CHAPTER 1. STATE OF ENVIRONMENT IN BHUTAN -- Abstract -- Overview of Bhutan.-Ecological Zones & Climatic Features -- Land Use in Bhutan -- Source: FRMD/DOFPS. Conservation Efforts & Protected Area Systems -- Conservation Laws and Policies. Assessment of Non-Protected Areas -- Sustainable Forest Management Plans in Non-protected Area. Scientific Forest Management -- Community Forest Empowerment. Non-Wood Forest Product (NWFP) Management. Plantation and Reforestation Programs. Keystone species and Conservation Areas. Foot Notes -- Annexure 1..1 Classification and Characteristics of Vegetation Zones in Bhutan (Grierson & Long, 1983, see 19) -- Annexure 1.2 Description of Classification of Land Cover Class and Sub-Class in Bhutan (See 20) -- CHAPTER 2 -- DRIVERS AND PRESSURE ON THE STATE OF ENVIRONMENT IN BHUTAN. Abstract -- Land Use.-Hydropower projects -- Farm Roads -- Mining and Mineral Development -- Land use for Agriculture -- Waste Management -- CHAPTER 3 -- NON-VIOLENT TECHNIQUES FOR HUMAN-WILDLIFE CONFLICT RESOLUTION -- Abstract -- Contextual Framework within the ACPB -- Methodology -- Global context of HWC -- Conflict Management Strategies.-Retaliatory Actions and Violent Approaches -- Lethal Control – Counterproductive 96 -- From Conflict to Co-existence -- Safe and Non-Violent Approach -- Table 3.1 Important Elements of HWC (WWF-Bhutan, 2016; See Foot Note 78) -- Human Wildlife Conflict Policy -- Implementing Agencies for HWC. Immune-contraception for population control -- Translocation of Problem Animals -- Alternative Livelihoods -- Land-Use Planning and Landscape Management -- Mitigation Measures -- Compensation -- Performance payments -- Ecotourism and Revenue Sharing -- Community Education -- Understanding the Conflict Profile -- Reporting.-Information compilation, management and use -- Response - measures taken to alleviate a specific or ongoing HWC incident -- Monitoring and Evaluation - measuring the performance of HWC management -- Human Wildlife Conflict Situation in Bhutan -- Underlying Forces of Human Wild-life Conflicts in Bhutan -- Human Wildlife Conflict Situation in Bhutan -- Preventive Measures -- Mitigation Approach in Bhutan -- Strategic Outcomes -- Table 3.5 Strategic Intents contributing to the Safe System (WWF-Bhutan, 2016; See Foot Note 246) -- Effective Monitoring and Evaluation -- Conclusion and Recommendation -- Non-violent and Safe Approach -- Institutional Arrangement -- Human Wildlife Conflict Policy & Legislation -- Coping Techniques and Mechanisms -- Hotspot Mapping -- Physiological Sterilization of wildlife -- Table 3.6 Immunocontraceptive vaccines used in different animals -- Innovative Research Fund for farmers -- Economic Responses to HWC -- Alternative livelihoods -- Regional Transboundary Conservation -- Foot Notes -- Annexure 3.1 Indicators of the Strategic Outcomes of People, Wildlife, Assets and Habitat -- CHAPTER 4 -- ANIMAL RIGHTS AND PROTECTION.-Abstract -- Buddhist Perspectives & Conservation Biology -- Bhutanese Buddhism and the Segue To Contemporary Animal Protection Policies -- National Law & Buddhist Ethics -- State Monastic Body -- Non-governmental Organizations (NGO) -- Tshethar (Life Saving) Practices -- Animal Health and Rescue Centers -- Farming Systems and Livestock Population -- Meat Consumption in Bhutan -- Discussion and Recommendations on Animal Protection and Animal Rights -- Animal Protection Policy of Bhutan -- Population control of Livestock Animals -- Institutionalization and Implementation Arrangement -- Monitoring & Implementation -- Dog Population Control -- GNH Index for Animal Kingdom -- References (1-125) -- Annexure 4.1 God's Country: The New Zealand Factor, by Michael Charles Tobias and Jane Gray Morrison, Dancing Star Foundation, 2010 -- CHAPTER 5. GAP ANALYSIS OF THREATENED, RARE AND UNDER-REPRESENTED SPECIES IN BHUTAN -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Impacts of Extinction of Species -- Taxonomic Classification – Seven Kingdoms Model -- Objectives -- Methodology -- Assessment of Under-Represented Species in Kingdoms -- Under-Represented Species in Classification of Groups -- Records of Species Groups under Animalia Kingdom -- Vertebrates.-Invertebrates -- Species Groups under Plantae Kingdom -- Tracheophytes -- Chromista Kingdom.-Fungi Kingdom -- Protista Kingdom -- Eubacteria Kingdom -- Archaebacteria Kingdom.-Assessment of Threatened Species -- Conservation Status of Fish in Bhutan -- Threatened Endemic Plants in Bhutan -- Under-Representation of Medicinal Plants -- Documentation of Agro-Biodiversity -- Community Participation and Citizen Science -- Discussion and Recommendations -- Foot Notes -- Annexure 5.1 List of Threatened Species of Plants (IUCN Status-2019) -- Annexure 5.2 List of Threatened Species of Mammals in Bhutan (IUCN Status-2019) -- Annexure 5.3 List of Threatened Species of Birds in Bhutan (IUCN) – 2019 NBC.-Annexure 5.4 List of Threatened Fish Species -- Annexure 5.5: List of Threatened Amphibian and Reptile Species -- Annexure 5.6 Monotypic Species of Seed Plants under each Class, Order, Family, Genus and Species (Source Flora of Bhutan, Volume 1, 2 & 3) -- CHAPTER 6 -- CONSERVATION STRATEGY OF THREATENED AND UNDER-REPRESENTED MAMMALIAN SPECIES -- Landscape Conservation Approach -- Mammalian species -- Chinese Pangolin (Manis pentadactyla) Conservation -- Recommendations for Conservation Strategies.-Pygmy Hog (Sus salvanius) Conservation -- Recommendation for Conservation Strategy of Pygmy Hog (Sus salvanius) -- Alpine Musk Deer (Moschus Chrysogaster) and Himalayan Musk Deer (Moschus leucogaster) Conservation -- Recommendations for Conservation Strategy of Musk Deer -- Dhole (Cuon alpinus) Conservation Strategy -- Recommendations for Dhole Conservation Strategy -- Golden Langur (Trachypithecus geei) Conservation Strategy.-Recommendation for Conservation Strategy of Golden Langur -- Conservation of Arunachal Macaque (Macaca munzala) -- Conservation of Hispid Hare (Caprolagus hispidus) -- Conservation of Hog Deer (Axis Porcinus) -- Wild Water Buffalo (Bubalus arnee) Conservation -- Discussion on Conservation of Bats -- Foot Notes (1-131) -- CHAPTER 7. CONSERVATION OF THREATENED AND UNDER-REPRESENTED SPECIES OF PLANTS -- Introduction.-Endemic Plant Species -- Monotypic Plant Species -- Discussion on Threatened Orchids -- Critically Endangered flowering plants -- Endangered Flowering Plants -- Recommendations for Conservation Strategy of Plant Species -- Conservation of Bryophytes -- Ecological significance of Bryophytes -- Economic Uses of Bryophytes -- Medicinal Use of Bryophytes -- Bryophytes as Pollution indicators -- Bryophytes in Science and Education -- Threats to Bryophytes -- Lesser Known Timber Species in Bhutan -- Foot Notes -- Annexure 7.1 Most commonly used timber species (Source: FRMD/DoFPS) -- Annexure 7.2 High value timber with less utilization (Source: FRMD/DoFPS) -- CHAPTER 8. CONSERVATION OF THREATENED BIRDS, REPTILES, FISHES AND PARASITES -- Birds Conservation -- Conservation of White Bellied Heron (Ardea insignis) -- Conservation of Vultures -- Discussion on Conservation of White Winged Duck -- Conservation Strategy of Baer's Pochard -- Conservation Strategy of Eagles.-Recommendations for Conservation Strategy of Threatened Birds -- Conservation of Turtles.-Importance of Turtle Conservation -- Conservation Strategies -- Conservation of Threatened Fish Species -- CHAPTER 9 -- CONSERVATION FOR FOOD SECURITY AND UNDER-REPRESENTED MICROBES -- Abstract -- Conservation of Crop Genetic Resources -- Agro-Biodiversity Gene Banks -- Preservation under Permafrost Conditions -- Microbial Conservation Strategies -- FOOT NOTES.
