Suchergebnisse

Este ensayo aborda la reforma constitucional en materia electoral aprobada por el Congreso mexicano en septiembre de 2007, y subraya que con ella termina un modelo de competencia política (caracterizada por la estrecha vinculación entre medios de comunicación y partidos) imperante en la última década. En este sentido, para poder valorar el significado de la reforma, en primer lugar se realiza una síntesis histórica de las diferentes reformas electorales y se analizan algunas de sus consecuencias para el proceso democrático del país. Posteriormente, se abordan los aspectos más relevantes de la reforma constitucional y se analizan sus repercusiones políticas. ; This essay discusses the constitutional reform, in relation to electoral matters, approved by the Mexican Congress in September 2007. It emphasizes that this reform brings to an end a model of political rivalry (characterized by tight relationships between the communication media and the political parties) which prevailed throughout the last decade. In this sense, in order to evaluate the significance of the reform, it is necessary to first carry out a historic synthesis of the different electoral reforms and to analyze some of their consequences on the country's democratic processes. Then, the article will discuss the most relevant aspects of the constitutional reforms and analyze their political repercussions.

Until the 1990's, Switzerland could be classified as either a corporatist, cooperative or coordinated market economy where non-market mechanisms of coordination among economic and political actors were very important. In this respect, Business Interest Associations (BIAs) played a key role. The aim of this paper is to look at the historical evolution of the five main peak Swiss BIAs through network analysis for five assorted dates during the 20th century (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980 and 2000) while relying on a database that includes more than 12,000 people. First, we examine the logic of membership in these associations, which allows us to analyze their position and function within the network of the Swiss economic elite. Until the 1980's, BIAs took part in the emergence and consolidation of a closely meshed national network, which declined during the two last decades of the 20th century. Second, we investigate the logic of influence of these associations by looking at the links they maintained with the political and administrative worlds through their links to the political parties and Parliament, and to the administration via the extra-parliamentary commissions (corporatist bodies). In both cases, the recent dynamic of globalization called into question the traditional role of BIAs.

Old age income security system, institutional change, welfare legacies, political election and party, government system. - This dissertation analyzes the restructuring of the welfare system for old age income security in Taiwan since the 1990s that embraced a mixture of expansion, retrenchment, and consolidation, and to identify factors explaining this development. Substantial changes have taken place seen in three institutional areas, following different pathways:(1)initiation and expansion of a system similar to the basic pension system which based on various tax financed, status-differentiated old age allowance schemes targeted on people over 65 without any support of social benefits;(2)reform and retrenchment of the existing occupation-based social security system, including occupational social insurance schemes (since 1950s), public pension schemes for civil servants (since 1960s), and the mandatory occupational pension for employers (since 1984); (3) establishment of a national pension insurance system for the working-aged excluded from the occupation-based social security system mentioned above. I argue that this multi-dimensional restructuring is influenced by the interactions of three dynamic factors, namely: (1) the welfare system developed before the political transformation and its legacies; (2) the role and function of democratic elections and political parties in social interest representation; (3) the semi-presidential system for policy-making.

This article discusses the legacy of the colonial labour movement in Indonesia under five broad headings; labour unions and the development of political consciousness; labour unions as socio‐economic institutions; leaders, followers and the development of worker leadership; organisations and structural legacies; and class, ethnic and religious divisions. For over three decades after the first labour union was created in 1908, union leaders struggled to build organisations that cut across the ethnic, linguistic and social class divisions of Indonesian workplaces. They had limited success. Nevertheless, labour unions did have an important role in increasing workers' wages, representing their grievances to employers and forcing the colonial government to pressure employers to improve both wages and conditions. They were central to the development of political consciousness, creating opportunities for Indonesians to acquire organisational skills and providing a channel for many to join nationalist political parties. In 1941, on the eve of the Japanese occupation, labour unions were among the strongest Indonesian organisations in the colonial towns and cities. In the aftermath of independence in August 1945 labour unions were quickly re‐formed and, freed from many of the restrictions of the colonial states, recruited large numbers of urban workers. The successes and failures of the colonial labour movement were part of the collective memory of many leaders and members, influencing the direction of post‐independence activities.

