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This book argues that it can be beneficial for the United States to talk with 'evil' - terrorists and other bad actors - if it engages a mediator who shares the United States' principles yet is pragmatic. It shows how the US can make better foreign policy decisions and demonstrate its integrity for promoting democracy and human rights, by employing a mediator who facilitates disputes between international actors by moving them along a continuum of principles, as political parties act for a country's citizens. This is the first book to integrate theories of rule of law development with conflict resolution methods, and it examines ongoing disputes in the Middle East, North Korea, South America and Africa. It draws on the author's experiences with The Carter Center and judicial and legal advocacy training to provide a sophisticated understanding of the current situation in these countries and of how a strategy of principled pragmatism will give better direction to US foreign policy abroad

This book argues that it can be beneficial for the United States to talk with 'evil' - terrorists and other bad actors - if it engages a mediator who shares the United States' principles yet is pragmatic. It shows how the US can make better foreign policy decisions and demonstrate its integrity for promoting democracy and human rights, by employing a mediator who facilitates disputes between international actors by moving them along a continuum of principles, as political parties act for a country's citizens. This is the first book to integrate theories of rule of law development with conflict resolution methods, and it examines ongoing disputes in the Middle East, North Korea, South America and Africa. It draws on the author's experiences with The Carter Center and judicial and legal advocacy training to provide a sophisticated understanding of the current situation in these countries and of how a strategy of principled pragmatism will give better direction to US foreign policy abroad

Although inequality in Latin America ranks among the worst in the world, it has notably declined over the last decade, offset by improvements in health care and education, enhanced programs for social assistance, and increases in the minimum wage. In Democracy and the Left, Evelyne Huber and John D. Stephens argue that the resurgence of democracy in Latin America is key to this change. In addition to directly affecting public policy, democratic institutions enable left-leaning political parties to emerge, significantly influencing the allocation of social spending on poverty and inequality. But while democracy is an important determinant of redistributive change, it is by no means the only factor. Drawing on a wealth of data, Huber and Stephens present quantitative analyses of eighteen countries and comparative historical analyses of the five most advanced social policy regimes in Latin America, showing how international power structures have influenced the direction of their social policy. They augment these analyses by comparing them to the development of social policy in democratic Portugal and Spain.

A survey of network formation models : stability and efficiency / Matthew O. Jackson -- Models of network formation in cooperative games / Anne van den Nouweland -- Farsighted stability in network formation / Frank H. Page, Jr., and Samir Kamat -- Learning in networks / Sanjeev Goyal -- Group formation : the interaction of increasing returns and preferences diversity / Gabrielle Demange -- Games and economies with near exhaustion of gains to scale / Alexander Kovalenkov and Myrna Wooders -- Coalitions and clubs : tiebout equilibrium in large economies / John Conley and Stefani Smith -- Secession-proof cost allocations and stable group structures in models of horizontal differentiation / Michel Le Breton and Shlomo Weber -- Political parties and coalition formation / Amrita Dhillon -- Power in the design of constitutional rules / Mika Widgrén -- Group and network formation in industrial organization : a survey / Francis Block -- Institution design for managing global commons : lessons from coalition theory / Carlo Carraro -- Inequality and growth clubs / Fernando Jaramillo, Hubert Kempf, and Fabien Moizeau -- Informal insurance, enforcement constraints, and group formation / Garance Genicot and Debraj Ray -- Spontaneous market emergence and social networks / Marcel Fafchamps.

Agenda. - (6 S.).; Wehmhoerner, Arnold: Welcome address. - (9 S.).; Dias, Maximo: O papel dos partidos politicos. - 8 S.; Dias, Maximo: The role of political parties. (Unofficial translation). - 7 S.; Friedman, Steven: From freedom fighters to the seats of power. - 16 S.; Kauluma, Peter: The role of traditional leaders. - 5 S.; Lundin, Irae Baptista: The role of traditional leaders. - 19 S.; Lungu, Edgar Chagwa: The judiciary: fearless and independent?; Makumbe, John Mw: From freedom fighters to the seats of power: the case of Zimbabwe. - 19 S.; Manyarara, John Oliver: The judiciary: fearless and independent?; Mayani, Morgan: The media in a democratic society: the Malawi case. - 5 S.; M'Membe, Fred: The media in a democratic society. - 5 S.; Mogotsi, Vance: Is the centre willing to share power? - 11 S.; Mulato, Ernesto: Building democracy at grassroot levels. (Unofficial translation). - 3 S.; Munyenyembe, R. T. C.: The parliament: making democracy work. - 14 S.; Rukoro, R. V.: The judiciary: fearless and independent? 8 S

