Suchergebnisse

Dieser Artikel untersucht aus ideengeschichtlicher Perspektive die Sichtweise, die norwegische Anthroposophen in der Zeit zwischen den Weltkriegen bis kurz nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg auf Juden und das Judentum hatten. Ein zentraler Punkt dieser Untersuchung ist zu zeigen, dass norwegische Anthroposophen eine antisemitische Auffassung vom Judentum hatten und Judentum als negatives Gegenstück zum Germanentum oder Deutschtum verstanden. Im einführenden Abschnitt zur Kontextualisierung wird neben Rudolf Steiners Definition von Judentum der große Einfluss geschildert, den er auf die norwegischen Anthroposophen hatte. Steiners Sicht auf Juden wird als assimilationistischer Antisemitismus definiert. Zweitens werden die grundlegenden Züge des norwegischen Germanentums und Antisemitismus dieser Zeit beschrieben. ; This article is an investigation, from the perspective of the history of ideas, of the view that central Norwegian anthroposophists took of Jews and Judaism from the interwar period to the period shortly after the Second World War. A central element of the investigation is the demonstration that Norwegian anthroposophists had an anti- Semitic understanding of Judaism and that they considered Judaism as the negative counterpart to Germanentum and Deutschtum. An introductory contextualizing section of this paper gives an account of Rudolf Steiner's definition of Judaism and of the decisive influence he had on the Norwegian anthroposophists. Steiner's view of Jews is defined as assimilationist anti-Semitism. Secondly, there will be a description of the principal characteristics of the Norwegian Germanentum and anti-Semitism in this period.

Japan has been well-known due to its advanced technology innovation particularly in the field of industrial technology. Some Japanese manufactures that based on technological development have become the main supplier of high-technology goods in many countries in the world most importantly in Asia. Since 1970s, Japan government has implemented its foreign assistance called Official Development Assistance (ODA) to developing countries including Indonesia. Japan has assisted the developing countries through its export-credit program. This paper will discuss the effectiveness of ODA and its implementation. In the first part of this paper, it will elaborate the history and structure of Japan's ODA. In the next part, it will also explain the successful achievement of this program. Besides, it will also examine whether or not the implementation of this assistance has effectively reached its target and goals. The understanding of essential component of development strategy to increase the ODA's effectiveness is related with the usage of that assistance in the recipient country. This perception is in line with Kevin Morrison (2000) saying the four elements of foreign assistance's effectiveness particularly the technical assistance of Japan.

When an article similar to this one was published in Canada, it reflected primarily knowledge derived from firsthand experience in several provinces and territories, and empirical research in Ontario and British Columbia. Since that article was published in 2013, this new article reflects my research on recent publications in the United States on Workers' Compensation. The article begins by explaining the damaging and overwhelming significance of experience rating. To enhance an understanding of current situations, the article then explains the legal history of Occupational Health & Safety and Workers' Compensation. Then the role of physicians is discussed, particularly the difficulties they often have in distinguishing questions of law from questions of medicine. The article then deals with how decisions are made in the claims department of a Workers' Compensation Board and by appeals tribunals. The practice of actuaries is explained, including the problems that their role creates. The limited role of judicial review is then mentioned, and finally the significance of the North American Free Trade Agreement and the World Trade Organization. The article concludes with conclusions and comments.

India is one of the most unequal societies of the world. At the same time, it has the distinction of having the longest history of affirmative action programmes for alleviating socio-economic inequalities. Currently, three social groups—the Scheduled Castes (SCs), the Scheduled Tribes (STs) and the Other Backward Classes (OBCs)—enjoy the benefits of affirmative action programmes, of reservation in particular. However, the demands to get acknowledged as 'disadvantaged' and for inclusion in the system of affirmative action have not stopped. Of late, the demands for reservation for disadvantaged minorities, Muslims in particular, have ignited intense and polarized debates. All this has not only complicated the politics of 'recognition' and 'redistribution' but also affected the discourse on and capacity of existing affirmative measures to tackle the issue of group-based disadvantages. Against this backdrop, the objective of this article is two-fold: ( a) to get into the complexities underlying the idea of affirmative action for Muslims; and ( b) to move the debates on affirmative action beyond 'one policy fits all' perspective.

This article compares security dynamics at two Olympic Games hosted by Canada: Montreal (1976) and Vancouver (2010). It is the first study of security at the Montreal Olympics and was only made possible after four years of requests under the Access to Information Act that resulted in the release of thousands of classified security documents in French and English. A comparative study of the two largest peacetime security operations in Canadian history offers unique insights into the challenges of hosting a major international gathering in the aftermath of an international terrorist incident: the 1972 Munich massacre and the 11 September 2001 attack on the World Trade Center. The comparison further offers an opportunity to chart the continuities and differences in Olympic security over time. We focus in part on how the historical context of each event informed 'imaginaries of disaster'. We also examine continuities in the official security response, such as the emphasis on advance intelligence gathering, security 'mock-ups', manpower allocation, coalitions of security agencies and technological innovation. We conclude with some considerations on security legacies and the importance of major event security as a subject of comparative inquiry.

