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Debating gender. Natural and unnatural woman : Melusine inside and out -- Nurturing debate in le Roman de Silence -- The man backing down from the lady in Trobairitz Tensos -- Having fun with women : why a feminist teaches Fabliaux -- Sartorial bodies. Hats and veils : there's no such thing as freedom of choice, and it's a good thing too -- When the knight undresses, his clothing speaks : vestimentary allegories in the works of Baudouin de Conde -- John/Eleanor Rykener revisited -- Mapping margins. Women's healing : from binaries to a nexus -- Silk in the age of Marco Polo -- Another land's end of literature : Honorat Bover and the Timbuktu -- Female authority : networks and influence. Anne de Bretagne and Anne de France : French female networks at the dawn of the Renaissance -- Staging female authority in Chantilly : Marguerite de Navarre's La Coche -- Babies and books : the holy kinship as a way of thinking about women's power in late medieval northen Europe -- Page layout and reading practices in Christine de pisan's Epistre Othea : reading with the ladies in London

A response to Teresa L. Ebert's "The Knowable Good: Post-al Politics, Ethics & Red Feminism," (1995 [see abstract 9702691]), which argues that, while sympathetic to a notion of transformative politics & interested in the exploitative dynamics of capitalism, Marxism per se is not sufficiently equipped to provide such a politics. To develop a more productive Marxist praxis, theorists must be less dismissive of recent poststructural & postmodern critiques & become more engaged with the specific abstract categories underpinning contemporary theory & epistemology. Particular attention is paid in this regard to the problem of causality & the associated problem of agency. Ebert is criticized for caricaturing the concerns of new stands of theorizing in these areas & for ignoring the positive contributions they may make to a reformulated Marxism. A call is made for a Marxism that captures the politics of economic relations as well as the politics of identity & discourse. 15 References. D. M. Smith

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Prologue. Feminismo americano -- 1. A New Force in the History of the World -- 2. The Anti-imperialist Origins of International Women's Rights -- 3. Feminismo práctico -- 4. The Great Feminist Battle of Montevideo -- 5. The Birth of Popular Front Pan-American Feminism -- 6. United Fronts for Women's Rights and for Human Rights -- 7. Mobilizing Women's Rights as Human Rights -- 8. The Latin American Contribution to the Constitution of the World -- Epilogue. History and Human Rights -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y

"Investigating minority and indigenous women's rights in Muslim-majority states, this book critically examines the human rights regime within international law. Based on extensive and diverse ethnographic research on Amazigh women in Morocco, the book unpacks and challenges generally accepted notions of rights and equality. Significantly, and controversially, the book challenges the supposedly 'emancipatory' power vested in the human rights project; arguing that rights-based discourses are sites of contestation for different groups that use them to assert their agency in society. More specifically, it shows how the very conditions that make minority and indigenous women instrumental to the preservation of their culture may condemn them to a position of subalternity. In response, and engaging the notion and meaning of Islamic feminism, the book proposes that feminism should be interpreted and contextualised locally in order to be effective and inclusive, and so in order for the human rights project to fully realise its potential to empower the marginalised and make space for their voices to be heard. Providing a detailed, empirically-based, analysis of rights in action, this book will be of relevance to scholars, students and practitioners in human rights policy and practice, in international law, minorities' and indigenous peoples' rights, gender studies, and Middle Eastern and North African Studies"--

This Element analyzes the features of current feminist movements in Latin America and their responses to conservative reactions. For this, it focuses on the pro-choice movement vis-à-vis the anti-abortion countermovement in Mexico and Brazil. It offers a relational approach embracing the dynamics within the feminist field and between feminism and the state to capture the movements' potential effects. First, the Element proposes the concept of nested feminist networks, which comprises of three dimensions revealing the plurality of the movement across intersectional and sexual identity issues (horizontal), its relationship with the multifaceted state (vertical), and the intermediation of political parties and participatory institutions in this relationship (intermediary). Second, it argues that nested networks allow feminists to enable policies and block actions from conservatives. In sum, it explores how feminists, leveraging their plurality and connection with the state, can counter conservative attacks.