How does manipulation of primary elections affect the selection of women candidates for parliament? The underrepresentation of women in politics is a well-researched global phenomenon. However, as most work focuses on general elections, we overlook the disadvantages that women face
in the selection process. Specifically, primary elections often provide ample room for manipulation. We argue that manipulation skews electoral contests in favor of candidates with material and inter-personal resources, who are more likely to be men. We collect unique data via on-the-ground
observation of 119 primary election rounds (featuring 316 aspirants) in Malawi's 2019 parliamentary election and interview candidates to shed light on hitherto uninvestigated internal party primaries. We show that while women running in free and fair primaries were more likely to win
nominations than men, their chances were substantially reduced where primaries were flawed. The quantitative findings are corroborated by qualitative accounts of the gendered effect of primary-day manipulation in party primaries. The results have implications for debates on descriptive representation,
electoral integrity, and political parties.

Abstract
When the analytical lens of intersectionality was first applied to descriptive representation, it documented the increased level of disadvantage for those belonging to more than one underrepresented group. Although ethnic minority women have been slow to benefit from drives to boost ethnic minority or women's representation, increasingly, political parties seeking to diversify see them as "ticking two boxes," resulting in a new positive story of relative representational success in many countries and legislatures. However, we argue that the two narratives coexist: intersectional group membership mars the experience of ethnic minority women politicians despite their increased electoral success. Conceptualizing intersectional disadvantage beyond examining differential outcomes, we focus instead on how the mechanisms leading to those outcomes are experienced by ethnic minority women local councillors, from their selection to their working conditions and extra representative burdens. Using 85 interviews with ethnic minority women and men UK local councillors, we demonstrate how gender and racial inequalities leave ethnic minority women fighting two (or more) battles.

Abstract
This article examines the relationship between the activities of civil society organizations (CSOs) on migration and refugee issues with state-making processes and discourses in South Africa, based upon key informant interviews, discourse analysis, and ethnographic research. It argues that this relationship brings attention to the defining and reinforcement of national borders set against the backdrop of the 'corporate pact' between the South African government and CSOs that has necessitated public participation in social movements and voluntary associations involved in a range of different xenophobic activities that are legitimized by political parties seeking popularity, and the state. Financial resources operate as 'material disciplines' by influencing the kind of problems that are visible, and, in turn, categories that non-state actors like philanthropies, charities, and donors consider worthy of protection. Those affected by shifting categories and their influence on NGO support like Zimbabweans have taken matters into their own hands to counter this novel border from below.

Abstract
The article underscores the conceptual nexus of diaspora and soft power. It analyses US soft power, its main operating mechanisms and tools, and the role of diaspora groups in the transfer of American values, using Armenia and the Armenian-American diaspora community as a case study. The paper argues that ethnic diaspora groups are increasingly important actors of soft power. Along with protecting and promoting the national interests of their country of origin, ethnic diaspora groups play a unique role in promoting the host country's soft power by establishing links and enhancing mutual understanding between both societies and states and providing the transfer and network for the host country's values and ideals abroad. The article highlights the role of the Armenian diaspora political parties, the Armenian-American sociopolitical and lobbying organisations, and the activities of prominent Armenian Americans and their charitable foundations in the spread of American values and ideals, and the advancement of American soft power in Armenia.

Abstract
American federalism in 2022–2023 saw a continued escalation of the culture wars, with persistent battles fought between the heavily polarized political parties, different levels of government (including federal versus state governments and state versus local governments), and between states and private business. Policy conflicts have centered on a variety of issues related to reproductive rights, K-12 education, and gun policy, among others. This overview of American federalism during the last year proceeds by first considering major policy activity in Congress, much of which holds significant implications for federalism. Next, we discuss the 2022 midterm elections and the dynamics that largely prevented what many expected to be a "red wave". We then move to discuss significant policy shifts in the areas of civil rights and liberties, environmental policy, and labor, with an emphasis on state policymaking and court decisions. A central theme has been the intensification of cultural disputes as a policymaking focus, particularly at the state level.