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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh Standar Pelaporan Akuntansi Sektor Publik dan Pengawasan Kualitas Laporan Keuangan terhadap Akuntabilitas Kinerja Instansi Pemerintah dimana studi empiris dalam penelitian ini yaitu di Badan Pengelolaan Keuangan dan Aset Daerah (BPKAD) Kabupaten Kubu Raya. Sampel dalam penelitian ini berjumlah 50 responden dengan tehnik pengambilan sampel yaitu nonprobability sampling dengan tehnik sampling jenuh. Instrumen dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kuesioner dan dianalisis dengan dan dianalisis dengan uji validitas, reabilitas, uji asumsi klasik, regresi linier berganda, dan uji hipotesis dengan program IBM SPSS versi 22. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa variabel penerapan standar pelaporan akuntansi sektor publik, pengawasan kualitas laporan keuangan berpengaruh positif dan signifikan baik secara simultan dan parsial terhadap akuntabilitas kinerja instansi pemerintah. Hai ini ditunjukkan dengan hasil yang didapatkan dari uji parsial untuk variabel X1 dengan nilai 3,008 > 2,001 dengan signifikansi 0,004 3,20 dengan signifikansi 0,000 < 0,05. Berarti, jika standar pelaporan akuntansi sektor publik dan pengawasan kualitas laporan keuangan dapat ditingkatkan maka akan menghasilkan kinerja akuntabilitas yang baik. Kata kunci : Standar Pelaporan, Kualitas Laporan Keuangan, AkuntabilitasDAFTAR PUSTAKA Andi 2014, Mengolah Data Statistik Hasil Penelitian Menggunakan SPSS, Wahana Komputer, YogyakartaArdi, Arif. Pengaruh Penerapan Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan (Survei pada SKPD/OPD Pemerintahan Kota Tasikmalaya). 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ABSTRAK Untuk mencapai hasil yang baik dalam pembangunan ekonomi yang diharapkan, perlu diangkat sektor-sektor yang menjadi andalan suatu daerah. Sektor yang dimaksud selain mampu untuk dikembangkan juga harus dapat memberikan dampak terhadap perkembangan sektor lainnya secara bersamaan dengan meningkatkan pendapatan masyarakat serta dapat menjadi penyalur pendapatan daerah melalui kegiatan-kegiatan ekspor. Tujuan daripada penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis sub sektor pertanian manakah yang berpotensi atau unggul untuk dikembangkan sebagai penunjang perekonomian di Kabupaten Ketapang. Penelitian ini menggunakan data sekunder berupa data Produk Domestik Regional Bruto atas dasar harga konstan, Kontribusi dan Laju Pertumbuhan sub sektor Pertanian. Metodelogi yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode analisis LQ, MRP (Modal Ratio Pertumbuhan), Overlay dan Tipologi Klassen. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perkembangan sub sektor Pertanian, peternakan, perburuan dan jasa pertanian, sub sektor Kehutanan dan penebangan kayu dan sub sektor Perikanan di Kabupaten Ketapang tahun 2012-2016 merupakan sub sektor yang masuk ke dalam klasifikasi sub sektor maju namun tertekan dan memiliki nilai LQ diatas satu yang artinya ketiga sub sektor tersebut adalah sub sektor basis. Jika dilihat dari analisis model ratio pertumbuhan (MRP) sub sektor Pertanian, peternakan, perburuan dan jasa pertanian, sub sektor Kehutanan dan penebangan kayu, sub sektor Perikanan bernotasi negatif, artinya kriteria pertumbuhan perekonomian pada Sektor pertanian Kabupaten Ketapang relatif rendah.Kata Kunci: PDRB, Sektor Potensial, dan Pembangunan ekonomi daeraDAFTAR PUSTAKAAdisasmita, Rahardjo. 2013. Teori-teori Pembangunan Ekonomi. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu.Adisasmita H R. 2005. Dasar-Dasar Ekonomi Wilayah. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu.Afrizal F. 2013. 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ABSTRAK ANALISIS PENGARUH PERSEPSI HARGA DAN KUALITAS PELAYANAN TERHADAP LOYALITAS MELALUI KEPUASAN (STUDI PADA PENYALUR) PT. TRI SAPTA JAYA PONTIANAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji dan menganalisis Persepsi Hargadan Kualitas Pelayanan terhadap Loyalitas Konsumen melalui Kepuasan Konsumen (studi pada penyalur) PT. Tri Sapta Jaya Pontianak.Sampel dalam penelitian ini adalah 60 responden dengan menggunakan teknik pengambilan sampel purposive sampling. Model analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisisjalur.Berdasarkan hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Persepsi Harga Dan Kualitas Pelayanan secara simultan berpengaruh terhadap Kepuasan Konsumen, pada pengujian parsia lbahwa Persepsi Harga berpengaruh signifikan dan Kualitas Pelayanan berpengaruh signifikan secara parsial berpengaruh terhadap Kepuasan Konsumen, sedangkan pada pengujian ke dua bahwa Persepsi Harga,Kualitas Pelayanan dan Kepuasan Konsumen secara simultan berpengaruh terhadap Loyalitas Konsumen, pada pengujian parsial bahwa Persepsi Harga berpengaruh tidak signifikan, Kualitas Konsumen berpengaruh signifikan dan Kepuasan Konsumen berpengaruh signifikan secara parsial berpengaruh terhadap Loyalitas Konsumen. Dari pengujian langsung dan tidak langsung menyatakan bahwa Persepsi Harga akan lebih baik mempengaruhi Loyalitas Konsumen jika melalui Kepuasan Konsumen sedangkan Kualitas Pelayanan akan lebih baik mempengaruhi Loyalitas Konsumen jika tanpa melalui Kepuasan Konsumen Kata kunci: Persepsi Harga,Kualitas Pelayanan, Loyalitas Konsumen dan Kepuasan Konsumen ABSTRACTANALYSIS OF EFFECT OF PERCEPTION OF PRICE AND QUALITY OF SERVICE TO LOYALTY THROUGH SATISFACTION (STUDY ON DISTRIBUTION) PT. TRI SAPTA JAYA PONTIANAK This study aims to examine and analyze the Perception of Price and Quality of Service to Consumer Loyalty through Consumer Satisfaction (study on suppliers) PT. Tri Sapta Jaya Pontianak. The sample in this research is 60 respondents by using purposive sampling sampling technique. Data analysis model used is path analysis.Based on the result of research indicate that Price Perception and Service Quality simultaneously have an effect on to Consumer Satisfaction, on partial test that Price Perception have significant effect and Service Quality have significant influence partially on Consumer Satisfaction, while in second test that Price Perception, Service Quality and Consumer Satisfaction simultaneously have an effect on to Consumer Loyalty, at partial test that Price Perception have an insignificant effect, Consumer Quality has significant effect and Consumer Satisfaction has significant influence partially influence to Consumer Loyalty. From direct test and indirectly states that Price Perception will be better influence Consumer Loyalty if through Consumer Satisfaction while Service Quality will better influence Consumer Loyalty if without through Consumer Satisfaction. Keywords: Price Perception, Service Quality, Consumer Loyalty and Consumer SatisfactionDAFTAR PUSTAKA Al Rasyid, Harun. 2010.TeknikPenarikanSampeldanPenyusunanSkala.Bandung: UniversitasPadjadjaran Azwar, Saifuddin, 2010. Reliabilitas & Validitas.Pustaka Belajar, Yogyakarta Barnes, James G,.2003. Secrets Of Customer Relationship Management. Andi Yogyakarta Bebet Wijayanto, Apriautni Endang P. Sari Listyorini. 2013. Pengaruh Bauran Ritel terhadap Loyalitas Konsumen di Supermarket Sri Ratu Peterongan, Diponegoro Journal of Social and Politic, hal 1-10. Bhote,Keki R, 1996, "Beyond Customer Satisfaction to Customer Loyalty : The Key to Greater Profitability", AMACOM, New York. Bunga Puji Asmarani, 2015.pengaruh kualitas pelayanan, kepercayaan, dan kepuasan terhadap loyalitas konsumen pada PO. Bus Harapan Jaya Tulungagung. 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Penerbit : PT. Elex Media Komputindo, Jakarta Schiffman dan Kanuk.2007.Perilaku Konsumen. Edisi Kedua. Jakarta: PT. Indeks Gramedia Siagian, James. 2013. Metode Penelitian Sosial Praktis. STAIN Pontianak Press. Pontianak Sudarmanto, R Gunawan, 2005. Analisis Linier Berganda Dengan SPSS, Penerbit : Graha Ilmu, Yogyakarta Sugiyono, 2005. Staistika Untuk Penelitian,Cetakan keenam,CV. Alfabeta, Bandung. Sugiyono, 2007.Statistika Untuk Penelitian, CV.Alfabeta, Bandung Sugiyono, 2014. Metode Penelitian Bisnis,Cetakan Kedelapan Belas. CV. Alfabeta, Bandung. Supranto, 2006. Pengukuran Tingkat kepuasan Pelanggan. Cetakan Ketiga.Rineka Cipta. Jakarta Taylor, A. Steven, Baker, L. Thomas, 1994, "An Assessment of The Relationship Between Service Quality and Customer Satisfaction in The Formation of Consumers' Purchase Intentions", Journal of Retailing, Vol.70, Number 2, pp. 163-178 Tjiptono, Fandy 2000. Manajemen Jasa. Yogyakarta. Andi Offset Zikmund, William G,.Raymond Mcleod Jr,.Ad Faye W.Gilbert, 2003. Costumer Relationship management: Integrating maketing strategy and information technology. USA : John Wiley & Sons Inc
This paper analyzes the Islam Nusantara program of the Islamic Studies Institute of Nahdlatul Ulama (STAINU) and then of the Nahdlatul Ulama University of Indonesia (UNUSIA) that started in 2013. The largest Islamic social organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) has emphasized the moderateness and tolerance of Islam in Indonesia and conceptualized its Islam as Islam Nusantara and started to disseminate this concept to stem the deepening conservative turn of Islam especially after the democratization in 1998. In order to disseminate Islam Nusantara more effectively, the NU-affiliated college (STAINU), later its university (UNUSIA) started the graduate program for Islam Nusantara. After elucidating the Islamic conservative turn and the propagation of Islam Nusantara both by NU and the state, this paper analyzes the theses and their abstracts and the biodata of authors of theses and sees how Islam Nusantara has been producing the proponents of Islam Nusantara. The paper finds that the authors of the theses are young and many of the theses analyze the harmonious Islamic adaptation to local cultures. The authors are male dominant and Java-born-dominant with the focus on their own birthplace. The paper concludes with the importance of more comparativeand critical analysis on local variations of Islam Nusantara in the future theses and dissertations so that the program can critically and objectively analyze the Islam Nusantara concept itself. Keyword: Islam Nusantara, Nahdlatul Ulama, UNUSIA Jakarta REFERENCE: Abdul Mun'im DZ. Mengukuhkan Jangkar Islam Nusantara, Tashwirul Afkar no.26, 2008. Abdurrahman Wahid. "Pribumisasi Islam." Dalam Muntaha Azhari and Abdul Mun'im Saleh, eds. Islam Indonesia Menatap Masa Depan. Jakarta: P3M, 1989. Abdurrahman Wahid. "Melindungi dan Menyantuni Semua Paham." Dalam Yenny Zannuba Wahid, Ahmad Suaedy et al., eds. Ragam Ekspresi Islam Nusantara. Jakarta: The Wahid Institute, 2008: h. xi-xii. Ahmad Najib Burhani. Islam Nusantara as a Promising Response to Religious Intolerance and Radicalism, Trends in Southeast Asia, 2018. No.21. Ahmad Suaedy. Islam, Minorities and Identity in Southeast Asia. Yogyakarta and Jakarta: inklusif and ISAIs UIN Yogya, 2018. Akhmad Sahal. "Prolog: Kenapa Islam Nusantara?" Dalam Akhmad Sahal dan Munawir Aziz eds. Islam Nusantara dari Ushul Fiqh hingga Paham Kebangsaan. Bandung: Mizan Pustaka, 2015. Akhmad Sahal dan Munawir Aziz eds. Islam Nusantara dari Ushul Fiqh hingga Paham Kebangsaan. Bandung: Mizan Pustaka, 2015. Anderson, Benedict. A Life Beyond Boundaries. Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre, 2016. Azymardi Azra. Islam Nusantara: Jaringan Global dan Lokal. Bandung: Mizan, 2002. Dawam Multazam. "Islam Nusantara, Dari NU untuk Dunia" (artikel diakses pada 10 January 2015 dari http://www.nu.or.id/post/read/60706/islam-nusantara-dari-nu-untuk-dunia). Fealy, Greg. "Nahdlatul Ulama and the Politics Trap." New Mandala. (diakses pada 12 November 2019 pada https://www.newmandala.org/nahdlatul-ulama-politics-trap/), 2018. Fogg, Kavin W. "The Fate of Muslim Nationalism in Independent Indonesia." PhD dissertation (Yale University), 2012. Formichi, Chiara. Islam and the Making of the Nation: Kartosuwiryo and Political Islam in 20th Century Indonesia. Leiden and Manoa: KITLV and Hawai'i University Press, 2011. Hefner, Robert W. "Islamic Schools, Social Movements, and Democracy in Indonesia." Dalam Robert W. Hefner ed. Making Modern Muslim: the Politics of Islamic Education in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2009: h. 55-105. Hefner, Robert. W. What Happened to Civil Islam? Islam and Democratisation in Indonesia, 20 Years On. Asian Studies Review. Vol.43. No.3, 2019: h. 375-396. Hoesterey, James Bourk. Public Diplomacy and the Global Dissemination of "Moderate Islam" Dalam Robert W. Hefner ed. Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Indonesia. London: Routledge, 2018: h. 406-416. IPAC (Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict). After Ahok: The Islamist Agenda in Indonesia. IPCA Report No.44, 2018. Jadul Maula. Orientasi "Islam Nusantara": Melahirkan "Insan (Kamil) Nusantara". Tashwirul Afkar No. 13, 2006. Laffan, Michael, The Makings of Indonesian Islam: Orientalism and the Narration of a Sufi Past. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2011. Menchik, Jeremy. Islam and Democracy in Indonesia: Tolerance without Liberalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Nor Huda. Islam Nusantara: Sejarah Sosial Intelektual Islam di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Ar-Ruzz Media, 2008. Pepinsky, Thomas B., Liddle, William R. and Saiful Mujani. Piety and Public Opinion: Understanding Indonesian Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Power, Thomas P. Jokowi's Authoritarian Turn and Indonesia's Democratic Decline. Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 53(3), 2018: h. 307-338. Robison, Richard and Hadiz, Vedi R. Reorganizing Power in Indonesia: The Politics of Oligarchy in An Age of Markets.London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004. Yenny Zannuba Wahid, Ahmad Suaedy et al. eds. Ragam Ekspresi Islam Nusantara. Jakarta: The Wahid Institute, 2015. Syafiq Hasyim. Islam Nusantara dalam Konteks: Dari Multikultralisma hingga Radkikalisme. Yogyakarta: Gading, 2018. van Bruinessen, Martin ed. Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam: Explaining the "Conservative Turn". Singapore: ISEAS, 2013. van Bruinessen, Martin. Introduction: Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam and the "Conservative Turn" of the Early Twenty-First Century. Dalam van Bruinessen, Martin ed. Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam: Explaining the "Conservative Turn". Singapore: ISEAS, 2013: h.1-20. van Bruinessen, Martin. Indonesian Muslim in a Globalising World: Westernization, Arabisation, and Indigenising Responses. RSIS Working Paper No. 311. Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2018. William Putra Utomo and others. Indonesia Millennial Report 2019. Jakarta: IDN Research Institute, 2019. News: 2013/2/25: STAINU Jakarta Kumpulkan Tim Pakar PPM Islam Nusantara. (diakses pada 10 November 2019 pada https://www.nu.or.id/post/read/43199/stainu-jakarta-kumpulkan-tim-pakar-ppm-islam-nusantara) 2013/7/3: STAINU Jakarta Luncurkan Pascasarjana Islam Nusantara. (diakses pada 10 November 2019 pada https://www.nu.or.id/post/read/45577/stainu-jakarta-luncurkan-pascasarjana-islam-nusantara) 2013/7/4: Islam Nusantara Diharapkan Jadi Solusi Kasus Intoleransi. (diakses pada 13 Desember 2019 pada https://www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/islam-nusantara-diharapkan-jadi-solusi-kasus-intoleransi.html) 2013/7/4: Mahasiswa Thailand Minati Studi Islam Nusantara Indonesia. (diakses pada 11 November 2019 pada https://news.okezone.com/read/2013/07/04/373/831915/mahasiswa-thailand-minati-studi-islam-nusantara-indonesia) 2015/4/14: Imam Aziz: Dunia Butuh NU (diakses pada 11 November 2019 pada https://www.nu.or.id/post/read/58831/imam-aziz-dunia-butuh-nu) 2015/10/9: Pascasarjana Islam Nusantara STAINU Jakarta Mulai Kuliah Perdana Hari Ini. (diakses pada 11 November 2019 pada https://www.nu.or.id/post/read/62673/pascasarjana-islam-nusantara-stainu-jakarta-mulai-kuliah-perdana-hari-ini) 2016/9/3: Siapakah Ahlussunnah Wal Jamaah. (diakses pada 11 November 2019 pada https://www.nu.or.id/post/read/70944/siapakah-ahlussunnah-wal-jamaah)
