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Though largely unknown today, "Ned Buntline" (Edward Zane Carroll Judson) was one of the most influential authors of 19th-century America. He published over 170 novels, edited multiple popular and political publications, and helped pioneer the seafaring adventure, city mystery and Western genres. It was his pirate tales that Tom Sawyer constantly reenacted, his "Bowery B'hoys" that came to define the distinctive slang and swagger of urban American characters, and his novels and plays that turned an unknown scout into Buffalo Bill, King of the Border Men. But before "Ned Buntline" became a mainstay of the popular press, he had been on his way to becoming one of the nation's highbrow literary elites. He was praised by the leading critics, edited an important literary journal, and his stories appeared in the era's most prestigious publications. This study examines how and why "Ned Buntline" moved from prestigious to popular authorship and argues that the transformation was precipitated by one very specific event: in 1846, Edward Z. C. Judson was lynched. A close examination of Judson's life, writing, and the coverage of him in the newspapers of the day (including the remarkable story of how he survived a lynching) demonstrates that the same issues that led to his lynching also led to his rebirth as a new kind of American author.

The COURAGE country reports provide nation-specific data in a European frame of reference to categorize and compare the various collections on cultural opposition in the former socialist countries. In principle, each former socialist country in Europe is treated in one report. To produce comparable data and categories for further analytical work, the country reports provide answers to a standardised set of questions. These questions are designed to produce comprehensive information on the collections. Questions address how the institutions which collected the records and products of cultural opposition in the former socialist countries were established, the concepts on which they were based, and the ways in which they have evolved from the late socialist period to the present day. Major actors, goals, and strategies are mapped, and major changes are put in the context of the political, legal, financial, and cultural conditions of the collections.

The argument of this article is that a universal, transcultural entrepreneurship concept should not reduce the term to the popular notion of legal business creation. Therefore, the paper first explores why talking about entrepreneurship has become so popular in recent years and which role anthropology as a discipline could or should play in the politics of the contemporary entrepreneurship discourse. Secondly, the problems of entrepreneurship as a multi-disciplinary field of research are presented and different disciplinary approaches to entrepreneurship are discussed. Finally, it is suggested that agency-driven innovation in relation to local surroundings should be the theoretical core of an anthropological entrepreneurship concept.

The creation and succession of states is often realized through the conclusion of specific peace and border treaties. This is also the case for Switzerland. While it is true that the country has had a relatively stable legal framework for the last 200 years (since 1815), it is too often forgotten that agreements reached with foreign States (also after 1815, and sometimes even without the explicit consent of the small country itself) were fundamental for its development and recognition. In addition, the legal status and the exact definition of its territory have been shaped by specific international arbitral awards and court decisions. These sources of international law must be considered foundational parts of the legal framework defining the country. While Swiss (constitutional) historians seem perfectly aware of this development, these aspects have been largely overlooked by public international law scholars.

For historians dealing with text, the changeover from paper to digital sources represents a major change. By expanding text archives - turned into hypertexts, un-linear and denaturalised -, the digital increases the navigation capabilities within corpora, reveals new linguistics aspects that can be observed, and transforms our reading practices. Logometry, the method using computer-assisted reading, has been contributing to these evolutions over the last four decades by proposing tools that combine qualitative reading and quantitative approaches to digital corpora, with the goal of formalising the hermeneutic interpretive process. This article will present its principle functions through its application to a corpus of electoral manifestos written under the Fifth Republic (1958-2007). ; SCOPUS: re.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Nulle part la pensée théo-conservatrice n'a autant mérité son nom que sous la plume souvent épique de Richard John Neuhaus (1936-2009). Cet esprit ardent et polémique, passe du radicalisme chrétien de gauche dans les années 1960, à la contestation chrétienne de droite dans les années 1970, puis de la foi luthérienne à la foi catholique dans les années 1980. Il commence sa vie politique avec le mouvement pour les droits civils et se forge à la lutte de terrain dans le mouvement anti-guerre au Vietnam. Quelque vingt ans plus tard, en 1984, il devient avec The Naked Public Square : Religion and Democracy in America, le penseur le plus incisif de la nouvelle mouvance théo-conservatrice. C'est lui qui impose, dans le débat politique américain, l'idée que la religion a été indûment et catastrophiquement exclue de la sphère publique, non pas tant sous l'effet d'une évolution libérale structurelle des institutions publiques, du droit et de la société américains, qu'à cause des manoeuvres des 'élites sécularisées' contaminées par une modernité athée et « importée », coupées du Peuple et méprisant sa volonté. Personnalité déroutante, il apparaît marxiste dans son analyse des élites captatrices et monopolistiques, républicain et jacobin dans sa vision d'un Peuple souverain dépossédé de son droit d'expression religieuse (chrétienne), nationaliste dans sa certitude de l'exception (providentielle) des Etats-Unis , populiste et révolutionnaire dans son appel (démocratique) à chasser les fossoyeurs de Dieu et du Peuple, qui font courir l'Amérique à sa perte et défigurent sa vocation. Frôlant l'autoritarisme, il se considère comme profondément démocrate. Frôlant la théocratie, il se considère comme le plus fervent défenseur des libertés américaines. Sa vie spirituelle est le moteur de son combat et elle est également mouvementée.