The question of who is appointed to key administrative posts at the expense of whom lies at the heart of public administration research. In this paper, I study what career experiences have increased senior civil servants' chances of being appointed to a secretary general position. The civil service politicization and core executive literatures suggest such appointments are impacted by loyalty, ability, and proximity to power. These hypotheses are investigated using a mixed methods research design combining quantitative analysis of the career paths of all active senior civil servants in the years 2000–2020 ( n = 247) with 22 elite interviews with cabinet ministers and bureaucrats in the Netherlands. The main findings of this paper are that active affiliation with minister-delivering political parties and having worked in the prime minister's office significantly increased the odds of a candidate's appointment to an SG position, whereas managerial experience did not. These findings challenge the conventional theory of nonpoliticized appointments and unlock possibilities for comparative research on bureaucrats' biographies.

Abstract We estimate the causal effect of voter turnout on referendum outcomes in Ireland using a newly created dataset that links 25 years of constituency-level referendum results to a variety of demographic and economic characteristics, as well as daily rainfall amounts. Our instrumental variables methodology uses rainfall as an instrument for voter turnout to overcome issues of endogeneity. By exploiting Ireland's extensive experience with referendums, we are the first to explore the heterogeneous effects of turnout by referendum type (social issues versus regime-related issues). We find that a one-percentage-point increase in turnout is associated with a 1.6-percentage-point increase in support for progressively liberal social policies, which include issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion. For regime-related issues, such as EU economic treaties, we find no statistically significant effect of voter turnout on referendum outcomes. Our finding that turnout benefits socially progressive policies is consistent with a related strand of literature for general elections that indicates higher turnout benefits left-wing political parties.

AbstractWe estimate the causal effect of voter turnout on referendum outcomes in Ireland using a newly created dataset that links 25 years of constituency-level referendum results to a variety of demographic and economic characteristics, as well as daily rainfall amounts. Our instrumental variables methodology uses rainfall as an instrument for voter turnout to overcome issues of endogeneity. By exploiting Ireland's extensive experience with referendums, we are the first to explore the heterogeneous effects of turnout by referendum type (social issues versus regime-related issues). We find that a one-percentage-point increase in turnout is associated with a 1.6-percentage-point increase in support for progressively liberal social policies, which include issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion. For regime-related issues, such as EU economic treaties, we find no statistically significant effect of voter turnout on referendum outcomes. Our finding that turnout benefits socially progressive policies is consistent with a related strand of literature for general elections that indicates higher turnout benefits left-wing political parties.

While considering the democratic debate in Nigeria, we understand that the nexus between party politics and democratic governance lacks comprehensive analysis. This paper seeks to answer the question of whether party politics fosters or hinders democratic governance in Nigeria. It is intended to draw a nexus between internal party dynamics and poor governance in a democratic system of government using the theoretical tool of Group Theory. The methodology adopted is qualitative, and descriptive research design is used to guide the study. The study unveils the transactional nature of party politics as adversative and dysfunctional to democratic governance at all levels of government in Nigeria. Embedded within the drama of partisan politics, is a regime of patronage politics that is essentially opposed to all norms, values, and prevailing tenets of democratic governance. The paper recommends the accentuation of the purpose, and functions of political parties; it should be well defined and deeply rooted in the people with the hope of improving the system.

This research starts with a literature synthesis on risk and its measurement; then, as a second point, presents the methodological process for the construction of an index to measure social risk for Cajamarca's department in Peru, which has been based on the application of probability theory. The estimation methodology addresses two approaches: i) the probability of occurrence of an event that generates a total or partial paralysis of the private sector activity for a specific month, and ii) the probability of occurrence of at least one day of paralysis for a specific month. The data used has been recorded for the period between January 1992 and December 2022, based on journalistic information. The results are plotted in two-time series which show the evolution of the Cajamarca Social Risk Index in basis points for both methodological approaches. Additionally, I present a comparison of the annualized probability of occurrence of Cajamarca's private sector total or partial paralysis for five-year periods, regional governors, and political parties.