Hog growing and meat retailing are two of the many swine-based businesses in Batangas, one of the provinces in CALABARZON. One of the firms that is into this two businesses is Antonio?s. The study generally presented the status and assessed the overall performance of Antonio?s Swine-Based Business with the end view of recommending strategies for strengthening the competitive position of Antonio?s. Specifically, the study aimed to: 1) analyze the macro- and micro-environment of the business 2) evaluate the company in terms of the four business functions, namely: marketing, production, personnel, and finance 3) identify noteworthy business issues and problem relevant to Antonio?s Swine-based Business 4) generate and evaluate alternatives to the identified major problem, and identify the best alternative using an appropriate set of criteria and 5) design an implementation plan for the solution that will be used by the entrepreneur to rejuvenate the business. The study used the descriptive and action study research designs, case study research design in particular. The data used were both primary and secondary. However, primary data were used mainly by the author to serve the purpose of the study. Primary data were gathered through survey, observations, and interviews. Secondary data were sourced from undergraduate special problems of University of the Philippines Los Baños, published books and manuals, city and provincial records, journals, and other references from credible internet sources. Records on marketing (sales), production, personnel (lists), and finance (financial statements) were directly obtained from the firm?s owners/managers. Analytical tools used were: 1) personal entrepreneurial competencies self-rating tool (PEC) in the assessment of the characteristics of the owners/managers in relation to the management of the business 2) firm?s financial performance as evaluated by the following financial tools: trend analysis, vertical analysis and financial ratio analysis as reflected by the adjusted financial statements 3) Michael Porter?s Five Forces Model for Antonio?s Swine-Based Business used in the assessment of the Antonio?s Swine-Based Business? competitiveness relative to the industry 4) SWOT matrix analysis was used in the formulation of alternatives 5) IFE matrix was used in auditing and evaluating the firm?s strengths and weaknesses in relation to the functional areas of the business and the EFE Matrix was used in the assessment of the current business conditions in visualizing the opportunities and threats that the business is facing 6) perceived weights evaluation of alternatives was used in the determination of the solution for the problem through using the following criterion: 50% profitability as reflected by the cost-return analysis which yielded the net present value of each alternative, 25% ease of implementation and 25% perceived effectiveness and lastly, the GANTT Chart was used in coming up with the schedule and activities to be implemented for the chosen decision and its accompanying course of actions. Results of the study showed that the strengths of Antonio?s include: 1) ability to perform different business operations based on swine-related business activities 2) owners are hands on and passionate about the business 3) wide network of customers and suppliers 4) good location related to piggery facility 5) strong relationship with customers and suppliers 6) good and accessible location 7) improving activity ratios and 8) proximity to customers and suppliers. On the other hand, the weaknesses of Antonio?s include: 1) lack of formal accounting and record keeping 2) low technology on hog slaughtering and cutting different meat cuts 3) poor waste disposal system 4) decreasing profitability ratios 5) irregular production schedule and inability to cope with the seasonality of hogs as inputs to production 6) lack of capital and risk-averse current mindset of owners and (7) poor production layout and composition of layout materials. The identified opportunities in the industry were: 1) Filipinos are generally pork eaters 2) Batangas is popular being swine-disease free, Tanauan City in particular 3) general increase in liveweight and retail prices of hogs and meat 4) increasing demand for food that are protein source 5) low intensity of rivalry among raisers 6) opportunity to enter into lechon baboy and related pork-based food businesses 7) technological help and support from the government and other institutions 8) increasing trend for organic and more nutritious food source and 9) support programs for small business registrations. On the other hand, the identified threats were: 1) inequitable regulating policies imposed on the determination of illegal pork retailers and the implementation of the sanctions for them as dictated by the moratorium 2) presence of large competitors in the market 3) increasing cost of raw materials 4) increasing price of fuel 5) low price of competitors (other protein source) and 6) high threat of substitution for protein-source food. The case problem of the study was on how the firm will be able to take advantage of the opportunities in the market and consequently maximize the firm?s productivity and potential earnings. The problem statement was posed to address the problem on how to grab the opportunities in the market, as desired by Mrs. Margarita Antonio, and consequently overcome the low growth trend of the net income of the firm. There were three alternatives/solutions/strategies formulated, namely: 1) extend firm?s operation into hog growership 2) extend firm?s operation into an integrating piggery farm with pork-based food businesses such as operating a pork cuisine and establishing a native pork lechon facility 3) enter into a hog contract growing arrangement and 4) capture an even larger scope of the market through meat retailing, piglet vending coupled with vegetable vending. There were several inclusions made common to all alternatives that address several business issues or hindrances. The different alternatives were evaluated using the following criteria: 1) net cash flow generated 2) ease of implementation and 3) perceived effectiveness. The recommended alternative is to capture an even larger scope of the market through meat retailing, piglet vending coupled with vegetable vending. An implementation plan for the recommended alternative was prepared. It included the schedule of resource requirements and activities and the contingency plan. With proper implementation, Antonio?s Swine-Based Business will be able to realize a significant impact on its marketing, production, personnel, and financial aspects.
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The Government's Levelling Up & Regeneration Bill includes substantial planning reforms, setting out frameworks for the levelling up missions and introducing a range of devolution measures. The amendment of its "nutrient neutrality" rules was under fire from rebels and Tories, with the bill currently in the House of Lords, for blocking much-needed housebuilding. As housing targets are made advisory only and a reduction in housing requirements over the next few years, 100,000 more houses will be able to be built thanks to Michael Gove's agreement to the amendment (NC77). On the other hand, environmentalist groups are outraged by the amendment as they claim it would further increase water pollution, despite the fact that this new road has opened up the property market and will benefit the economy by approximately £18 billion. Over its 13 years in power, the Conservative Party has continuously been divided over the subject of housing. This recent change is undoubtedly a huge victory for rebels led by former cabinet minister Theresa Villiers. "It will enable thousands of new homes to be built which are currently blocked, while also securing real progress on cleaning up our waterways" according to Villiers. It has been obvious that a retreat was coming since the first sign of mutiny emerged a few weeks ago when Gove postponed a Commons vote out of fear of losing. Additionally, several of the leading Tories were furious. During Liz Truss' brief office, Sir Jake Berry, the former party chairman, fumed: "Conservatives need to deliver for the next generation if we ever expect them to vote for us." It was a key pledge in the Tories' 2019 manifesto and supporters claimed it was in keeping with Margaret Thatcher's crusade for a property-owning democracy and new homes for younger voters. Thus, Truss's Levelling Up Secretary Sir Simon Clarke blamed the failure to build more homes for the Tory vote in London collapsing, accusing the party of "pulling up the ladder" for younger voters. Contrastingly, Labour's shadow housing secretary Lisa Nandy further accused the government of being "weak", calling the move "unconscionable in the middle of a housing crisis". In accordance with regulatory requirements, Natural England and the Government are collaborating with local planning authorities (LPAs) to ensure that wastewater produced by new homes does not increase pollution in our rivers and coasts while also allowing for quicker decisions that enable the construction of the homes the nation needs. To establish the legal context for this matter, it is necessary to go back in time to 1974 when the Control of Pollution Act initially seized control of waste disposal. When it took effect, a lot of old landfills were discreetly shut down and, for the most part, forgotten about—perhaps by residents of the area. The Government now also plans to cooperate with the housing sector to make sure that larger developers contribute fairly and appropriately to this programme during the ensuing years. In order to put protected sites on the road to recovery in the most affected catchments with the highest housing demand, Natural England will develop new Protected Site Strategies, and the government will then accelerate work on full site restoration. London councils who support the amendment see it as a method for them to set their own planning fees to cover the cost of the service provided, improve performance, and solveresource and capacity shortages in local planning departments as well as to cover costs associated with the service. However, the proposal might result in a new infrastructure levy rather than more affordable housing, which would mean fewer new affordable houses. However, it would provide local authorities the authority to demand that a certain amount of the infrastructure charge be delivered on-site. In a time when there is widespread concern that poverty and health disparities have gotten worse, housing policy can either help to increase disparities in society or be a method to reduce them. According to a source in the housing sector, "This is undoubtedly good news for Britain's housing supply. The only question is why it has taken so long for the government to get around to doing something about this". The District Local Network, meanwhile, welcomed the news and pointed out that in some local areas, nutrient neutrality regulations have limited the supply of affordable homes and raised the price of new homes for purchasers. Local authorities in hundreds of protected regions across England have been encouraged to not approve any new construction that is anticipated to increase river nutrients like phosphates and nitrates, either through wastewater from new residences or runoff from construction sites. The EU first imposed such rules in an effort to stop the growth of harmful algae and other plants that can suffocate aquatic life. Existing regulations required builders to reduce increasing nutrient loads brought on by expanding populations in homes, either on-site or in other parts of the same catchment. By making investments in new wetlands or by establishing buffer zones along rivers and other watercourses, they can achieve this. This has been criticised by builders as being expensive and time-consuming. Former cabinet minister and ASI Patron Sir Brandon Lewis, MP for Great Yarmouth, told PoliticsHome Gove's proposals were welcome and a "really good move". As opposed to theoretical proposals for a long-term plan, Lewis said scrapping nutrient neutrality would allow the Government and developers to build more homes very quickly."It's not a solution to everything, but it releases 100,000 to 140,000 homes. That's a lot of homes, a lot of jobs, and a lot of opportunity." The neutrality announcement also included a £280 million increase in support in Natural England's nutrient reduction programme, which helps builders reduce the impact of developments on water pollution. Additionally, farmers and water businesses will receive incentives totaling £166 million for slurry infrastructure. Katie-Jo Luxton, director of conservation at the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, said: "If nutrient neutrality rules are scrapped, pollution will accumulate unchecked and our rivers face total ecological collapse." In agreement with Luxton, Doug Parr, policy director at Greenpeace UK said "Who would look at our sickly, sewage-infested rivers and conclude that what they need is weaker pollution rules?". He acknowledged that it would necessitate requiring water companies and home builders to utilise their revenues to upgrade treatment facilities and pipes to the level that a modern, functional nation would demand. Developers contend that farming is a considerably greater source to the pollution in question while asserting that Natural England is enforcing the regulations in such a severe manner that they have been compelled to halt the construction of up to 120,000 new houses. In response to protests from developers, ministers introduced a mitigation programme in 2022 that allowed builders to purchase "credits" in order to obtain clearance for their projects. However, according to those developers, the procedure for buying such credits has occasionally resulted in unforeseen repercussions, such as the acquisition of farmland to put it out of production in an effort to lessen water run-off. In order to reduce the likelihood of slurry leaks, they will provide payments totaling around £400 million to farmers and waterbusinesses. They will also spend about an additional £300 million assisting developers in reducing the effects of their projects. According to the Dasgupta review, investing in nature leads to wealth since it serves as the foundation for all we do. Leonardo Da Vinci once remarked that "water is the driving force of all nature" and that no society can function effectively without it. Nutrient pollution does not affect the bulk of house projects nationwide, but in 74 of England's 333 Local Authorities, pollution levels in some areas with abundant natural beauty are so high that additional mitigation measures are required. However, along with the elimination of the nutrient neutrality rules, new environmental measures will be implemented, such as increasing investment in and developing Natural England's "Nutrient Mitigation Scheme" (NMS), a programme that enables developers to purchase credits to offset nutrient pollution from housing development. Therefore, while the government moves forward with its housing ambitions, the neutrality statement has in fact slowed down environmental initiatives. To improve opportunity and the nation's environment, however, a number of mechanisms have been adopted to absorb the loss when pollutants and houses are built. In conclusion, despite objections from environmental groups, the amendment that was agreed upon was generally a good decision. Mr. Gove thanked backbenchers in a statement for "their hard work and support to drive forward these much-needed changes to create a planning system that works for all". More affordable housing offers a respite from the dark clouds of rising interest rates and inflation. So, while still investing in a healthy environment, we can see how the removal of the "nutrient neutrality" laws will be good for the economy and for the people in the long term.