The corporative project opened a new institutional channel for the participation in the political sphere of intellectuals from different political and cultural backgrounds. It attracted to its Fascist framework various representatives - such as syndicalists, reformist socialists, and catholics of different tendencies - put together by the common intent to transform the liberal order by enhancing the representation of interests and of the social bodies. I intend to examine this issue by firstly focusing on the third Congress of corporative studies in Rome (1935), a rather peculiar Italo-French conference which showcased the corporative topic's potential in disseminating the Fascist self-representation across the international field, but also shed a light on the gap between the European scope of the corporatist debate, and its internal dynamics in the context of the Fascist state building. Indeed, the Italian-French discussion revealed a standstill in the Italian corporative drive, which in 1935 had long overtook its initial stages and was confronted with its actual functioning within the fascist regime. Subsequently, I intend to give consideration to the role of Giuseppe Bottai as politician-intellectual. He had been consistently advocating a "constitutional" conception of the corporative state as the fundamental ingredient for an integral reshaping of the relationship between state, society and economy, for a new and totalitarian overcoming of either the liberal individualism and the socialist collectivism. This "constitutional" conception fostered high expectations towards the establishment of the corporatist State in 1934, and thereafter caused a subsequent disillusion among the most committed of Bottai's assistants, such as Luigi Fontanelli, Agostino Nasti, Giuseppe Del Giudice, Giuseppe Landi, Bruno Biagi, which will be examined in turn. Finally, I mean to point out the importance of the year 1935 as a turning point in the "consensus" to fascist corporatism. The aggression to Ethiopia entailed a massive re-orientation of Italian intellectuals towards the imperial experience, but on the other hand it triggered a steep decrease in the sympathy gained by fascist corporatism among European intellectuals of the left, (also of the Catholic left, which participated to the Italo-French conference). In this perspective, I assume that the "constitutional" value assigned to the corporatist topic by the most original fascists like Bottai and his assistants, was somehow inherited by the concept of labour, as a sort of metaphysic of the society and a prime source of legitimation for the State. As a conclusion, I mean to argue that the labour topic, although emerged in a distinctly Fascist context during the late 1930s, was not entirely connected with the fascist self-representation, and therefore was able get through the war, and to undergo the transition to republican democracy, by providing a terrain of convergence between the left and the democratic catholics.

El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar los pagos de parias que se realizaron en la Península Ibérica, entendidas como un pago de periodicidad anual en moneda, que un poder musulmán realizaba, bajo coacción militar, a un poder cristiano, a cambio de un cese de las hostilidades o del mantenimiento de una situación de no agresión mutua por parte de grandes contingentes militares, entre el siglo XI y el siglo XV. Dedicamos apartados diferenciados a analizar la realidad de las parias tras el colapso del Califato de Córdoba, con los pagos realizados por los reinos de taifas a los reinos de Castilla, Aragón, Navarra y condado de Barcelona. También analizamos el fenómeno durante el siglo XII, en el que tratamos los pagos recibidos por Castilla y Aragón a cargo de los rebeldes contra almorávides y almohades. Acabamos por tratar los abonos de parias realizados por el reino nazarí a Castilla durante su existencia política entre el siglo XIII y el siglo XV. Hemos demostrado es que las parias no son un fenómeno aislado, exclusivo de la Península Ibérica. Hasta ahora, las parias se habían estudiado circunscritas a un espacio únicamente peninsular, mientras que nosotros hemos optado por incluir otros espacios medievales como Oriente Medio, Francia o Inglaterra. También se ha puesto de manifiesto que las parias no son una institución única, sino que va cambiando y tiene objetivos distintos según el espacio y la cronología que analicemos. ; The aim of this thesis is to analyse the payments of parias that were made in the Iberian Peninsula, understood as an annual payment in currency, that a Muslim power made, under military duress, to a Christian power in exchange for a stop of the hostilities or the maintenance of a situation of mutual non-aggression by large military contingents, between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. We devote sections to the analysis og the parias after the collapse of the Caliphate of Córdoba, with the payments made by the Taifa kingdoms to the kingdoms of Castilla, Aragón, Navarra and the county of Barcelona. We also have analyzed the phenomenon during the twelfth century, in which we treated the payments received by Castile and Aragon by the rebels against Almoravids and Almohads. We have ended by studying the parias payments made by the Nasrid kingdom to Castile during its political existence between the thirteenth century and the fifteenth century. We have shown that parias are not an isolated phenomenon, exclusive of the Iberian Peninsula. Until now, the parias had been studied circumscribed to the Iberian Peninsula, while we have chosen to include other medieval spaces in our study such as the Middle East, France or England. It has also become clear that the parias are not an unique institution, but that they change and have different objectives adapting to the space and the chronology in which they take place. ; Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia. Contrato para la Formación del Profesorado Universitario (FPU14/00192)