The translation of Rudolf Bode's Rhythm and its Importance for Education and Rudolf Laban's 'Eurhythmy and kakorhythmy in art and education' aims at unearthing rhythm-related discourses in the Germany of the 1920s. If for most of the English-speaking world the translation of Henri Lefebvre's Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time and Everyday Life marks the moment in which rhythm descends into the theoretical arena, these texts, seen in their connection with other sources, express, instead, the degree to which rhythm was omnipresent in philosophical, artistic, socio-economical and psychological discourses at the turn of the 20th century. Some commentators, such as Lubkoll, have recently highlighted the centrality of rhythm in Modernity, lamenting a lack of scholarship focusing on this phenomenon. This is arguably due to a lack of access to sources accentuated by the language barrier; if, indeed, the 'rhythmanalysis' of the turn of the century is not an exclusively Teutonic phenomenon, it is also true that a copious amount of material on rhythm of this period is written in German and remains untranslated. In this sense, then, this translation aims at contributing to the project of a cultural history of rhythm.

Muhammad Ali, who ruled Egypt between 1805 and 1849, intervened in Egyptian markets in an attempt to foster industrialization, especially between 1812 and 1840. Like a modern marketing board, the state purchased agricultural commodities (cotton and wheat) at low prices and sold them on world markets at much higher prices, a policy equivalent to an export tax. Ali also replaced tax farming with his own land taxes. The revenues so derived were used in part to finance manufacturing investment and to build irrigation canals. In addition, Ali supplied flax and cotton at those cheap purchase prices to domestic textile manufacturing, thus subsidizing the industry. He also used non‐tariff barriers to exclude foreign competition from domestic markets. Were Ali's state‐led policies successful in fostering industry? The answer is no easier to extract from this phase of Egyptian history than from that of other poor countries at that time. This is because Egypt faced the same terms of trade boom typical of most poor commodity exporters, which was causing de‐industrialization everywhere else in the poor periphery. Ali picked a very difficult time to pursue his agenda, but we show that his policies were successful.

This article examines Czechoslovak refugee policy and particularly reactions to the refugee crises of the late 1930s, after the Anschluss with Austria and the Munich Agreement. As well as facing waves of refugees from Austria, the Sudetenland and elsewhere, Czechoslovakia by the late 1930s was changing from a place of refuge into a refugee-generating country as its own citizens were forced to flee. The article will focus on the relationship between successive refugee crises (and the introduction of a highly restrictive and anti-Jewish refugee policy) and the decline of a multiethnic society (measured by the concept of citizenship). Particular attention will be paid to the radical shift post-Munich from the limited tolerance of interwar Czechoslovakia to the nationalist, ethnically-exclusive, antisemitic and authoritarian Second Czecho-Slovak Republic. These developments will be traced against the background of the history of the refugee policy of interwar Czechoslovakia and other refugee-receiving countries in Europe. The link between the refugee crisis of 1938 and the emergence of an ethnically intolerant Czechoslovak state post-Second World War will also be explored.

Chinese foreign policy towards the Middle East is undergoing geopolitical and geostrategic transformation. In spite of the fact that there are constant determinants in China's policy toward the Middle East and its major issues such as the Arab-Israeli conflict, new rules are being applied with regard to Chinese relations with the major powers that have interests in the region. This is understood to be a fundamental development and major change in determining the future and balance of power in the region, and perhaps in the world order. This study uses a 'national interest' approach to clarify the strategy that China has pursued in protecting its national interests in the Middle East, and in particular in the wake of the political developments that the region has been undergoing since 2010. The study gives a background history of Chinese foreign policy on the Arab–Israeli conflict, the recent changes in Chinese foreign policy regarding the Arab–Israeli conflict and the expected future of Chinese foreign policy on the Arab–Israeli conflict. Finally the study gives recommendations pertaining to Arab–Chinese relations.

Books reviewed in this issue.Social democracy: Is there any hope left?
HELEN THOMPSONMaking Capitalism Fit for Society, by Colin Crouch.And once again: Social democracy, what is to be done?
Michele Di DonatoProgressive Politics after the Crash. Governing from the Left, edited by Olaf Cramme, Patrick Diamond and Michael McTernan.The surge of 'post‐ism': no more comprehensive solutions?
Derek HookPsychoanalysis and Social Involvement. Interpretation and Action, by Uri Hadar.A voice from Wales: Unionism, Scotland and the case for federalism
Jonathan BradburyThe Reformed Union, The UK as a Federation, by David Melding.Democracies don't bluff
Gianfranco PasquinoThe Confidence Trap. A History of Democracy in Crisis from World War I to the Present, by David Runciman.The revolutionary Pankhurst
June HannamSylvia Pankhurst: Suffragette, Socialist and Scourge of Empire, by Katherine Connelly.Orwell, the patriotic rebel
Lindsay DuguidGeorge Orwell: English Rebel by Robert Colls.Getting on and getting old
Brian GroombridgeOut of Time. The Pleasures and Perils of Ageing, by Lynne Segal.Alan Johnson: the genuine (working‐class) article?
D. J. TaylorThis Boy: A Memoir of a Childhood, by Alan Johnson.