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A few weeks ago, American Compass released Rebuilding American Capitalism, A Handbook for Conservative Policymakers. This Forbes column (American Compass Points To Myths Not Facts) provided a very brief critique of the handbook's Financialization chapter, and Oren Cass, American Compass's Executive Director, released a response titled Yes, Financialization Is Real. This Cato at Liberty post is the fifth in a series that expands on the original criticisms. (The first four in the series are available here, here, here, and here.) This post discusses the one remaining core argument American Compass relies on – income stagnation. It demonstrates that the evidence contradicts American Compass's income stagnation story. The idea that Americans' income has stagnated is central to American Compass's argument that American capitalism needs to be rebuilt. The foreword in American Compass's handbook uses this stagnation story as follows: What has happened to capitalism in America? Businesses still pursue profit, yes, but not in ways that advance the public interest. Over the past 50 years, corporate profits rose by 185%. Wages rose by 1%. [Emphasis added.]
It connects this supposed stagnation to financial markets as follows: Financialization shifted the economy's center of gravity from Main Street to Wall Street, fueling an explosion in corporate profits alongside stagnating wages and declining investment. [Emphasis added.]
American Compass's very reason for existence is to argue that American capitalism no longer flourishes largely because "globalization and financialization" are "undermining the nation's prosperity." The alleged evidence is that the typical American worker's income has been stagnating for decades. The third sentence of Cass's 2018 book, The Once and Future Worker, laments that "while gross domestic product (GDP) tripled from 1975 to 2015, the median worker's wages have barely budged." This stagnation story, just as American Compass's claims regarding talent, profit, and investment, does not hold up to scrutiny. The empirical evidence undercuts American Compass's stated reason for existing. To be clear: It is true that America has many economic problems. In fact, Cato scholars regularly discuss countless ways to fix many of these problems. Unfortunately for American Compass, though, a broad stagnation (or decline) in Americans' income is not a problem. The opening lines of Cass's book (reproduced above) provide an excellent starting point for this discussion. While it is very easy to verify something like GDP growth for any given period, it is not so straightforward to evaluate "the median worker's wages" because the median worker can be defined in any number of ways. The term could reference, for example, someone who earns the median wage of all U.S. employees, the median wage of all private employees, or the median wage of all production and nonsupervisory employees (excluding managerial staff). Arguably, the term should exclude all part‐time workers or all workers under the age of 16. There simply is no single way to define the median (or typical) worker. This basic problem is magnified by multiple definitions of income, including total compensation (wages plus fringe benefits, such as health insurance) and household income (both before and after taxes and transfers). Separately, for any given measure of income, adjusting for inflation with different price indices results in large disparities in real income growth over long periods of time. And, of course, choosing different time periods from within the overall length of a series can easily produce a deceptively low (or high) growth rate. These problems are all further complicated because the "typical" household from distant decades is no longer the typical American household – aside from multiple other demographic changes, more household income is now typically spread over fewer family members. It is straightforward to use Cass's example to illustrate some of these points. For instance, using the Consumer Price Index (CPI) to adjust average hourly earnings of production and nonsupervisory employees suggests that real wages have grown less than 1 percent from 1975 to 2015, consistent with Cass's statement. However, adjusting the same earnings data with the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) index indicates that real wages grew 22 percent – obviously not stagnant. Interestingly, using either a longer or shorter timeframe provides a very different growth figure than Cass's 1975 to 2015 period. For example, examining the same income series from 1964 – the first year the data is available from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) – to 2015, while adjusting for inflation with the CPI, shows that real wages grew almost 9 percent from 1964 to 2015. Using the PCE shows that real wages grew a bit more than 39 percent from 1964 to 2015. Separately, using the CPI to examine the same income series from 1991 to 2015 (both 1975 and 1991 mark the end of a recession) shows that income grew almost 15 percent. Using the PCE to adjust for inflation suggests that income grew 27 percent for this period.
Figure 1: Real Wage Growth in the U.S. from Varying Start Year (1964–2000) to 2015 As Figure 1 demonstrates, "income growth" is highly influenced by the chosen inflation metric and the starting point for the period of analysis. Figure 1 plots the growth rate in real income – average hourly earnings of production and nonsupervisory employees – with the rate calculated using every year from 1964 to 2000, respectively, as the starting point, and 2015 as the ending year. It shows the analysis using both the CPI and PCE to convert nominal wages to real. (Real adjustments made using the PCE, the Fed's preferred price measure, always result in a higher growth rate.) Using 1975 as the starting point for this analysis, for CPI adjusted income, produces the lowest possible (positive) growth rate. Using only this method – the one Cass uses – while ignoring all the others gives the false impression that real income was stagnant. Similar issues arise using the Census Bureau's household income figures, but even the basic data, as reported, contradicts the stagnation story. For instance, without making any adjustments for changes in demographics, Census reports that real median household income increased 34.18 percent from 1967 to 2018.[1] That's hardly stagnant. Still, because the number of people in each household declined 23 percent from 1967 to 2018 (from 3.3 individuals to an all‐time low of 2.53),[2] the Census income distribution figures understate how well individuals have been doing. Larger household incomes are now divided among fewer people, so adjusting for only this change in household size shows that real median household income increased 74 percent, from $14,355 in 1967 to $24,972 in 2018.[3] That's more than double the increase shown in the unadjusted data, far from stagnant. While many journalists have let go of the income stagnation story, others have (even if unintentionally) fueled the false narrative. Take, for instance, an article in The Atlantic that discussed the U.S. Census Bureau's 2018 report Income and Poverty in the United States. The author noted: Around 13 percent of households made more than $150,000 last year; a decade ago, by comparison, 8.5 percent did. While that's something to cheer, without a solid middle class, it's not indicative of an economy that is healthy and stable more broadly.
At best, the author is guilty of a major understatement. The 2018 Census report shows that more than 5 million households – not individuals, but families – moved into the high‐earning category. That shift is undoubtedly something to cheer, but the author still implies that these numbers support a "disappearing middle class" narrative. As Mark Perry from the American Enterprise Institute confirms, the very same Census report shows that the share of households earning between $35,000 and $100,000 fell from more than 53 percent in 1967 to 42 percent in 2018, and that the share of households earning more than $100,000 essentially tripled, from less than 10 percent in 1967 to more than 30 percent in 2018. Moreover, while The Atlantic article largely ignores it, the share of households earning less than $35,000 fell, from approximately 36 percent in 1967 to less than 28 percent in 2018. Together, these statistics show a broad increase in prosperity. In fact, this increase is even more impressive considering that the number of American households essentially doubled from 1970 to 2018. For anyone interested in additional evidence that typical Americans – and even, in many cases, lower income Americans – have been earning higher and higher incomes during the last several decades, here are a few references: William Cline, U.S. Median Household Income Has Risen More Than You Think Richard V. Burkhauser, Jeff Larrimore, and Kosali I. Simon, A "Second Opinion" On The Economic Health Of The American Middle Class Salim Furth, Stagnant Wages: What the Data Show Michael Strain, The Myth of Income Stagnation Scott Winship, Stagnationists Are Simply Wrong and What You Need to Know from the New CBO Income Figures Gerald Auten and David Splinter, Income Inequality in the United States: Using Tax Data to Measure Long‐Term Trends Thomas Hirschl and Mark Rank, The Life Course Dynamics of Affluence Scott Lincicome, The American Wealth Machine and Its Misguided Discontents and The Annoying Persistence of the Income Stagnation Myth John Early, The Myth of American Income Inequality In 2020, perhaps after recognizing that the basic income stagnation story does not hold up, American Compass began releasing its Cost‐of‐Thriving Index (COTI) to provide "a better way to understand the challenge for working families." According to Cass, his COTI is better than looking at inflation‐adjusted (real) income: Economists rely on inflation‐based adjustments to compare costs of living over time, but this method measures the cost of buying the same set of things in different eras. Perhaps a family could more easily afford a 1985 quality of life in 2015 than in 1985, but being in the middle class in 2015 means affording a 2015 quality of life.
While it is true that price indices are imperfect, and they tend to make older incomes look larger than they really were, Cass's description of inflation‐based adjustments over time is highly flawed. Adjusting nominal income to "real" income essentially converts the dollar amount to a quantity, such that it indicates how much "stuff" someone can buy. And both the CPI and the PCE account for (as best as possible) the different quality of goods and services available to people over time, as well how people may buy different products (substitute), including those that they were previously unable to purchase. Setting this flaw aside, American Compass uses its COTI to argue that living standards have declined, supposedly explaining why "America's working families" are correct to "feel that they have come under increasing economic pressure." However, as the American Enterprise Institute's Scott Winship and Jeremy Horpedahl have documented, American Compass's COTI methodology is just as flawed as its understanding of inflation‐based adjustments. In their new paper, Winship and Horpedahl demonstrate that the American Compass COTI decline is the direct result of its design choices. Specifically, American Compass's COTI ignores taxes and transfers (which tend to boost lower earners' incomes), excludes full‐time workers younger than 25 years old, and excludes full‐time female workers. American Compass's COTI also includes a very narrow range of goods and services, defining food, transportation, housing, health care, and higher education as "needs," yet leaving purchases of clothing, home furnishings, utilities, and communications technology out of the COTI. American Compass's COTI methodology is consistent with its propensity for selectively choosing data to give the appearance of supporting evidence for its claims. Thus, Winship and Horpedahl reach a reasonable conclusion regarding American Compass's COTI report: Against these data, Cass asks us to believe that, in truth, living standards are down by 36 percent. We have shown that this claim bears no relationship to reality. … While Cass's claims are out of line with all plausible estimates by serious researchers, they align neatly with his organization's view that American capitalism requires "rebuilding."