Margaret Thatcher was prime minister from 1979 to 1990, during which time her Conservative administration transformed the political landscape of Britain. Science Policy under Thatcher is the first book to examine systematically the interplay of science and government under her leadership. Thatcher was a working scientist before she became a professional politician, and she maintained a close watch on science matters as prime minister. Scientific knowledge and advice were important to many urgent issues of the 1980s, from late Cold War questions of defence to emerging environmental problems such as acid rain and climate change. Drawing on newly released primary sources, Jon Agar explores how Thatcher worked with and occasionally against the structures of scientific advice, as the scientific aspects of such issues were balanced or conflicted with other demands and values. To what extent, for example, was the freedom of the individual scientist to choose research projects balanced against the desire to secure more commercial applications? What was Thatcher's stance towards European scientific collaboration and commitments? How did cuts in public expenditure affect the publicly funded research and teaching of universities? In weaving together numerous topics, including AIDS and bioethics, the nuclear industry and strategic defence, Agar adds to the picture we have of Thatcher and her radically Conservative agenda, and argues that the science policy devised under her leadership, not least in relation to industrial strategy, had a prolonged influence on the culture of British science.

Sous la direction de Philippe Tétard ; préface de Georges Vigarell. ; International audience ; En France, de la Belle Époque aux années 1930, les supporters sont bien moins ordinaires qu'aujourd'hui. On les croise cependant, en nombre grandissant, dans les salles de boxe, les vélodromes, les stades de rugby et, surtout, de football. Ils s'y montrent passionnés, querelleurs, parfois vindicatifs lorsqu'ils pourchassent un adversaire, un arbitre-leur bouc émissaire préféré… Jusqu'à présent, on ne savait rien d'eux ou presque. Contrastant avec la littérature sociologique sur leurs actuels héritiers, leur histoire était une terra incognita sur laquelle les historiens réunis ici se sont aventurés. Entre essai de synthèse sur les supporters à l'échelle nationale - en particulier sur les clubs - et études sur des régions (Nord, Corse), des villes (Paris, Nice, Marseille, Rennes, Toulouse), sur des figures singulières (la supportrice, le supporter de rugby), sur les enjeux littéraires, politiques et européens, enfin sur des temps forts du calendrier comme la Coupe de France, ils révèlent la richesse de cette facette de l'histoire sociale et culturelle du sport. Ce faisant, ils éclairent d'un nouveau jour la généalogie des passions sportives contemporaines. Dans l'entre-deux-guerres, le supporter est en effet animé par un puissant esprit festif, régionaliste et patriotique. Il suscite aussi, déjà, de vifs débats sur les vices et les vertus de l'idolâtrie sportive. Bref, ce supporterisme à la française avait une histoire. Il fallait commencer à l'écrire. C'est chose faite.

This article intends to examine Hans Kelsen's contribution to the establishing of the first Austrian Constitutional court, analyzing the key differences between Kelsen's model of Constitutional court and that of his German mentor, the Jurist Georg Jelline ; Este artículo pretende examinar la contribución de Hans Kelsen al establecimiento de la primera corte constitucional austriaca, analizando las diferencias clave entre el modelo de corte constitucional de Kelsen y el de su mentor alemán, el jurista Georg J