This essay examines how Du Bois's critique of global political economy proceeds as a critique of American constitutionalism in his 1935 Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880. Analyzing how Du Bois reworks a set of Marxian concepts—phantasmagoria, fetish, and transubstantiation—toward a theory of the "new imperialism," Powers argues that Black Reconstruction subverts a triumphal narrative of American constitutionalism as exceptionalism by undoing the temporality of legal progressivism that sustains it. Writing against a generation of historians who treated Reconstruction as an anomalous deviation from an American constitutionalism thought to embody the realization of immanent reason at the end of history, Du Bois demonstrates that the forms of barbarism, custom, and status posited as prior in this telos of constitutional progress to be products of the American juridico-political regime. Through examining the ways in which the Constitution operates as a fetish that doubly posits a fiction of race war as an alibi for its own lawlessness, and a fiction of world-historical lawlessness as an alibi for empire, Du Bois punctures a doctrine of race that phantasmagorically distorts human capacity for both juridical and phenomenological modes of recognition.

AbstractDespite the prominence of both migrant workers and "global commons" as protagonists in recent meetings of the World Social Forum, few activists or scholars have successfully linked their historical agency or significance. In the following essay, I locate conceptual starting points for linking migrant workers and global commons by analyzing the work of the transnational and the commons in political conversation at the WSF and in the historiographies of immigration and the environment in North America. I argue that the transnational and global commons are best understood as analytical vantages rather than as utopian visions of nation-state transcendence. Using research into the history of human trafficking, I explore the analytical advantages of linking migrant workers to global commons. As inevitable trespassers of both national sovereignty and property claims, migrant workers' journeys help reveal a global commons that is, like them, migratory, fleeting, and often illegible to the state authorities. Such commons are not pristine wildernesses, but polyglots of weedy hybrids. Migrant workers' transnational vantages illuminate the limits of enclosure and the enduring adaptability of nonhuman nature across national boundaries.

AbstractThis article addresses the issue of disciplinary variety in French International Relations (IR) from the perspective of Bourdieu's scientific field theory. The tug of war between 'dominants' and 'pretenders' for the control of IR as 'their' discipline in French academia originates from the difficulty of (only) one discipline, that is, political science, monopolising IR. Compared to other subfields of political science, IR is the field of research that borrows most from other scholarly disciplines. These difficulties strengthened the imperviousness of French IR to the works of IR scholars from the Anglo-American world; until very recently, insularity and particularism could not proceed much further. This period matches roughly to one in which IR was dominated, in France, by law and history. Today there is still a very strong influence of this period when scholars from disciplines other than political science distrusted IR theories. Other reasons related to the issue of the disciplinary variety of IR, for instance the absence of a general acknowledgment of the peer-review system, may contribute to the complexity, if not confusion, which characterises the identify of French IR.

This article analyzes the magical realist mode of writing in two novels by Polish author Olga Tokarczuk: Primeval and Other Times (1996) and House of Day, House of Night (1998). While Tokarczuk herself rejects the label "magical realism," her novels exhibit such key magical realist characteristics as disruption of rationally ordered time and space, the rejection of dominant historical and cultural narratives, an exploration of alternate epistemological forms of inquiry, and literalization of language, metaphor, and imagination. In Primeval, Tokarczuk presents a world that exists at the intersection between cyclical (mythical) and linear times; in House the novel asserts historical order through the dominance of space over time. In both novels, Tokarczuk's poetics of the Word (Logos) becomes key to establishing a sense of magical realism in the texts. By using these and other magical realist narrative techniques, Tokarczuk deftly questions dominant discourses of Polish history and culture, such as that of the "Recovered Territories" or the power of religious faith. The presence of the magical realist mode in Tokarczuk's work has important implications for the study of magical realism in general and Polish literary studies in particular.

Historical dimensions for the cubit are provided by scripture and pyramid documentation. Additional dimensions from the Middle East are found in other early documents. Two major dimensions emerge from a history of the cubit. The first is the anthropological or short cubit, and the second is the architectual or long cubit. The wide geographical area and long chronological period suggest that cubit dimensions varied over time and geographic area. Greek and Roman conquests led to standardization. More recent dimensions are provided from a study by Francis Galton based upon his investigations into anthropometry. The subjects for Galton's study and those of several other investigators lacked adequate sample descriptions for producing a satisfactory cubit/forearm dimension. This finding is not surprising given the demise of the cubit in today's world. Contemporary dimensions from military and civilian anthropometry for the forearm and hand allow comparison to the ancient unit. Although there appears no pressing need for a forearm-hand/cubit dimension, the half-yard or half-meter unit seems a useful one that could see more application.