Suchergebnisse

This article utilizes a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework & interpretation of international political economy to argue that globalization as the dominant hegemonic order is generating multilevel (individual, group, & national) human insecurity especially in developing societies. The new processes, structures, discourses, & interaction networks associated with globalization produce: (1) a cultural lag between the new values & deeply held traditional attitudes in many developing societies, (2) a lack of 'inclusion' especially in the benefits of neoliberal economic expansion, & (3) an increasing 'disorganization' of capitalism, which spills over into economic, food, or health insecurity, among others. The solution would be to address issues of economic & technological exclusion if the problems of existential insecurity & human poverty are to be resolved. 29 References. Adapted from the source document.

Describes movements to establish a basic income program in Gasteiz & Malaga, Spain, to show how implementing basic income as a citizenship right would combat poverty & marginalization. Organized civil action promoting a national income program for Spain is presented as a political movement. Successful efforts to establish offices of information for the basic income movement in Gasteiz & Malaga are detailed, with brief summaries of similar forays into other economically distressed Spanish cities. The offices also provide poorer citizens with information on how to obtain available economic subsidies. The overall aim of the movement is to promote basic income as a means of securing citizens' dignity as well as a way to provide an economic safety net. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the dynamics of food‐assisted development strategies in Bangladesh focusing on the ultra‐poor women and children. The magnitude of poverty and malnutrition has been examined to determine how chronic food insecurity and malnutrition deter the ultra‐poor from taking active part in the mainstream development programmes in Bangladesh. Forces and factors that led to policy and programme shifts over the years, including the imperatives of national development experience, World Food Summit 1996 and the Enabling Development Approach of World Food Program, have been scrutinised in order to suggest strategies for directing food assistance more intensely towards community and human resource development, instead of physical or infrastructure development, as done in the past benefiting more the non‐poor than the poor.

In this interpretative study, the authors analyze the construction of three moral values in the context of inner-city high schools experiencing widespread poverty and racism. These values are trust, respect, and care. The authors demonstrate how the processes of social and discursive construction of morality differentially influence lived moral experiences for African American high school students from similar socioeconomic backgrounds. Differences are largely explained by the articulation of a strong African American tradition (racial-ethnic pride) in the magnet school, "City High." By contrast, a profound lack of trust and respect for this tradition seems to hinder student voice and the pursuit of "moral equality" and access to quality public schooling in the comparative school, "Neighborhood High."

The signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1993 led to the formation of a social and economic area characterized by marked asymmetry between its members: the USA, Mexico and Canada. Seven years later the results in terms of salaries, employment and labor standards are not very positive, although they have not produced the catastrophic results foreseen by some. In Mexico several hundred thousand jobs were created, especially in the maquiladora export industry, but this has been associated with falling living standards and rising poverty. Migration from Mexico to the USA has increased. Poor labor standards and illegal employment have led to collaboration between NGOs and trade unions on both sides of the frontier.

'Welfare dependency' has become a key term in policy debate in the United States and, more recently, Australia. In this article I explore the intellectual origins of the term, looking specifically at the writings of George Gilder and Charles Murray, two commentators whose (often polemically presented) ideas were influential within the Reagan Administration and have been at the forefront of a conservative renewal in welfare debate generally. Although others have subsequently refined some of their arguments and proposals, the authors' central claim that welfare causes dependency and thus unemployment and poverty – and that welfare reform therefore needs to focus on changing the behaviour of welfare recipients rather than providing employment opportunities – has had a lasting political impact, in Australia as much as in the US.

Using time‐series techniques with national data for 1967–98, we model the effects on changes in age‐race‐specific arrest rates of changes in indicators of economic deprivation. A measure of child poverty is positively related to juvenile arrest rates for both races, whereas changing unemployment (lagged) yields a surprising negative effect on youth offending. Measures of intraracial income inequality are also associated with changes in juvenile arrest rates, but the effects differ by race. Between‐race inequality is unrelated to changes in arrest rates for both races. Our general conclusion is that fluctuations in juvenile homicide offending over recent decades can be understood, at least in part, with reference to the macro‐economic environment confronting young people and their families.

With the increasing focus on globalization of the economy, ethical issues are often submerged by the goal of increasing profitability. This article explores the implications of globalization and its effects on both the Earth's poor and the Earth itself. It illustrates how poverty goes hand in hand with environmental degradation. The economic and moral impacts of international financial and regulatory organizations are analyzed and discussed. The article demonstrates how the economically marginalized suffer not only from the obvious lack of food, clothing, and shelter but also from polluted air, an unpotable water supply, and macro issues such as global warming. It concludes with the recommendation of looking to the economy of the Beatitudes of the New Testament for solutions.

This article demonstrates the explanatory poverty of new institutionalist hypotheses on institutional change. The new institutionalism fails to provide an adequate explanation of institutional change because, by relying on variables such as critical junctures, path dependency, leadership or the role of ideas, it leaves institutions behind and employs a grab-bag of explanations that proponents of almost any theoretical perspective could use. The conditions under which these variables matter are unspecified and the causal relevance of institutions themselves is unclear. New institutionalists should specify more rigorously the factors that change institutions and explicate the links between these factors and institutional change. Doing so, however, could mean abandoning their emphasis on the primacy of institutions in developing explanations for political phenomena.

There are three steps New Zealand can take to make its bilateral development assistance more effective in reducing poverty. These steps are 'easy' because they are unilateral: they improve the effectiveness of development assistance without requiring changes in the politics or policies of developing countries. By far the most important of these three steps is to focus New Zealand's bilateral aid on those poor countries that are democracies pursing policies of market-led growth. One of the major findings of recent research is that development aid only reinforces what is already there. New Zealand should accept the developing countries as it finds them and pick and choose so that it helps those already helping themselves.

In this paper, I discuss the incentives that the HIPC Initiative could create in debtor countries in favour of economic adjustment and reform. The usual debt-overhang argument, stating that debt relief will increase the net benefits of reforms, needs to be revisited in this context. First, the HIPC Initiative does not provide pure debt relief, but also creates new public spending obligations on poverty reduction programmes. Second, not all HIPCs can be considered as enjoying good economic governance, while the debt-overhang argument assumes a welfare-maximizing government. I show that standard positive incentives can be obtained only in good economic governance instances. I suggest that, in other instances, the outcome of HIPC programmes could be improved if external shocks were taken into account in their design.

Poor rural households in developing countries lack adequate access to credit. Many development professionals believe that this lack of credit has negative consequences for poor people's agricultural productivity, food security, health, and overall household welfare. Improved access to credit, they argue, will help poor rural households engage in more productive income-generating activities both on and off the farm and raise their living standards. Community and member-based microfinance programs have thus enjoyed considerable political and financial support during the 1990s. Yet in Access to Credit and Its Impact on Welfare in Malawi, Aliou Diagne and Manfred Zeller argue that access to microcredit may not be an effective way of alleviating poverty if the necessary infrastructure and socioeconomic environment are lacking. ; PR ; IFPRI1