Introduction: Election law : universal or particular? /James A. Gardner --Concepts and principles of electoral law in Europe /Anna Gamper --Comparative election law in Canada /Hoi L. Kong --Representation in federations /Nicholas Aroney and Lauren Causer --Indigenous peoples and electoral law /Andrew Geddis --The fraud of John Locke : subnational challenges to democratic theory /Makau W. Mutua --Democracy and secessionism : constitutional firewalls and an emerging accommodational paradigm /Marc Sanjaume-Calvet --Electoral systems and conceptions of politics /James A. Gardner --Constitutional design of political rights : the emerging model /Michael Pal --Political parties : private associations or public utilities? /Anika Gauja --Why representative democracy requires referendums /Dennis F. Thompson --The role of deliberative peace referendums in the constitutional settlement of conflict /Ron Levy and Ian O'Flynn --Elections, republicanism, and the demands of democracy : a view from the Americas /Roberto Gargarella --The long and unfinished road to universal suffrage and the development of electoral institutions : a Latin American perspective, 1810-1985 /Eduardo Posada-Carbó --Constructing the demos : voter qualification laws in comparative perspective /Yasmin Dawood --Disenfranchisement due to crime /Chad Flanders --Qualifications to be an elected representative /Graeme Orr --A constitutional perspective on electoral gender quotas /Patricia Popelier --Designing and protecting presidential term limits /David Landau and Rosalind Dixon --Campaign speech and the universal dilemma in the common law of elections : a lesson from the Anglo-American divide /Jacob Eisler --Campaign finance and electoral speech in the media /Jacob Rowbottom --Regulating money in politics : from electoral integrity to democratic integrity /Joo-Cheong Tham --Comparative election administration : a legal perspective on electoral institutions /Daniel P. Tokaji --Depoliticizing redistricting /Nicholas Stephanopoulos --Conclusion: Inequality, corruption, and climate change : rethinking election law in the twenty-first century /Timothy K. Kuhner.

The author stresses that participation has an intrinsic value for the citizens. In addition, it is also important as a means of civic education, a process in which citizens learn civic values. A comparison of electoral participation in democratic polities shows great differences among them. The author argues that the level of voter turnout depends on a number of factors, such as the features of electoral law, the characteristics of social situation, voters' motivation & political mobilization. Electoral law influences electoral participation in two ways: directly through legal provisions regulating the voting procedure & indirectly through basic characteristics of the electoral system, which more or less motivate the voters. The features of social situation that have an impact on voter turnout include importance of elections, voters' emotional involvement & uncertainty of electoral outcome. Voters' motivation depends on the type of individual involvement in politics, which ranges from a minority of political activists to a majority of political spectators, whose involvement is confined to voting, & a large number of apathetic citizens, who don't care for politics at all. Electoral campaigns can be considered mainly as an instrument to mobilize the supporters of political parties, not the apathetic. In the second part of the article the author looks more closely into features of electoral participation or abstention in Croatia, based on empirical survey data from 1990 to 2003. His findings show that mainly two factors are important for the level of participation: the individual feeling of either helplessness or positive impact in politics & the sense of political responsibility. Unlike in most other democracies, socio-economic status doesn't have a significant impact on participation in Croatia. 7 Tables, 10 Pictures, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