It is also worth mentioning that American Compass's COTI conflicts with other research that uses separate alternative measures of well‐being that do not depend on inflation‐adjusted income metrics. For instance, Bruce Sacerdote's 2017 National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) paper reports that consumption for two‐person households with below median income increased as much as 164 percent from 1960 to 2015. The paper points out that spending on food and clothing grew slower than the growth in total consumption during this period, and that this falling share of total consumption for food and clothing is consistent with real income growth being higher than income‐based measures suggest. Another consumption‐based measure of well‐being is the number of work hours needed to purchase the same goods at two different points in time. Researchers can use this metric to gauge whether, for example, real income stagnated from 1975 to 2015. If the amount of time someone would need to work to buy the same bundle of consumer goods in 1975 is no different than it is in 2015, then real income has stagnated. On the other hand, if the required work time to purchase the same bundle has fallen, then the evidence suggests that real income has increased. Using a sample of 400 consumer products, George Mason's Don Boudreaux reports that only one good–men's work boots–costs more in work time in 2019 than in 1975. (In Myths Of Rich And Poor: Why We're Better Off Than We Think, Michael Cox and Richard Alm use the same method and report similar results.) The Simon Project, an endeavor of the Cato Institute's HumanProgress.org, formalizes these ideas by creating an index based on the time price (how long someone must work to acquire a good) of 50 basic commodities. Their index shows that the average time price of these 50 commodities fell more than 72 percent between 1980 and 2018. In practical terms, this figure means that if it took one hour of work to buy a commodity – such as sugar, coffee, pork, or lumber – in 1980, it took only about 17 minutes of work to buy that same commodity in 2018. Put differently, if it took one hour of work to buy an item in 1980, that same hour of work would buy almost four units of the same good in 2018. This Cato post has demonstrated that American Compass's bleak income stagnation story is a false narrative. American Compass selectively chooses its preferred time periods and economic measures so it appears as if the evidence supports its story. Moreover, as previous posts in this series established, American Compass displays this same propensity to selectively pick terms and dates that appear to support its "financialization" narrative. In all these cases, though, the evidence contradicts American Compass's claims.
[1] Authors' calculations using the following U.S. Census income and household size data: Table A‑2. Households by Total Money Income, Race, and Hispanic Origin of Householder: 1967 to 2018, https://www.census.gov/library/publications/2019/demo/p60-266.html, and Table HH‑4. Households by Size: 1960 to Present, https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/families/households….
[2] Mark Perry, "More Charts And Commentary Based On This Week's Census Bureau Report On Income," American Enterprise Institute, September 12, 2019, https://www.aei.org/publication/more-charts-and-commentary-based-on-this-weeks-census-bureau-report-on-income/.
[3] Author's calculations using the following U.S. Census income and household size data: Table A‑2. Households by Total Money Income, Race, and Hispanic Origin of Householder: 1967 to 2018, https://www.census.gov/library/publications/2019/demo/p60-266.html, and Table HH‑4. Households by Size: 1960 to Present, https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/families/households….
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Earlier this week, the press shop at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) spent taxpayer dollars to host a live‐tweet, in the voice of the HHS building, to respond to press reports that HHS's building is the ugliest in in Washington, D.C.
Someone actually thought this was a good idea. If I worked in that shop, I too might spend taxpayer dollars on gimmicky stunts to distract attention from the harms the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), and Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) do to patients. When I read the live‐tweet, it was even worse than I expected. HHS staff made the shameless claims that the department recently "insured a record number of people with quality, affordable health care coverage" and "provided the tools to fight COVID for free." These claims are a jaw‐dropping mockery of the hundreds of millions of patients whom HHS has harmed and whose earnings the agency has wasted. "Quality…health care coverage"? They can't mean Medicaid. The most reliable evidence that exists on the quality of Medicaid coverage comes from the Oregon Health Insurance Experiment (OHIE). The OHIE was a randomized, controlled trial, which means that if you believe something other than what it shows, you should abandon that belief. The OHIE "did not find evidence that Medicaid coverage improved physical health," even though "the[] physical health measures were chosen explicitly because clinical trials have shown that they can respond to medication within this [study's] time frame." They can't mean Medicare. As I detail elsewhere, Medicare has repeatedly shut down life‐ and cost‐saving quality innovations. Medicare's price‐control commission—officially, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission, or MedPAC—has complained for decades that the program penalizes high‐quality care and encourages low‐quality care: 2003: "[Medicare] generally fails to financially reward higher‐quality plans or providers. Medicare's beneficiaries and the nation's taxpayers cannot afford for the Medicare payment system to remain neutral towards quality. Change is urgently needed…[Medicare] is largely neutral or negative towards quality. All providers meeting basic requirements are paid the same regardless of the quality of service provided. At times providers are paid even more when quality is worse, such as when complications occur as the result of error." 2006: "Evidence shows beneficiaries do not always receive the care they need, that too often the care they do get is not of high quality, and that in some places where they receive more care there are also poor outcomes…Patient safety also continues to present a troubling picture." 2021: "There is also substantial use of low‐value care…that has little or no clinical benefit or care in which the risk of harm from the service outweighs its potential benefit. We estimate that, in 2018, between 22 percent and 36 percent of beneficiaries in traditional FFS Medicare received at least one low‐value service…Low-value care has the potential to harm patients by exposing them to risks of injury from inappropriate tests or procedures and can lead to a cascade of additional services."
They can't mean ObamaCare. Its supposed preexisting‐conditions provisions are encouraging "poor coverage" for patients with costly illnesses, costing them thousands. As I report elsewhere: Economic research provides evidence that these "protections" are forcing insurers to engage in such discrimination against patients with multiple sclerosis, infertility, substance abuse disorders, hemophilia, severe acne, nerve pain, and other conditions. Patient advocacy groups have alleged such discrimination against patients with cancer, cystic fibrosis, hepatitis, HIV, and other illnesses. Across all Obamacare plans, choice of doctors and hospitals has grown narrower, and drug coverage has gotten skimpier… Indeed, this form of discrimination against preexisting conditions is arguably worse than the kind it (mostly) displaced. Unlike discrimination in pricing and enrollment, discrimination in plan design harms all consumers. It not only "undoes intended protections for preexisting conditions" but creates a marketplace where even "currently healthy consumers cannot be adequately insured." Patient‐advocacy groups insist discrimination in plan design "completely undermines the goal of the ACA."
They can't mean short‐term plans. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) says short‐term plans often "have lower deductibles or wider provider networks than plans in the [Obamacare] market." HHS is currently trying to reduce the quality of short‐term plans by forcing insurers to cancel them after four months, leaving sick enrollees with no coverage for up to one year. The CBO estimates HHS's proposal would leave half a million U.S. residents with no health insurance at all. "Affordable health care coverage"? They can't mean Medicare. Despite the trillions HHS spends on Medicare, effective medical care is still unaffordable for many enrollees. As I report elsewhere: 11 percent of Medicare enrollees overall, 20 percent of enrollees "in fair or poor self‐assessed health," and 23 percent of Black enrollees report "delaying getting medical care because of cost, needing medical care but not getting it because of cost, or problems paying or inability to pay any medical bills."
Medicare is so unaffordable, Congress has had to increase the Medicare tax 28 times since its inception. That's an average of one tax increase every two years.
Medicare won't require any more tax increases, though, right? It still hasn't been enough to keep up with runaway Medicare spending. How do we know? They can't mean Medicare or Medicaid. These two programs are almost solely responsible for the federal government's long‐term debt problem. They are the only major category of federal spending consuming a rising share of GDP. Net interest on the federal debt is rising as a share of GDP because Medicare and Medicaid are growing.
Source: Congressional Budget Office Most of that growth is Medicare. The CBO writes, "Spending on Medicare is projected to account for more than four‐fifths of the increase in spending on the major health care programs over the next 30 years."
Source: Congressional Budget Office They can't mean ObamaCare. ObamaCare plans are so expensive, Congress is subsidizing enrollees earning up to $600,000 per year. No, that's not a typo. They can't mean short‐term plans. The CBO says short‐term plans provide lower deductibles and wider provider networks than ObamaCare at premiums "as much as 60 percent lower than premiums for the lowest‐cost [ObamaCare] plan." HHS is trying to destroy quality, affordable health insurance and force people into low‐quality, unaffordable health insurance. "Provided the tools to fight Covid‐19"? They can't mean the FDA. For several months in 2020, the FDA blocked the use of safe, effective COVID-19 diagnostic tests. Epidemiologists called the move "insane." They can't mean the CDC. When the FDA finally stopped blocking all COVID-19 diagnostic tests, it approved only one: the CDC's. The CDC promptly contaminated its test kits with the coronavirus, rendering disease containment efforts "useless." Conclusion When HHS boasts about its track record of quality and affordability, remember Colette Briggs.
Photo credit: Katherine Frey/The Washington Post Colette is a little girl with cancer. If HHS had just left her alone, she would have had affordable, secure health insurance coverage. Instead, we saw headlines like, "Parents of 4‑Year‐Old with Cancer Can't Buy ACA Plan to Cover Her Hospital Care." Why? The benevolent U.S. Department of Health and Human Services cancelled the Briggs family's health plan, forced them into an ObamaCare plan, increased their premiums, and pushed the providers Colette needed out of their ObamaCare plans. What happens inside the HHS building left Colette's well‐to‐do family desperate and scrambling to get a little girl with cancer the medical care she needed. The flaks who staged this live‐tweet stunt should try explaining to Colette and her parents how HHS offers "quality, affordable health care coverage." I would be happy to arrange the meeting. The outside of the HHS building is ugly, but not as ugly as what happens on the inside.
