in blank verse. The requisites for writing worthy poetry are out of the ordinary, but by no means unat-tainable. Furthermore we must not think that our work has been a failure because it does not measure up to the master-pieces, which are often the work of genius or years of exper-ience. THE READING One of the most important advantages afforded ROOMS. the students by the college authorities is the reading rooms and the provision for the management of the same. It is there that we have placed before us the daily news-papers, the weekly and monthly magazines. In them we have news of all kinds ; the daily occurrences and happenings, the papers depicting the sportive side of life, and the magazines which contain the latest discussions, from different points of view, by men who are leaders and thinkers. We are obliged to search the pages of history for the past, but we only have to open our eyes to see the present as it is being acted before us. It is surprising to note the small number who really take advantage of this great opportunity, and to see the large number of magazines on the shelves during the open hours. Many confine most of their time to the athletic news and the papers of jest. We do not condemn a certain amount of this kind of reading-but are obliged to do so when it is engaged in to a i78 THE MERCURY. fault. Our ignorance of the times places us at a decided dis-advantage especially in college life. We are unable to handle impromptu speaking ; we will find ourselves lacking in material for -debate, and are at a loss as to what to write on an essay subject, if we have not read an thus formed some opinion and conclusion of our own. Let us form a conclusion of our own, for what we have read is only an opinion and one of the pos-sible attitudes to the subject. By reading we become ac-quainted with the facts from which we are able to draw our conclusion. A short time each day spent in the reading rooms is not only the privilege but the duty of every one who is seek-ing a thorough college training. M The question ot literary societies is an old LITERARY SOCIETIES. Qne^ but js of such jmportance that it can not be emphasized to often. There seems to be somewhat of a renewal of the literary spirit this year; the weekly meetings show a larger attendance and a new enthusiasm in the work. This is to be highly commended ; for we can not say too much of the influence which this kind of work has upon those who actively engage in it. It seems to broaden a man in every way ; he learns to think and talk before audiences without pre-vious preparation; it is a good help in training one to express his thoughts clearly and concisely; one is soon aware of a cer-tain ease with which he recites his lessons; there is even noti-ceable more freedom in ordinary conversation. Over one half of the first term has passed. Have you joined one of the so-cieties ? If you have not done so, do it at once. Either one of them will amply repay you for the time spent in it. How-ever we do not wish to be understood to say that your name upon the roll or even your presence at the meetings will bene-fit you ; those facts only give you the opportunity; you must do the rest. For a time it may be burdensome for you to take part in the program, but through constant effort it will soon be-come a pleasure. We assure you that if you join with a de-termination to work, and make service your motto, success will be yours. THE MERCURY. 179 EXCHANGES. There are many excellent points about the exchanges this month, among which is an article in The Dickinsonian written by an alumnus, " Preparing a Debate." The writer is an ex-perienced and successful debatorand consequently the methods which he sets forth should not be passed over lightly by those who are desirous of becoming good debators. Only a few of the points can be reproduced here. " A debate is not won alone by the brilliant work done upon the platform, but is largely won in the laborious and silent days of preparation. It is then that they construct their line of defense and obtain the undeniable facts upon which they are to erect their fortress of argument. * * * * Again a whole volume of argument must be contracted into a ten minute thunderbolt, and victory usually rests with the men who can make the most of that fleeting ten minutes. This work requires ability and carelul thought. * * * * We collected all of the arguments, pro and con, and discussed them. Our next move was to construct as strong a brief as we possibly could of our opponents' case. This is well as it forces one to build his own case with a thorough understand-ing of the opposition, and he therefore puts a truer valuation on the worth of the arguments which enter into his brief of debate. After this was done we began the construction of our own cose. * * * * We took up every possible argu-ment for our opponents and carefully prepared an answer to each point which we thought they might present. Do not de-pend on constructing answers on your feet, from your general knowledge of the subject, but be prepared with facts, skill-fully marshalled, under whose fire their arguments will be swept away. In addition to this we endeavored to anticipate the possible answers which our opponents would make to our own arguments and to construct counter rebuttals." In addi-tion to all this, physical training is necessary ; for " nothing so requires vigor and thorough command of one's nerves as a debate contest; " so this debator trained just like an athlete. He was careful of his eating hours and of what he ate; he avoided pastry and most desserts; he took an extra amount of i8o THE MERCURY. light exercise in the open air, and took plenty of sleep—never buring the midnight oil. So when the night of debate came he was in the best possible condition both mentally and phy-sically. His success has given ample proof of the efficiency of his methods. " Extinction of The American Indian " in The Drury Mirror is one of those articles, often met with, which seem to be products of over-heated brains, or diseased imaginations. Do you think that it was after a calm, deliberate and just in-vestigation of the facts that the following was written ? " Call not this result barbarism succumbing to civilization ; call it not the survival of the fittest; call it rather the result of hypo-critical intrigue, of broken agreements. Let us lay the charge of this terrible obliteration at the doors of our own character. Avaricious, we mercilessly seized the Indian's lands; domi-neering, we overrode the rights of the Redman and disre-regarded our duty to him ; impatient, we refused the savage time and opportunity to accustom himself to the great change civilization brought; non-assimilative, we said, " the only good Indian was a dead one." * * * * And now! The last chapter has been written ; "congress, the vote-seeking, hold-out-your- had-for money congress, although breaking treaties and agreements, although shattering the sacred ho^e of the terri-tory Indians for separate statehood, has done the thing most feared and dreaded—brought Indian Territory and Oklahoma into the Union as one state, under the name Oklahoma." We are glad to acknowledge receipt of the following ex-changes : Otterbein Aegis, The Haverfordian, Western Mary-land Monthly, The Oivl, The Philomathean Monthly, The Col-lege Student, The Drnry Mirror, The Augsburg S. S. Teacher, The Mountaineer, The Dickinsonian, The State Collegian, The Forum, The Crimson and White, The Albright Bulletin, The Argus, The Youth's Companion, The Siisquehanna, The Jitniatd Echo, 'The Amulet, The Manitou Messenger, The Hartivick Seminary Monthly, The Augustana Observer, The High School News, (Lancaster), The Viatorian, and The Midland. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISER'S FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. H. IB. IBend-er 37 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. The Windsor Hotel 1217=2 Filbert St., Philadelphia. Headquarters for Students. Thoroughly Renovated, Refurnished and Remodeled FRANK M. SCHEIBLEY, Manager. ^Graduate of Lafayette College 1898. A* G. Spalding & Bros. Largest Manufacturers in the World of Official Athletic Supplies Base Ball Lawn Tennis Foot Ball Archery Roque Quoits Cricket Lacrosse Golf Implements for all Sports Spalding's Official Base Ball Guide for 1906. Edited by Henry Chadwick. The most complete and up-to-date book ever published oh the subject. Fully illustrated. Price 10 Cents. Spalding's Official League Ball is the adopted ball of the National League, and must be used in all match games. Every requisite for Lawn Ten-nis and Golf. For over a quarter of a century Spalding's Trade-Mark on Base Ball implements has marked the advancement in this particular sport. Spalding's Trade Mark on our Athletic Implement gives you an advantage over the other player as you have a better article, lasts longer, gives more satisfaction. Every Base Ball Manager should send at oncefor a copy of Spalding's Spring and Sun:' mer Catalogue—FREE. A. G. SPALDING «S BROS. New York, Chicago, Boston, Buffalo, Washington, San Francisco, Philadelphia, Kansas City, Montreal, Canada, New Orleans, London. England, Denver, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Syracuse, St. Louis, Minneapolis, Baltimore, Hamburg, Germany PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. 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