El avance de los medios de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías han llevado a que se hable cada vez más de una "democracia mediática" o "democracia de audiencias". En este sentido, los líderes de los partidos realizan importantes esfuerzos por captar a sus votantes a través de distintos canales y soportes. Esto ha llevado a que los recursos como la tradicional cartelería y el merchandising entre otros cumplan nuevas funciones. Así, el trabajo se centra en estudiar los efectos que persiguen dichos soportes de cara al electorado de los dos partidos más votados (PP y PSOE) en la circunscripción de Málaga en la campaña para las elecciones generales de 2011. Finalmente, se observa cómo estos recursos de marketing político tienen como finalidad principal convertir al líder en una marca, legitimarlo y socializarlo, antes que la búsqueda del voto entre el electorado. De esta forma, la comunicación política se convierte en un instrumento de legitimación de los líderes de los respectivos partidos. ; The advance of the mass media and the new technologies has taken that speaks itself increasingly of a "media democracy" or "democracy of targets". In this respect, the leaders of the parties realize important efforts for catching his voters across different channels and supports. This has led that the resources like the traditional printed formats and the merchandising between others fulfill new functions. In this way, the work is focused on studying the effects that chase the above mentioned supports with a view to the electorate of both parties most voted (PP and PSOE) in the circumscription of Malaga in the campaign for the general elections in 2011. Finally, it is observed as these resources of political marketing they have as principal purpose turn the leader into a brand, legitimize and socialize him. So, the political communication is an instrument to legitimate the leaders of the political parties. ; O avance dos meios de comunicação e as novas tecnologias têm levado a que se fale cada vez mais de uma "democracia mediática" ou "democracia de audiências". Neste sentido, os líderes dos partidos realizam importantes esforços por captar aos seus votantes através de distintos canais e suportes. Isto tem levado a que os recursos como a tradicional cartelaria e o merchandising entre outros cumpram outras funções. Assim, o trabalho centra-se em estudar os efeitos que perseguem ditos suportes de cara ao eleitorado dos dois partidos mais votados (PP e PSOE) na circunscrição de Málaga na campanha para as eleições gerais de 2011, finalmente, observa-se como estes recursos de marketing político têm como finalidade principal converter ao líder em uma marca, legitimá-lo e socializa-lo, antes que a busca do voto entre o eleitorado. Desta forma, a comunicação política converte-se em um instrumento de legitimação dos líderes dos respetivos partidos.

El avance de los medios de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías han llevado a que se hable cada vez más de una "democracia mediática" o "democracia de audiencias". En este sentido, los líderes de los partidos realizan importantes esfuerzos por captar a sus votantes a través de distintos canales y soportes. Esto ha llevado a que los recursos como la tradicional cartelería y el merchandising entre otros cumplan nuevas funciones. Así, el trabajo se centra en estudiar los efectos que persiguen dichos soportes de cara al electorado de los dos partidos más votados (PP y PSOE) en la circunscripción de Málaga en la campaña para las elecciones generales de 2011. Finalmente, se observa cómo estos recursos de marketing político tienen como finalidad principal convertir al líder en una marca, legitimarlo y socializarlo, antes que la búsqueda del voto entre el electorado. De esta forma, la comunicación política se convierte en un instrumento de legitimación de los líderes de los respectivos partidos. ; O avance dos meios de comunicação e as novas tecnologias têm levado a que se fale cada vez mais de uma "democracia mediática" ou "democracia de audiências". Neste sentido, os líderes dos partidos realizam importantes esforços por captar aos seus votantes através de distintos canais e suportes. Isto tem levado a que os recursos como a tradicional cartelaria e o merchandising entre outros cumpram outras funções. Assim, o trabalho centra-se em estudar os efeitos que perseguem ditos suportes de cara ao eleitorado dos dois partidos mais votados (PP e PSOE) na circunscrição de Málaga na campanha para as eleições gerais de 2011, finalmente, observa-se como estes recursos de marketing político têm como finalidade principal converter ao líder em uma marca, legitimá-lo e socializa-lo, antes que a busca do voto entre o eleitorado. Desta forma, a comunicação política converte-se em um instrumento de legitimação dos líderes dos respetivos partidos. ; The advance of the mass media and the new technologies has taken that speaks itself increasingly of a "media democracy" or "democracy of targets". In this respect, the leaders of the parties realize important efforts for catching his voters across different channels and supports. This has led that the resources like the traditional printed formats and the merchandising between others fulfill new functions. In this way, the work is focused on studying the effects that chase the above mentioned supports with a view to the electorate of both parties most voted (PP and PSOE) in the circumscription of Malaga in the campaign for the general elections in 2011. Finally, it is observed as these resources of political marketing they have as principal purpose turn the leader into a brand, legitimize and socialize him. So, the political communication is an instrument to legitimate the leaders of the political parties.