En ocasiones anteriores, ya hemos hablado aquí en Letras Internacionales sobre qué hace único y distintivo al campo de las relaciones internacionales con respecto a otras disciplinas, y sobre las implicancias generales de teorizar o pensar en términos teóricos acerca del mundo. En esta oportunidad, sin embargo, hablaremos más bien sobre qué iguala a nuestra disciplina con las demás ciencias sociales. Sobre todo en lo que concierne a la teorización. Asimismo, discutiremos con cierto grado de detalle un caso paradigmático y ejemplificador como es la perdurabilidad de la Unión Europea (UE) dentro del marco de explicaciones teóricas de la disciplina. El foco principal de este ensayo está puesto en analizar las implicancias de la existencia de la UE para la teoría de relaciones internacionales; en particular, en lo que respecta a la última gran crisis europea.IEn términos generales, se considera que una teoría debiera poder cumplir dos funciones básicas. Por un lado, simplificar realidades complejas con el fin de ayudar a alcanzar ciertas explicaciones sobre relaciones causales presentes en determinados tipos de situaciones. Es decir, clarificar y dar sentido a fenómenos complejos. Y por el otro, en base a esas relaciones de causas y efectos supuestas y/o constatadas, generar expectativas y predicciones sobre futuros rumbos o resultados concretos a partir de un objeto de estudio determinado. En relaciones internacionales, así como en todas las disciplinas dentro de las ciencias sociales, el acto de teorizar está sujeto a múltiples limitaciones y dificultades.A diferencia de las ciencias "duras" o naturales, por ejemplo, donde quien teoriza tiene la capacidad de experimentar controlando su objeto de estudio —ya sea en un laboratorio o en una computadora—, y donde dicha experimentación puede ser repetida una y otra vez bajo mismas condiciones, en las ciencias sociales cada situación es, como bien dice Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, un suceso esencialmente único e irrepetible. Este punto de contraste entre ambas áreas de estudio también plantea serios obstáculos a la capacidad predictiva de las teorías. En lo exclusivamente concerniente a la teoría de relaciones internacionales, al no poder escapar a estas mismas fuertes limitaciones más generales, ésta va necesariamente detrás de los hechos. En otras palabras, en nuestra disciplina, construir teorías para predecir el futuro es un acto más de fe que de ciencia exacta. A lo sumo, el carácter predictivo de las teorías de relaciones internacionales se asemeja más a una partida de póquer que a una de truco, ya que nuestras expectativas teóricas sobre el futuro no se apoyan en adivinanzas sobre las cartas del otro (o donde es posible y hasta beneficioso "engatusar" al otro con "trucos" y "envidos"), sino en lo que comúnmente se llama "educated guesses" (o "adivinanzas educadas"). Éstas, a diferencias de las otras, son decisiones del tipo de "adivinanza", pero que están respaldadas por estimaciones de probabilidad. Comprender dicha distinción es fundamental para evaluar cuándo estamos frente a una "predicción" simplona que bien podríamos reemplazar con el lanzamiento de una moneda, o bien cuándo estamos frente a una "prognosis", apoyada en cierto conocimiento probabilístico y/o contextual, aunque nunca despojado por entero del gran factor homogeneizador que es la incertidumbre. Con estos elementos introductorios en consideración, veamos ahora cómo algunas de las teorías más importantes de relaciones internacionales tratan el caso de la UE, tanto en su creación como en su perdurabilidad, y los prospectos a futuro.IIDesde el fin de la Guerra Fría, el continente europeo ha brindado la oportunidad de estudiar y contrastar, en los hechos mismos, el grado de validez de muchas teorías de relaciones internacionales. En particular, ha permitido evaluar con profundidad cada una de las "predicciones" destiladas de las diferentes corrientes teóricas. La UE, en tanto caso de estudio, representa una de esas oportunidades históricas inigualables (como se ha dicho más arriba), únicas e irrepetibles, que es de gran utilidad a la hora de evaluar tanto las virtudes como las limitaciones de la teorización en relaciones internacionales.Los argumentos teóricos más importantes acerca de la UE pueden ordenarse en tres grupos. En un primer lugar, existe un grupo numeroso de trabajos que problematiza los orígenes de la UE en clave "seguridad" vs. "economía". Según este grupo, el identificar cuáles son las motivaciones particulares iniciales detrás del proyecto de integración europea es central para la discusión del segundo grupo. Así, en segundo lugar, otro grupo de trabajos problematiza lasustentabilidad del proyecto europeo en el tiempo. Para ambos grupos, entender los orígenes de la UE en términos de amenazas a la seguridad, o de prosperidad económica, plantea grandes diferencias analíticas ya que, uno u otro rumbo, sirven por igual para sustentar distintas explicaciones con respecto a la capacidad de la UE de perdurar en el tiempo, o bien menguar lentamente, a la luz de la implosión de la Unión Soviética (URSS) en 1991. Un tercer grupo de trabajos problematiza el carácter único, distintivo e inédito del proyecto europeo. Según esta última perspectiva, la UE constituye un fenómeno nunca antes visto en las relaciones internacionales y que, por lo tanto, no puede supeditarse tan rígidamente a los mismos estándares teóricos que, por ejemplo, se aplican para entender las relaciones interestatales más vulgares.En la primera discusión, son más bien los autores realistas y neorrealistas quienes plantean de manera más sólida la tesis de la "seguridad" como el disparador de la integración europea. Principalmente, autores como Mearsheimer, Layne, Waltz, Posen, Grieco, Jones, y en especial Rosato, defienden la idea de los orígenes más bien paganos de la UE. En concreto, la UE se explica por el efecto combinado del contexto histórico de hostilidad bipolar de la Guerra Fría, la amenazante presencia cercana de la URSS, y el rol de primacía de los Estados Unidos. Para estos autores, el acercamiento entre los otrora archirrivales Francia y Alemania se explica de manera muy natural y simple por factores que la corriente realista tradicionalmente ha resaltado. Por el contrario, otro grupo sostiene que los orígenes se encuentran en la búsqueda de la prosperidad (principalmente autores liberales europeo-norteamericanos como Moravcsik, Olson, Cooper, Keohane, Hoffmann, Rosecrance; o constructivistas, como Risse-Kappen, Haas, Checkel, o Wendt). Es decir, que el motivo fundamental del acercamiento y la pacificación de las relaciones franco-alemanas, que permitió luego dar inicio a una serie de proyectos integradores a escala continental, no se debió a cuestiones mundanas de seguridad, típicamente destacadas por los realistas, sino que más bien surgió del reconocimiento por parte de los líderes del momento (una versión europea de los "padres fundadores") de que la lucha, el antagonismo y la confrontación crónica de las relaciones europeas sólo había llevado a los países del continente a una posición relegada y disminuida en las relaciones internacionales. En resumidas cuentas, la versión realista de los orígenes de la UE se apoya en consideraciones de seguridad, supervivencia, temor a un enemigo común, y a la presencia protectora del paraguas militar norteamericano. El momento clave para los realistas es, pues, el Tratado de Dunkirk (1947) y el Tratado de Bruselas (1948). Para la versión liberal-constructivista, los puntos de inicio son 1951, año de la creación de la Comunidad Europea del Carbón y del Acero (CECA), y más formalmente 1957, con el Tratado de Roma.En la segunda discusión, nuevamente se da un corte entre realistas, por un lado, y tanto liberales como constructivistas, por el otro. Los primeros sostienen que dada la naturaleza de seguridad de los orígenes de la UE, su evolución y sustentabilidad en el tiempo están estrechamente ligadas a los mismos factores. En concreto, sostienen que en la medida en que tanto la actual Federación Rusa no pueda reemplazar en igual grado de amenaza y antagonismo a la otrora URSS, como que el compromiso norteamericano mengue, las fuerzas estructurales en juego hacia el mantenimiento de una UE coherente y unificada se debilitarán. Como consecuencia principal, para los realistas, la UE en tanto una institución internacional se encuentra en jaque hoy más que nunca ya que los incentivos que le dieron origen y justificación actualmente han desaparecido o están en un franco proceso de retirada. Los segundos, compuestos tanto por liberales como por constructivistas, sostienen una visión mucho más optimista de la UE. Se apoyan en los clásicos argumentos liberales relacionados al rol estabilizador y homogeneizador de las instituciones internacionales por sobre el comportamiento exterior de los estados, así como por sobre las identidades y la configuración de sus preferencias de política exterior. En este sentido, la institución internacional que todos llamamos "Unión Europea" ha cobrado vida por sí misma y, ahora, su perdurabilidad depende de sí y ya no de elementos típicamente realistas. El impacto por sobre los estados-miembro de la UE no sólo se da en el plano institucional, sino también en el de las identidades y la identificación con la forma de gobierno democrático-republicana, y ciertos valores y principios generales que incluyen, pero van más allá, de la declaración de los Derechos Humanos y las normas del derecho internacional.Por último, en la tercera discusión, un grupo pequeño pero creciente de autores da por tierra con todos los argumentos anteriores, ubicándolos en el plano del anacronismo y la obsolescencia. Desde esta nueva perspectiva, las herramientas teóricas tradicionales de la disciplina (y particularmente las provenientes del realismo), ya son parte del pasado, de una forma ya anticuada de ver el mundo, y de una concepción de las relaciones internacionales anclada en una etapa anterior de la evolución del sistema internacional. Por ello, la UE exige la elaboración de nuevos enfoques y herramientas analíticas, de un carácter mucho más original y sui generis. Muchos de los autores dentro de esta última corriente se ubican en lo que comúnmente llamamos teorías del "post-modernismo" en relaciones internacionales, aunque también muchos autores liberales y constructivistas suelen aportar ideas interesantes en este otro campo. Uno de los trabajos más característicos de esta discusión es el libroInternational Relations and the European Union, editado por Hill y Smith en 2005. Esta obra ya clásica, demuestra en todo su esplendor el argumento en pos de una concepción distintiva e inédita sobre la UE, presentando una pléyade de autores que recorren el espectro liberal, de sociedad internacional, marxistas y neo-marxistas, así como otros de difícil categorización.IIIEn suma, entonces, como hemos visto existen diversos tipos de explicaciones teóricas con respecto a los orígenes, el desarrollo y el carácter de la UE, y cada uno de ellos se condice de manera coherente con los preceptos básicos de cada corriente teórica. Sin embargo, aún resta por aclarar algunos aspectos relacionados a la predicción o prognosis de estos mismos enfoques. Por un lado, y si pausamos por un momento los alegatos del tercer grupo, podemos decir que tanto las teorías realistas como las liberales y las constructivistas poseen elementos claramente distintivos unos con otros y que generan potenciales escenarios a futuro de manera clara y coherente. Para unos, más pesimistas, el futuro de la UE está ligado a las condiciones de seguridad iniciales, y dado el actual entorno internacional, su futuro es incierto y problemático. Para otros, más optimistas, las condiciones iniciales de búsqueda de prosperidad económica plantean escenarios prospectivos de otra índole, más estables y duraderos, aún a pesar de los grandes cambios en el entorno.Como conclusión, debemos regresar a nuestro punto de inicio. Dado que, como se ha dicho al comienzo, la teorización en ciencias sociales va más bien por detrás de los hechos, momentos como el actual constituyen una instancia inigualable de testeo de muchas de las premisas y predicciones teóricas de nuestra disciplina. Plantear cuáles perspectivas o autores arrastran más peso sería traicionar los principios planteados por nosotros mismos en este ensayo. Sin embargo, sí puede mencionarse la constante renovación y ascenso en importancia de distintas teorías en distintos momentos históricos de la UE; es decir, el constante estado de auge y declive de ciertos grupos de explicaciones por sobre otras. En los últimos diez años, las corrientes liberales y constructivistas, así como también las post-modernas, parecían reinar por sobre las más tradicionales, simplistas y añejas perspectivas; parecían verse constatadas de manera irrefutable por los hechos. Sin embargo, cual ave Fénix, estas mismas perspectivas se han quedado mudas frente a los renovados embates mundanos de las corrientes siempre-escépticas y más pesimistas de la UE y las relaciones internacionales más en general. De hecho, uno podría argumentar que no son estos embates en sí quienes han descolocado a las explicaciones optimistas de la UE, sino la evidencia de los hechos en sí. Si bien aún es muy temprano para declarar quiénes han sido refutados y quiénes revalidados, las tendencias son cada vez más claras en el sentido contrario a los defensores de la perdurabilidad de lo inédito y lo imaginado. Todo pareciera indicar que el cambio cualitativo en las relaciones internacionales (es decir, uno que modifique sustancialmente y haga trascender la condición "anárquica" o descentralizada del sistema de estados) es más difícil incluso de lo que muchos escépticos creen. Todo pareciera indicar que estamos comenzando a vivir el ayer, una vez más.*Profesor, Universidad Abierta Interamericana (UAI), Buenos Aires.Maestría en Estudios Internacionales,Universidad Torcuato di Tella (Tesista).Lecturas sugeridas: Visiones generales:Filippo Andreatta, "Theory and the European Union's International Relations", en: Christopher Hill y Michael Smith (eds.), International Relations and the European Union(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).Simon Collard-Wexler, "Integration Under Anarchy: Neorealism and the EU", European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 12, No. 3 (2006), pp. 397-432.Joseph M. Grieco, "The Maastricht Treaty, Economic and Monetary Union and the Neo-Realist Research Programme", Review of International Studies, Vol. 21 (1995), pp. 21-40.Visiones realistas y neorrealistas:John J. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future. Instability in Europe After the Cold War",International Security, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Summer 1990), pp. 5-56.Eric Posner, "Europe's Missing Identity", Wall Street Journal (June 4, 2010). Disponible en: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704596504575272742111445082.htmlNiall Ferguson, "The End of the Euro", Newsweek (May 07, 2010). Disponible en:www.newsweek.com/2010/05/07/the-end-of-the-euro.html.Sebastian Rosato, "The Untied States of Europe", en: Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy blog (Wednesday, June 23, 2010). Disponible en: http://walt.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/06/23/guest_post_the_untied_states_of_europe.Barry S. Posen, "ESDP, Response to Unipolarity", Security Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (April-June 2006), pp. 149-186.Sebastian Rosato, "Balancing Act: The Power Politics of European Integration", Program on International Politics, Economics, and Security (PIPES), Fall 2006 Speaker Series, University of Chicago (October 5, 2006), 57 pp.Sebastian Rosato, "The Strategic Logic of Integration", paper presentated at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC (September 2005), 22 pp.John J. Mearsheimer, "Warum herrscht Frieden in Europa?", Leviathan, 37 (2009), pp. 519-531.Stephen Van Evera, "Primed for Peace: Europe after the Cold War", International Security, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Winter 1990/91), pp. 7-57.Adrian Hyde-Price, "A 'Tragic Actor'. A realist perspective on 'ethical power Europe'",International Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 1 (2008), pp. 29-44.Christopher Layne, "America as European Hegemon", The National Interest (Summer 2003), pp. 17-29.Visiones liberales y constructivistas:Andrew Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe. Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998).Stanley Hoffmann, "Obstinate or Obsolete? The Fate of the Nation-state and the Case of Western Europe", Dædalus, Vol. 95, No. 3 (Summer 1966), pp. 862-915.Richard Rosecrance, "The European Union: A New Type of Actor", en: Jan Zielonka (ed.),Paradoxes of European Foreign policy (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1998), pp. 15-23.Stanley Hoffmann, Robert O. Keohane y John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence. Back to the Future, Part II: International Relations Theory and Post-Cold War Europe", International Security, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Fall 1990), pp. 191-199.Bruce M. Russett, Thomas Risse-Kappen y John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence. Back to the Future, Part III: Realism and the Realities of European Security", International Security, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Winter 1990/91), pp. 216-222.Andrew Moravcsik, "In Defense of Europe", Newsweek (May 30, 2010). Disponible en:www.newsweek.com/2010/05/30/in-defense-of-europe.html.Thomas Risse, "Social Constructivism and European Integration", en: Antje Wiener y Thomas Diez (eds.), European Integrations Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 159-176.Robert O. Keohane y Lisa L. Martin, "The Promise of Institutionalist Theory", International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 39-51.Joseph Jupille, James A. Caporaso y Jeffrey T. Checkel, "Integrating Institutions. Rationalism, Constructivism, and the European Union", Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 36, No. 1/2 (February/March 2003), pp. 7-40.John G. Ruggie, "The False Premise of Realism", International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 62-70.Visiones post-modernas: Christopher Hill y Michael Smith (eds.), International Relations and the European Union(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). En especial, ver cap. 1 y cap. 18.Karen Smith, "The European Union: A Distinctive Actor in International Relations", The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Winter/Spring 2003), pp. 103-113.Alex Warleigh, "Learning from Europe? EU Studies and the re-thinking of 'International Relations'", European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 12, No. 1 (March 2006), pp. 31-51.