Born in the second half of the 19th century, Romanian feminism manifested intensively in the interwar period, although most of the women involved in the movement were representative for female elite, not very many, compared to the rest of the population. The first feminist activists discovered the French feminism through studies and internships abroad, ties strengthening up, as the Romanian feminist movement was integrated, organized, and publicly stated, after the 1918 Union. The internationally involvement of the main associations, national actions and propaganda, the acquired "victories" (the civil rights in 1932, the political rights in 1938) constitute the irrefutable evidence that an important feminist movement existed in the Romanian territory. Moreover, the interwar period represents its peak moment, "the patriarchal indifference" manifested by both politicians and a part of public opinion, being fought with big efforts and with specific feminine patience. Romanian-French affinities, shown in our doctoral dissertation, as well as those at a programmatic, organizational level, and even those regarding the forms of manifestation, do not represent a novelty, but rather evidence of exceeding the National frame. These two countries, Latin in spirit, developed common actions within the international feminist forums, the friendship ties manifesting on both official and personal levels. But every movement is emerging in different social-political contexts, having particularities and overtones which individualize them. ; Paru dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, le féminisme roumain se manifeste dans la période d'entre les deux guerres dans toute sa puissance, quoique la plupart des femmes impliquées dans le mouvement soient les représentantes d'une élite féminine, sans des rapports trop profonds avec le reste de la population. Les premières féministes découvrent le féminisme français par l'intermédiaire des études et des stages faits à l'étranger. Leurs contacts deviennent de plus en plus durables une fois ...

Born in the second half of the 19th century, Romanian feminism manifested intensively in the interwar period, although most of the women involved in the movement were representative for female elite, not very many, compared to the rest of the population. The first feminist activists discovered the French feminism through studies and internships abroad, ties strengthening up, as the Romanian feminist movement was integrated, organized, and publicly stated, after the 1918 Union. The internationally involvement of the main associations, national actions and propaganda, the acquired "victories" (the civil rights in 1932, the political rights in 1938) constitute the irrefutable evidence that an important feminist movement existed in the Romanian territory. Moreover, the interwar period represents its peak moment, "the patriarchal indifference" manifested by both politicians and a part of public opinion, being fought with big efforts and with specific feminine patience. Romanian-French affinities, shown in our doctoral dissertation, as well as those at a programmatic, organizational level, and even those regarding the forms of manifestation, do not represent a novelty, but rather evidence of exceeding the National frame. These two countries, Latin in spirit, developed common actions within the international feminist forums, the friendship ties manifesting on both official and personal levels. But every movement is emerging in different social-political contexts, having particularities and overtones which individualize them. ; Paru dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, le féminisme roumain se manifeste dans la période d'entre les deux guerres dans toute sa puissance, quoique la plupart des femmes impliquées dans le mouvement soient les représentantes d'une élite féminine, sans des rapports trop profonds avec le reste de la population. Les premières féministes découvrent le féminisme français par l'intermédiaire des études et des stages faits à l'étranger. Leurs contacts deviennent de plus en plus durables une fois ...

Born in the second half of the 19th century, Romanian feminism manifested intensively in the interwar period, although most of the women involved in the movement were representative for female elite, not very many, compared to the rest of the population. The first feminist activists discovered the French feminism through studies and internships abroad, ties strengthening up, as the Romanian feminist movement was integrated, organized, and publicly stated, after the 1918 Union. The internationally involvement of the main associations, national actions and propaganda, the acquired "victories" (the civil rights in 1932, the political rights in 1938) constitute the irrefutable evidence that an important feminist movement existed in the Romanian territory. Moreover, the interwar period represents its peak moment, "the patriarchal indifference" manifested by both politicians and a part of public opinion, being fought with big efforts and with specific feminine patience. Romanian-French affinities, shown in our doctoral dissertation, as well as those at a programmatic, organizational level, and even those regarding the forms of manifestation, do not represent a novelty, but rather evidence of exceeding the National frame. These two countries, Latin in spirit, developed common actions within the international feminist forums, the friendship ties manifesting on both official and personal levels. But every movement is emerging in different social-political contexts, having particularities and overtones which individualize them. ; Paru dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, le féminisme roumain se manifeste dans la période d'entre les deux guerres dans toute sa puissance, quoique la plupart des femmes impliquées dans le mouvement soient les représentantes d'une élite féminine, sans des rapports trop profonds avec le reste de la population. Les premières féministes découvrent le féminisme français par l'intermédiaire des études et des stages faits à l'étranger. Leurs contacts deviennent de plus en plus durables une fois ...