Introduction -- Part 1. Nationalism, Republicanism and the first parties -- Immigration, expansion and the mass parties -- Slavery, labor and the new immigration -- Part 2. Parties, progress and closing the open door -- The rise and fall of the New Deal -- Ideological parties and the return of mass immigration -- Multiculturalism and Nationalism: Obama and Trump.

STUDIES OF PARTY COHESION COMMONLY FOCUS ON SUPPORT FOR PARTY NOMINEES AND EMPHASIZE IMPLICATIONS FOR ELECTORAL SUCCESS. THIS ARTICLE SHIFTS THAT FOCUS TO THE PARTY ORGANIZATIONS AND EXPLORES THE RAMIFICATIONS FOR OPINION LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNING. IT REPORTS CONSISTENTLY LOW LEVELS OF ISSUE COHERENCE WITHIN BOTH MAJOR PARTIES, EVEN AMONG DELEGATES WHO SUPPORT THE SAME CANDIDATE. THESE FINDINGS, THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES, POSE AN OBSTACLE TO PROGRAMMATICALLY COHERENT PARTIES AND HINDER THE SUCCESSFUL TRANSMISSION OF CLEAR ALTERNATIVES TO VOTERS.

This article focuses on the situation in the Church of Sweden, one of the largest Lutheran churches in the world. The links between the state and the church in Sweden were only recently cut. Political parties still engage with church policy and form the majority of the Church Assembly as well as many local Church councils. When nationalistic parties also are involved in church policy this becomes a challenge. Homiletics is taught at the Church of Sweden Institute for Pastoral Education as part of the final, ministerial year. At the Institute we make use of North American literature by authors like Brueggemann, Lose, Tubbs Tisdale and Troeger. There are many differences between the Scandinavian and the North American contexts. This paper seeks to investigate how homiletical training in one context is carried out with the use of textbooks from another, different context. How can homiletics based on North American theologies fit into a Folk Church context? How does a North American homiletic approach encourage Swedish students to preach a prophetic word of God, without fear, in a situation when populist nationalism rises in the context of migration? How can prophetic preaching, as described by for instance Brueggemann and Tisdale, be contextualised in this situation? This article discusses when and how prophetic preaching inspired from the Biblical example, with its narratives and with metaphors and poetic language, should be used and when a more confrontational, head-on witness is needed.

This paper we propose a reading relative to the movement of "pobladores" from Santiago in terms ofchange and continuity taking as a temporal-axis the 1982 and 1999 years, that is, between civic-militarydictatorship and democracy in Chile. By way of hypothesis we intend to point out that the landings duringthe 90s' harmonize occupational actions with the "collective postulation" which implies the insertion ofthe "pobladores" world towards neoliberal logics in the ways of obtaining housing and, on the other hand,During the democratic transition, there is a crisis of the traditional parties referents, opting for theapproach to grassroots political parties or organizational referents with preferential social rather thanpolitical overtones. ; En el presente artículo nos proponemos hacer una lectura pertinente al movimiento de pobladores santiaguinos en términos de cambio y continuidad tomando como eje temporal los años 1982 y 1999, es decir, entre dictadura cívico-militar y democracia en Chile. A modo de hipótesis pretendemos señalar que las tomas de terreno durante los años 90' combinan las acciones ocupacionales con la "postulación colectiva" quien implica la inserción del mundo poblacional hacia lógicas neoliberales de obtención de la vivienda y, por otra parte, durante la transición democrática se presenta una crisis de los referentes partidistas tradicionales optando por el acercamiento a partidos políticos de base o referentes organizativos con tintes preferentemente sociales que políticos.