Splitter sind Fragmente, Bruchstücke. Als solche entziehen sie sich jeglichen Klassifikationsversuchen. Sie sind aus dem Ganzen ausgebrochen, definieren sich jedoch weiterhin über dieses (Immer)-Da, das System. Ununterbrochen versuchen sie, in dieses wieder einzubrechen. Das macht sie gewalttätig, unbequem und schmerzhaft. Sie schaffen sich ihre eigenen Nischen, Spalten, dort, wo zuvor keine für sie vorhanden waren, und verursachen weitere Splitterungen, Frakturen eben. Splitter sind zudem unberechenbar und perfide. Sie spielen mit Erwartungshaltungen. Nie kann man wissen, wann, wo und wie sie in das Gewebe einzudringen suchen, hier, in diesem Fall, in das scheinbar reibungslos funktionierende, gesunde Gewebe namens Filmindustrie, das aus Produktionsauflagen und Publikumserwartung geflochten ist. Der Schnitt durch das Auge in Buñuels Un chien andalou beispielsweise ist so ein Paradesplitter und ein Klassiker unter den Splittern, der das Netzhautgewebe und damit die konventionellen Schauwerte buchstäblich aufschlitzte. Die Liste der Splitter, die sich die Filmkunst im Laufe ihrer Geschichte eingezogen hat, ist lang. Der vom Filmwissenschafter und Filmjournalist Marcus Stiglegger im Bender-Verlag herausgegebene Essaysammelband Splitter im Gewebe präsentiert in Form von 16 profunden, bio-filmographisch orientierten Regisseurenporträts, verfasst von Filmkritikern und Filmwissenschaftlern des deutschsprachigen Raums (u.a. Georg Seeßlen, Theo Bender, Kai Mihm), einen zeitgenössischen Querschnitt solcher Splitter. Die Auswahl erhebt keinen Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit und legt das Hauptaugenmerk überwiegend auf postklassische bzw. postmoderne Filmauteurs des westlichen Raums: Atom Egoyan, Tim Burton, Luc Besson, David Fincher, Neil Jordan, Wong Kar-Wai u.a. Darüber hinaus finden sich einige Chronisten bzw. Dekonstruktivisten des amerikanischen Mythos wie Sam Peckinpah, Terrence Malick und Oliver Stone, einige Analytiker der europäischen Moderne wie Andrzej Zulawski und Elem Klimov und Vorläufer sowie Vertreter des Neuen britischen Kinos wie Nicolas Roeg, John Boorman, Neil Jordan und Michael Winterbottom. Der Untertitel des Buches gibt Auskunft über das Spannungsfeld, innerhalb dessen die porträtierten Regisseure zu verorten sind: Filmemacher zwischen Autorenfilm und Mainstreamkino. Aus dieser Nicht-Klassifzierbarkeit, die quer zu den Prinzipien kulturindustrieller Vermarktung bzw. Etikettierung steht, schöpfen die Filmemacher ihre verstörenden Momente. Unaufhörlich oszillieren ihre Bilderwelten zwischen solidem Genre-Handwerk und exzentrischer Eigenart, zwischen Narration und Experiment, zwischen Bewegungsbild und Zeitbild, zwischen affirmativem Affektkino und distanziert-analytischem Reflexionskino, zwischen Sinnlosigkeit und Sinnschwere, üppig-redundantem Spektakel und wesenhafter Reduktion. Die "kritische und die genießende Haltung des Publikums" (Walter Benjamin) scheint im "trans-intellektuellen" (S. 24) Kino dieser filmischen Grenzgänger geradezu nivelliert zu sein, um Walter Benjamin zu paraphrasieren. Es geht um ein Kino der Exzesse, Stilbrüche und Schlampereien. In seinem aufschlussreichen Vorwort legt Marcus Stiglegger die Intention des Buches dar, nämlich "ausgewählten auteurs auf ihre ganz persönliche, ästhetische Spur zu kommen" (S. 9), also ihre persönliche Vision du monde, ihre private Mythologie und Ikonografie zu erschließen. So erfahren wir von den Western-Endspielen Sam Peckinpahs, von dem sinnlichen Kino Terrence Malicks, von den politischen-seherischen Visionen, Missionen und Demonstrationen eines Oliver Stone, von dem düsteren Anti-Disneyland Tim Burtons, vom libertinen Kino Liliana Cavanis, vom Planeten Besson und vom fragmentarischen Großstadtkino Wong Kar-Wais, um nur eine kleine Auswahl zu treffen. Die Analysemethode, die in den einzelnen Essays zur Anwendung kommt, ist die der klassischen hermeneutischen Analyse und der vergleichenden Werkanalyse. In einem zirkulären Verfahren befragen die Autoren das Werk der einzelnen Filmemacher immer wieder aufs Neue, um anschließend die gewonnenen semiotischen Elemente zueinander in Beziehung zu setzen und daraus einen individuellen Stil zu destillieren, der sich aus filmischen Kategorien wie favorisierte Thematik/Motivik, narrative Struktur, Kameraführung, Ausstattung, Licht, Farbgebung, Schauspiel etc. zusammensetzt. Hierbei ergibt sich jedoch folgendes Problem: Die in dem vorliegenden Buch ausgewählten Filmauteurs können nicht mehr als "auteurs" im klassischen Lichte einer Autorenpolitik der Fünzigerjahre reflektiert werden, die den Regisseur zu der zentralen Instanz schlechthin erklärte. Zentrale, stilbildende Film-Kategorien wie Drehbuch oder Montage lassen sich im Falle der in dem Buch analysierten Filme nur in den seltensten Fällen direkt mit den dahinter stehenden Filmauteurs in Verbindung bringen und das filmische Endprodukt kann somit nur sehr bedingt als unmittelbare Zelluloid-Niederschrift des Caméra-Stylòs des Regisseurs betrachtet werden. Schließlich arbeiten die behandelten "Splitter" im Mainstreamkontext und sehen sich mit dem Problem konfrontiert, wie ihr persönlicher Stil in eben diesem Kontext durchsetzbar ist. "Jeder, der in diesem industrialisierten, vielköpfigen System seine Handschrift bewahrt, ist ein mächtiger Künstler." (Tim Burton, S. 268) Die künstlerische Leistung dieser Bilderschmuggler besteht vielmehr im Teamwork und in der "individuellen Kombination der fremden Einzelleistungen" (S. 15), wodurch ein Collaborative Effort erzielt wird. Andreas Rauscher (Filmjournalist bei Splatting Image, Testcard; Mitherausgeber von Screenshot) zeigt dies in seinem Beitrag Die dunkle Seite des Disneyland anhand des filmischen (Pop-)Universums von Tim Burton auf. Wie etwa David Lynch, Spike Lee oder Abel Ferrara repräsentiert auch Tim Burton einen bestimmten Filmemachertypus im amerikanischen Kino der Gegenwart, der wie ein Popstar "sein eigenes filmisches Universum mit Wiedererkennungswert im Teamwork mit bestimmten Schauspielern, Komponisten, Ausstattern und Kameramännern hervorbringt." (S. 268) So zählen beispielsweise Danny Elfman (Komponist) und Johnny Depp zum fixen Bestandteil des Burton-Teams. Zudem stellt Johnny Depp - insbesondere sein Erscheinungsbild in Edward Scissorhands - eine Art Alter Ego des Regisseurs dar, der sich durch diese mediale Re-Präsentation selbst zu einer Pop-Ikone hochstilisiert. Die persönliche Handschrift von Filmemachern à la Burton ergibt sich folglich nicht nur aus dem gestalteten filmischen Raum, sondern auch aus den Inszenierungsweisen ihrer Public Images. Es gehört mit zum Hauptanliegen von Splitter im Gewebe, zu einer Neubewertung der Autorentheorie einzuladen und einen aktuellen Ansatz der Autorenforschung zu präsentieren. Marcus Stiglegger zeichnet in seinem Vorwort mit Rekurs auf Susan Haywards Key concepts of cinema studies die Entwicklung des Autorenbegriffs in einem Drei-Phasen-Modell nach. In der ersten Phase, den Fünfzigerjahren, galt die Persönlichkeit des Regisseurs als zentrale, souveräne und einheitsstiftende Instanz, wobei Kontext und Publikum kaum beachtet wurden. Mit Aufkommen des strukturalistischen Ansatzes, insbesondere in den Sechzigerjahren, wurde das "Regie-Subjekt" dezentralisiert und zu einem Produkt bzw. zu einem buchstäblichen "subjectum", sprich zum Unterworfenem der Strukturen erklärt. Nicht der Regisseur, sondern die Strukturen produzierten nunmehr Bedeutung. Erst in der dritten Phase, dem Poststrukturalismus seit den Siebzigerjahren, wurde der filmische Text im ideologischen und sozialen Kontext betrachtet und das Publikum als bedeutungsproduzierende Instanz mitberücksichtigt. Das Hauptaugenmerk galt zunehmend der Intertextualität, der Polyphonie, den Diskursen und Kontexten. Semiotik, Psychoanalyse, feministische Theorie und Dekonstruktion kamen als analytische Ansätze hinzu. Die Regiepersönlichkeit wurde in der Entwicklung der Autorentheorie also sukzessive im Netz der Intertextualitäten und in der Pluralität der Codes aufgelöst. Barthes proklamierte 1968 bekanntlich den "Tod des Autors" und das Manifest der von Lars von Trier initiierten Dogma-Bewegung stellt einen weiteren aktuellen - wenn auch ganz anders, weil modernistisch ausgerichteten - Versuch dar, den bürgerlichen Autorengeniekult abzuschaffen, indem die Regisseure freiwillig ihre persönliche Handschrift zugunsten einheitsstiftender, ästhetischer Selbstauflagen zurückstellen. Wie kann man nun im postmodernen Netz der Verweise und des pluralistischen Nebeneinanders von Stilen zu einem "Splitter im Gewebe" werden - das ist die zentrale Fragestellung, die Stiglegger aufwirft. Das artifizielle, konstruierte Kino der Neunzigerjahre hat das Zitat, die Intertextualität und die Selbstreferentialität zu Stilprinzipien erhoben. Das bewusste Spiel mit Klischees und Stereotypen allein reicht jedoch nicht aus, um diese bloßzustellen. Um innerhalb dieser "Welt der Simulakren" zu einer "authentischen Geste" (S. 22) zu finden, ist es notwendig, zu einer "Meta-Technik" zu greifen, wie Stiglegger mit Rekurs auf Barthes ausführt. Es geht darum, einen "Mythos zweiter Ordnung" zu schaffen, der auf bereits etablierte Zeichensysteme und Mythen erster Ordnung aufbaut. Das subversive Potential dieses neuen Kinos besteht folglich (a) darin, durch ein maßloses, eklektisches Spiel mit vorhandenen Zeichen eine "Implosion der Zeichen" (S. 23), sprich eine wechselseitige Aufhebung der Zeichen zu erreichen, und (b) darin, durch eine Re-Kombination und Re-Kontextualisierung der Mythen zu einer Re-Authentisierung dieser Bilder zu gelangen. Essaysammelbände haben bekanntlich den Charakter von Überraschungstüten. Da gibt es positive Überraschungen ebenso wie Enttäuschungen, äußerst lesenswerte Texte neben über-lesenswerten Texten. Vor allem auch steht sehr viel sehr unverbunden nebeneinander. Im Falle von Splitter im Gewebe versucht der Titel zu vereinen, was eigentlich unvereinbar ist. Dementsprechend konstruiert erscheinen die hervorgehobenen Gemeinsamkeiten der ausgewählten Filmemacher; insbesondere der Dualismus Mainstreamkino/Autorenkino wirkt nicht sonderlich neu und kann ebensogut auf unzählige andere, vor allem auch "klassische" Regisseure wie Sam Fuller, Alfred Hitchcock, Howard Hawks etc. angewandt werden, was bekanntlich die (Vor-)Denker der Nouvelle Vague schon getan haben. Auch nehmen sich angesichts des postmodernistischen Übergewichts Modernisten wie Nicolas Roeg, Andrzej Zulawski und Sam Peckinpah, die in dem Buch porträtiert werden, einigermaßen deplatziert aus. Vergisst man jedoch den überspannten Bogen, den das Buch über die Köpfe der eigentlich unvereinbaren Filmemacher hinwegzukonstruieren versucht, und betrachtet man die einzelnen Aufsätze isoliert für sich, so finden sich in dem Buch zahlreiche, äußerst lesenswerte Texte, die profunde, filmkosmologische Einsichten in die Bilder-Welten der Regisseure eröffnen und diesen zahlreiche neue Aspekte abgewinnen. Splitter haben jedoch eine weitere Eigen-Art: Bleiben sie zu lange im Gewebe, so fallen sie nicht mehr als solche auf. Sie lassen sich allzuleicht inkorporieren. Wenn Stiglegger sein Vorwort mit dem Wunsch schließt, das Buch möge "unbequem in der deutschsprachigen Filmliteratur" stehen "wie die Protagonisten in der Filmwelt" (S. 25), so erscheint dieser Anspruch angesichts der mittlerweile schon kanonisierten und äußerst bequem gewordenen Splitter etwas übertrieben. Bleibt also nur zu hoffen, dass sich der Verlag bzw. die Autoren weiter auf die Suche nach neuen schmerzhaften Splittern machen und ähnlich aufschlussreiche Texte über diese verfassen.
