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This study examines how quality of political institutions affects the distribution of government budget and how development of government spending in major sections shapes the political institutions in Iran. This question has become especially important due to recent international sanctions, aiming to change the political behavior of Iran. We use the impulse response functions (IRF) and variance decomposition analysis (VDC) on the basis of Vector Autoregressive (VAR) model with annual data from 1960 to 2006. Our results show the importance of political institutions in patronage and public goods provision spending in Iran. The results imply that a shock in positive changes of democratic quality of institutions leads to negative and statistically significant response of military spending and positive and statistically significant response of education expenditures in short term. If sanctions are successful to change the political behavior of Iran in short run (Dizaji and Bergeijk, 2013), then one can also expect to see a reduction in allocated budget for military in Iran.

This study examines how quality of political institutions affects the distribution of government budget and how development of government spending in major sections shapes the political institutions in Iran. This question has become especially important due to recent international sanctions, aiming to change the political behavior of Iran. We use the impulse response functions (IRF) and variance decomposition analysis (VDC) on the basis of Vector Autoregressive (VAR) model with annual data from 1960 to 2006. Our results show the importance of political institutions in patronage and public goods provision spending in Iran. The results imply that a shock in positive changes of democratic quality of institutions leads to negative and statistically significant response of military spending and positive and statistically significant response of education expenditures in short term. If sanctions are successful to change the political behavior of Iran in short run (Dizaji and Bergeijk, 2013), then one can also expect to see a reduction in allocated budget for military in Iran.

Abridged for the Society for Political Education. ; Cover title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

From the liberal largesse of George Soros to the big-spending ways of Republican financiers like Sheldon Adelson, the 2012 U.S. presidential election is being shaped almost as much by billionaire backers as by the voters and candidates themselves. America's permissive campaign finance laws give these political sugar daddies unique clout, but it's not a purely American phenomenon. When it comes to behind-the-scenes moneymen, it's a global bull market. This article details billionaire backers in other countries. Adapted from the source document.

THIS PAPER DISCUSSES FREUD'S POLITICAL ANALOGIES AND METAPHORS, THE PERSUASIVE DISCOURSE BY MEANS OF WHICH POLITICAL VALUES ARE PRESUPPOSED, CONCEALED, CRITICIZED OR JUSTIFIED IN HIS INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY. IT IS THE AIM OF THIS PAPER TO CHALLENGE THE CLAIM THAT, 'TO TRY AND FIND IN FREUD'S WRITINGS AN ARTICULATED OR COHERENT SOCIAL THEORY OR ETHIC... IS A VAIN TASK.' ON THE CONTRARY THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT EVEN FREUD'S INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY CONTAINS A POLITICAL THESIS, FORMULATED IN METAPHORS AND ANALOGIES BORROWED FROM THE EXPERIENCE OF THE SOCIAL WORLD AND USED AS STRUCTURING PRINCIPLES IN THE ELUSIVE REALM OF THE MIND.

AbstractThe language of democracy and citizenship is infused with a complicated idea: political representation. While political theorists have explored what representation and deliberation should be like, most research on how political discussion actually happens fails directly to address these theoretical standards. This article shows the importance of representation and deliberation to our contemporary ideas about democracy and citizenship. It shows that there is no clear line between deliberation and everyday conversation. Instead, everyday talk constitutes the foundation on top of which citizens build ideas about politics. These, in turn, are the bedrock of democratic representation.

The Basel III Accord was the centerpiece of the international regulatory response to the global financial crisis, setting new capital requirements for internationally active banks. This paper explains the divergent preferences on Basel III of national regulators in three countries that approximate what are frequently presented as distinct varieties of capitalism in Europe – Germany, the United Kingdom and France. It is argued that national regulators faced a 'trilemma' in setting capital requirements, having to prioritize among banking sector stability, the competitiveness of national banks and short to medium term economic growth. Different varieties of national financial system – specifically, banking system and different kinds of 'banking champions' – explain the different prioritization of objectives in the 'trilemma' and hence for the divergent preferences of national regulators on Basel III capital requirements. ; Intermediate version 2015/07/07; Final version: University of Edinburgh, School of Law Research Paper 2015/19; Europa Institute Working Paper 2015/03

Judith Butler's new book shows how an ethic of nonviolence must be connected to a broader political struggle for social equality. Further, it argues that nonviolence is often misunderstood as a passive practice that emanates from a calm region of the soul, or as an individualist ethical relation to existing forms of power. But, in fact, nonviolence is an ethical position found in the midst of the political field. An aggressive form of nonviolence accepts that hostility is part of our psychic constitution, but values ambivalence as a way of checking the conversion of aggression into violence. One contemporary challenge to a politics of nonviolence points out that there is a difference of opinion on what counts as violence and nonviolence. The distinction between them can be mobilised in the service of ratifying the state's monopoly on violence. Considering nonviolence as an ethical problem within a political philosophy requires a critique of individualism as well as an understanding of the psychosocial dimensions of violence. Butler draws upon Foucault, Fanon, Freud, and Benjamin to consider how the interdiction against violence fails to include lives regarded as ungrievable. By considering how 'racial phantasms' inform justifications of state and administrative violence, Butler tracks how violence is often attributed to those who are most severely exposed to its lethal effects. The struggle for nonviolence is found in movements for social transformation that reframe the grievability of lives in light of social equality and whose ethical claims follow from an insight into the interdependency of life as the basis of social and political equality.

AbstractBuilding on a growing body of research suggesting that political attitudes are part of broader individual and biological orientations, we test whether the detection of the hormone androstenone is predictive of political attitudes. The particular social chemical analyzed in this study is androstenone, a nonandrogenic steroid found in the sweat and saliva of many mammals, including humans. A primary reason for scholarly interest in odor detection is that it varies so dramatically from person to person. Using participants' self-reported perceptions of androstenone intensity, together with a battery of survey items testing social and political preferences and orientations, this research supports the idea that perceptions of androstenone intensity relate to political orientations—most notably, preferences for social order—lending further support to theories positing the influence of underlying biological traits on sociopolitical attitudes and behaviors.

This paper studies the location decisions of political parties. We propose a game where agents vote according to ideology & valence, & media create candidates' charisma. The results we obtain show that candidates realize the power of media & therefore, locate themselves at some point between the position of the median voter & that of the media. We further obtain that depending on the media outlets the voters choose to see, the equilibrium location of candidates may differ. Thus, when voters choose among the outlets, candidates may differentiate their platforms. Differently, when voters are exposed to all the outlets, candidates tend more to moderate their ideology, in an attempt to get the favor of all the media. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This article responds to Jean Tirole, winner of the Nobel prize for economics in 2014 and the signatories of the international appeal launched by Toulouse School of Economics and the Climate Economics Chair at Paris Dauphine University who propose setting a universal carbon price and establishing a transcontinental emissions trading system. We hold that the Paris Agreement, which disregarded such recommendations, represents a paradigm shift. The new political economy of climate change departs from the standard approach with regard to its economic instruments (emissions prices and quotas), returning to a classical political economy approach in terms of production economics. It confers a strategic role on methods and techniques for cutting emissions, as part of a long-term vision of energy and industrial transition. It is underpinned by the concerted action of States and multiple actors operating on various scales. There can be no magic wand to swiftly reduce greenhouse gas emissions while disregarding the real conditions of States, which all differ in terms of their relative development, technological capacity and political and social situation, not to mention the diversity of their values and priorities.