Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article looks at the 'return' migration of second‐generation Greek Americans to their parents' homeland, Greece. It is based on interviews with, and written accounts supplied by, 40 participants in the research, all now living in the Athens region. The article addresses two main sets of questions. First, why do they relocate to Greece, what are they looking for, and how do they cope with difficulties and disappointments? Second, and more specifically, how do they react to the fact that Greece is no longer a homogenous hellenistic society, but has become in recent years a de facto multicultural one due to the presence of hundreds of thousands of immigrant workers and their families? Three hypotheses are proposed for this inter‐migrant encounter: returnees, shocked by the 'new immigration', view it negatively as upsetting the 'pure Greek' homeland they had hoped to find; returnees are more sympathetic because of their own families' history as immigrants in multicultural America; and returnees differentiate themselves as 'good' migrants from Greece's immigrants who are constructed as 'bad' migrants. Evidence from the migrants' testimonies is found to support all three hypotheses; however, there is more support for the second one. In addition, a fourth outcome was voiced: that of discrimination against Greek Americans who are made to feel, in certain circumstances, outsiders by the 'true' Greeks. Suggestions are made for further comparative research.

This introduction to a special journal issue contends that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, seem to have marked a watershed in the formation of US foreign policy, with priorities now being based on fear of world conflict & the urgent necessity of protecting ourselves. The effect of this new orientation is examined in the incoherence & inconsistency now guiding US policy toward Cuba. For example, the US denied Cuba permission to participate in the World Baseball Classic in Puerto Rico in Mar 2006 but reconsidered when reminded by the PR government & international sports organizations that such action might jeopardize US bids to hold future Olympic Games. Other actions that were later overturned include denying entry to Cuban refugees who had reached Florida & denying 54 of 58 visa applications by Cuban scholars who were to participate in the 2006 International Congress of the Latin American Studies Assoc in Puerto Rico. The contributors discuss these & other issues relating to current US-Cuba relations. References. J. Stanton

This article argues that Latin American regionalism in international law is a direct consequence of a 'creole legal consciousness' meaning a shared basic assumption about the origins of law in the region (as coming from Europe through Roman law and Spanish law) as well as a belief in the uniqueness of an American (as in the continent) interpretation and development of that law. Those who participate of such a consciousness assume themselves as being part of the metropolitan centre (as descendants of Europeans), while at the same time challenging the centre with notions of their own regional uniqueness (as natives of America). Creole consciousness about international law was an instrument of nation and region building during the 19th century. This led to a discussion of the actual existence of a regional international law '[Latin] American international law' (derecho internacional Americano) in the first half of the 20th century. The article concludes with a look at how a regional perspective was also inherent in the construction of a human rights regime in the second half of the twentieth century. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses the importance of exploration and accuracy of collective memory with regard to balancing politically slanted ideologies, averting future atrocities, and redressing historical damage. The December 2004 UNESCO conference commemorating the abolition of slavery is discussed in the context of the formation and interpretation of collective memory of slavery. Adapted from the source document.

George W. Bush wants to be remembered as a president who left a lasting mark on U.S. foreign policy. His emphasis on spreading democracy and reshaping the Middle East is a manifestation of this drive. But the results of his management style and policy choices -- especially the invasion of Iraq -- may have already denied him that legacy.

Argues that Libya's leader, Muammar al-Qadhafi, remains intolerant of dissent & opposed to reform. His decision to give up the program to build weapons of mass destruction was only a ploy to get the US to exclude Libya from its effort to democratize the Middle East. People in the Middle East view the Bush administrations' licensing of companies to do business with Libya as insincere in light of its rhetoric about terrorism & dictatorship. An overview of Qadhafi's rise to power is followed by a description of his ideology of repression; his unrestrained megalomania; & his domination of both Libya's political society & religious life. Even though Qadhafi has portrayed himself as anti-Islamist, his consistent flirtation with Islamism suggests that he may not be adverse to a tactical alignment. Qadhafi's pledge to fight terrorism & give up the pursuit of weapons of mass destruction run counter to both his history & his unrestrained megalomania which suggest that he is impervious to change. The US should not to be fooled. 5. J. Lindroth

This paper analyzes the public policies that lead to "Katrina," paying particular attention to political decisions that created unusual risks in the New Orleans area. Most of the deaths from hurricane Katrina were concentrated in one place, New Orleans, and those losses arose in large part from its location in combination with its three century long effort to "manage" the risks associated with that location. Crisis management is inherently more error prone than ordinary policy making, because surprise implies the existence of significant information problems and urgency implies that time does not exist to completely address those problems (Congleton, 2005). In New Orleans the unavoidable mistakes of crisis management were compounded by policy choices made well before Katrina made landfall, as well as federalism, partisan politics, corruption, and incompetence.

Alcohol use is highly prevalent among U.S. college students, and alcohol-related problems are often considered the most serious public health threat on American college campuses. Although empirical examinations of college drinking have relied primarily on self-report measures, several investigators have implemented field studies to obtain objective measures of alcohol consumption (blood alcohol concentration) from students in ecologically valid settings. This article describes the methodology of breath-test field survey that is being conducted on the grounds of San Diego State University. Descriptive summaries of the data collected through spring 2003 are provided, and limitations to methodology are discussed.

Voluntary Environmental Programs (VPs) involving industry and regulatory agencies have emerged as the promise of the future in environmental policy circles. Although the number of these agreements is increasing in OECD countries, there are still concerns about their effectiveness; in particular that free-riding behavior may be difficult to avoid within VPs. Free riding occurs when one firm benefits from the actions of another without sharing the costs. Free-riding behavior may undermine the credibility of VPs and therefore their viability. Our paper focuses on understanding the factors that favor or hamper free-riding behavior in VPs. Our analysis is based on the case of the WasteWise program that was established by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to reduce municipal solid waste.