The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.
CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.
Themes:
MICRO-LEVEL DATA:
Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire.
Demography: year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country.
Survey variables: perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month.
DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA: number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district.
MACRO-LEVEL DATA: election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.
Como la propia Marrero dice este libro pretende aportar elementos en la dirección de aclarar qué problemas enfrenta la escolarización en la actualidad así como precisar cómo es pensada la escuela desde la filosofía y la sociología en esta nueva modernidad que se haya en permanente cambio. Los artículos reunidos en este libro han sido escritos por filósofos, sociólogos dedicados a la investigación en educación; abordando distintas problemáticas a las que se les ofrece distintas soluciones pero tras las cuales es posible ver a la escuela como punto en común. "Todas las escuelas, la escuela" está dividido en tres secciones, cada una de ellas haciendo hincapié en un aspecto distinto; se abre con una sección donde se exponen fundamentos sociológicos y/o filosóficos de la educación en la Modernidad. Tal sección está constituida por cuatro artículos, siendo el primero de Francesc Hernández I Dobon quien realiza un esbozo de las diferentes nociones que se encuentran detrás del concepto educación en la Modernidad, permitiendo trazar un mapa donde se visualizan las diferentes tradiciones filosóficas que pueden incluso servir como guía para el lector a través de este libro. Tras este artículo está el de Díaz Genis quien aborda el problema de la educación desde una relectura de las críticas de Nietzsche a Kant, proponiendo recuperar el pensamiento de Nietzsche en el terreno educativo, como complemento o enriquecimiento de la modernidad. Entiende que debemos enseñar y aprender a vivir en la incertidumbre, promoviendo lo que cada persona debe crear por sí misma y para sí misma el sentido de su existencia. El artículo de María Victoria Costa realiza un análisis de los conceptos fundamentales de la teoría de la justicia de Rawls, discutiendo las tesis acerca de la buena ciudadanía y del papel de las instituciones educativas en la constitución de sociedades más justas. De esta manera la teoría de Rawls según Costa permitiría justificar una propuesta de educación ciudadana progresista que favorecería a la promoción de la justicia, respetando el pluralismo y la diversidad social. Costa reconoce las limitaciones de la teoría rawlsiana para el diseño de propuestas educativas, pero de todas maneras cree que la teoría posee un potencial que favorece la orientación de una educación ciudadana más ambiciosa. Esta sección finaliza con un artículo de Charlot que versa sobre la dificultad de construir un concepto de juventud que no refiera de forma necesaria a la educación y/o a la posición social. Charlot muestra como los filósofos han trabajado el tema de la juventud y la educación, para concluir que la sociología de la reproducción representada por Bourdieu no hace algo diferente ya que no logra captar lo especifico de la juventud ni de la educación. Tras esto propone otro acercamiento a la problemática de la juventud por medio de investigaciones empíricas donde se relaciona el saber con la escuela, y presenta la antropología filosófica que sustenta a estas investigaciones. La segunda sección constituida por tres artículos está destinada al cuestionamiento de las funciones de la escuela en su relación con otros ámbitos y subsistemas. Tanto es así que el primer artículo escrito por Paul Willis trabaja las relaciones de la escuela con la producción y el consumo culturales. En primer lugar Willis señala tres olas de la modernización cultural –producción industrial, desindustrialización y estetización del consumo y la producción culturales- y a través de ellas muestra las relaciones acaecidas entre las transformaciones producidas a nivel económico y el mundo del trabajo; y como esas transformaciones impactan en los jóvenes. Willis concluye que los procesos de incorporación de la cultura común en los espacios escolares pueden considerarse terrenos prácticos para la autocomprensión de los procesos subordinados de la reproducción social y para la apreciación de la que es más elusiva de las verdades, lo que Bourdieu presenta como la resistencia que puede ser alienante y la sumisión que puede ser liberadora. El siguiente artículo es de Mariano Fernández Enguita quien nos recuerda todo lo que la democracia ha hecho por la escuela, desde que el estado moderno se creó todos los regímenes políticos han utilizado a la escuela para fomentar entre otras cosas una identidad colectiva así como difundir normas de convivencia; sin olvidarnos que la democracia ha valorado a la escuela. Pero tras esto, se pregunta qué es lo que puede hacer la escuela por la democracia, pregunta que contesta desarrollando seis puntos; para concluir acerca de lo difícil pero atractivo que resulta que desde la escuela se contribuya al mejoramiento y desarrollo de la democracia. El último artículo refiere a la relación de la escuela con la formación de recursos humanos y ciudadanos, aquí Jordi Planas muestra las tensiones existentes entre las iniciativas para la creación del Espacio Europeo de Educación y las aspiraciones de ciudadanos europeos con una identidad cultural que superan la pretendida racionalidad económica con que se presenta el Espacio Europeo de Educación. Planas analiza los procesos que han afectado a los sistemas educativos europeos desde hace cincuenta años, y culmina con un llamado a llevar a cabo un debate político sobre los cambios que se están produciendo y los que se quieren introducir en la escuela, de manera tal que se pueda dar una nueva dirección a los resultados deseados hacia metas consensuadas y previsibles. La última sección del libro constituida por cuatro artículos refiere a los nuevos actores sociales y a las nuevas realidades que se experimentan en la escuela. El artículo de Adriana Marrero versa sobre la relación entre educación y género. El problema que analiza es el de la reproducción por parte de las instituciones escolares de las relaciones desiguales de género que han afectado a las niñas y las mujeres; sin embargo Marrero considera lo opuesto, que la escuela beneficia a niñas y mujeres más que perjudicarlas, lo que se observa por ejemplo en los índices de éxito alcanzados en cualquier nivel del sistema educativo. Siguiendo el artículo de Marrero se encuentra el de Michael Apple quien trabaja el ascenso del conservadurismo religioso en los Estados Unidos y el impacto que este ha tenido en el sistema educativo y por consiguiente en la escolarización, dando lugar a un nuevo fenómeno "la escolarización en casa". Este nuevo fenómeno se ha visto ayudado de recursos tecnológicos como Internet, que son esenciales para estos grupos en la lucha contra el humanismo y un mundo alejado de la palabra de Dios por no escucharla. José Beltrán Lavador en su artículo aborda lo referente a la validez y medición de las cuestiones sociológicas, y la forma en como estas impactan en el desarrollo de políticas públicas sobre todo educativas. Para realizar su trabajo Beltrán utiliza los informes PISA producidos por la OCDE que al medir resultados educativos, introducen un vocabulario (calidad, fracaso, triunfo, capital, entre otras) que es compartido por el mundo empresarial conjuntamente con el mundo educativo. Beltrán considera que es necesario recuperar la confianza en lo público, en las instituciones educativas así como en la profesión docente a la misma vez que depositar la confianza en los estudiantes actuales que al ser educados con responsabilidad si es que queremos un mundo mejor gestionado. Cierra el libro un artículo de Luis Rigal que se centra en lo que llama la modernidad latinoamericana, que no ha podido ofrecernos una identidad compacta sino más bien fragmentada. Sobre esta fragmentación se han erigido distintos modelos políticos y económicos; hoy estariamos frente a un nuevo modelo neo-neo que impone un nuevo concepto de ciudadanía donde la educación es central. Rigal finaliza revisando las tareas que la escuela debería llevar a cabo, entre ellas la escuela debería priorizar al sujeto social dándole poder para el dominio de habilidades cognitivas y técnicas con el objetivo de hacer realidad el proyecto emancipatorio. Para terminar podemos decir que este es un libro ecléctico, donde desde el aporte de sociólogos y filósofos se trabaja el problema de la educación y/o escolarización ya sea desde nociones teóricas claves así como desde las relaciones que la escuela establece con otros ámbitos.
EPDF and EPUB available Open Access under CC-BY-NC-ND licence. Groups most severely affected by COVID-19 have tended to be those marginalised before the pandemic and are now being largely ignored in developing responses to it. This two-volume set of Rapid Responses explores the urgent need to put co-production and participatory approaches at the heart of responses to the pandemic and demonstrates how policymakers, health and social care practitioners, patients, service users, carers and public contributors can make this happen. The second volume focuses on methods and means of co-producing during a pandemic. It explores a variety of case studies from across the global North and South and addresses the practical considerations of co-producing knowledge both now - at a distance - and in the future when the pandemic is over
The Lancet Countdown is an international collaboration established to provide an independent, global monitoring system dedicated to tracking the emerging health profile of the changing climate. The 2020 report presents 43 indicators across five sections: climate change impacts, exposures, and vulnerabilities; adaptation, planning, and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. This report represents the findings and consensus of the 35 leading academic institutions and UN agencies that make up The Lancet Countdown, and draws on the expertise of climate scientists, geographers, engineers, experts in energy, food, and transport, economists, social, and political scientists, data scientists, public health professionals, and doctors.