This study explores feminist uses of 'gender' as a social category in relation to the phenomenon of cross-border migration and its regulation. Specifically, it examines feminist narratives produced from lived experiences of struggle that contest and contrast with the current governing of migration into Italy during the period 2007-2013. It focuses on 'gender' as (1) a structure of power affecting both migrants and citizens in destination societies and (2) a source of identification shaping the construction of feminist subjectivities. It argues that this category may be both distinguished from and interlocked with 'race' in ways that normalise or deconstruct the production of 'irregular' migration as an object of governmental power. Epistemologically, this work draws on feminist theories of knowledge in the social sciences to illuminate the making of 'gender' from the situated perspectives of predominantly white feminists. A number of tools from Critical Discourse Analysis are employed to analyse the feminist narratives collected during one year of fieldwork. The combination of feminist epistemological theories and Critical Discourse Analysis enables the study to bring to the fore the central role of resilient processes of racialization of the Italian national community in the feminist signification of 'gender'. In particular, it shows an underlying tension that drives and shapes contemporary feminist politics, one which combines the aspiration to fight racism with the sub-conscious reproduction of dominant racialising processes. Theoretically, this study promotes the collaboration among, and dialogue between, three bodies of literature: the Autonomy of Migration approach, which helps us to unravel tensions between the phenomenon of migration and governmental processes; Intersectionality, which serves to bring into view the role of 'gender' and 'race' in these social phenomena; and Transnational Feminism, which assists us in revealing methodological nationalism in applications of intersectionality. Fine-tuning these theoretical approaches, this work aspires to open up new possibilities to critically rethink the meanings of 'gender' so as to participate in the moulding of an intersectional feminist approach to migration.

This article looks at Polish women's movements in the context of how women's & social movements are defined theoretically & in the light of the development of the women's movement in Poland historically. It examines how the women's movement fits into Polish society in the light of public opinion on the women's movement, women's rights & issues of equality, also looking at how these views evolved over the 1990s, & the reasons behind them. It explores the different types of women's movements that exist in Poland, differentiating between them in terms of how much they conform to definitions of 'traditional' & 'new' social movements & in terms of the role they play in effectuating change, their relationships with domestic & international organisations, their relationship to the Catholic Church, their strategies, their formal & informal nature, & other distinguishing criteria.

In many ways, globalization created the problem of representation for feminist solidarity across the borders of the nation state. This problem is one of presenting a cohesive identity for representation in the transnational public sphere. This paper proposes a solution to this problem of a cohesive identity for women's representation by drawing on the work of Paul Ricœur. What these women seem to have in common are shared political aims, but they have no basis for those aims. This paper provides a basis for these aims by turning to Ricœur's work on collective memory from Memory, History, Forgetting. The paper concludes that it is the shared testimony through narrative hospitality, which can provide a foundation for a social bond for those with common political aims. More specifically, this common knowledge provides a justification for the representation of women and their allies in the transnational public sphere. ; De différentes manières, la globalisation a créé un problème de représentation pour la solidarité féministe au-delà des frontières de l'Etat-nation. Ce problème consiste à présenter une identité cohérente en vue d'une représentation dans la sphère publique transnationale. Cet article propose une solution à ce problème de la constitution d'une identité cohérente pour la représentation des femmes en s'appuyant sur l'œuvre de Paul Ricœur. Ce que ces femmes semblent avoir en commun, ce sont des objectifs politiques partagés, mais elles ne disposent pas de bases pour ces objectifs. Cet article fournit une base à ces objectifs en faisant appel au travail de Ricœur sur la mémoire collective développé dans La Mémoire, l'histoire, l'oubli. L'article conclut que c'est le témoignage partagé à travers l'hospitalité narrative qui peut contribuer à fonder un lien social pour ceux qui ont des objectifs politiques communs. Plus spécifiquement, cette connaissance commune fournit une justification à la représentation des femmes et de leurs alliés dans la sphère publique transnationale.