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The purpose of this study is to unearth the landscape of social media and analyse the contents. Contents of social media, in Ethiopia, are varying over the course of changes in politics, health, socio-economic conditions of the country. Some of the contents are reflected in the forms of narratives, comments, briefings, anecdotes, and verses to list a few. Contents changing the way people interact with each other and share information, personal messages, and opinions about situations, objects, and past experiences- rethinking the past, themes are linked to the present and define the present Ethiopia. In order to attain the stated objective, the researchers developed critical discourse analysis as a research methodology and adapted Norman Fairclough's model of Analysis as a theoretical framework. Most social media texts are short online conversational posts or comments that do not contain enough information for a full textual analysis. Therefore, using purposive sampling six excerpts were collected from various discourses of the social media platforms, particularly Facebook, Facebook messenger, and YouTube. Based on the contexts of the discourses, the analysis was categorized thematically. The study concluded that social media users used the platform as a means to reflect both the status quo of the past and linking to the current COVID-19 and its socio-economic impacts. COVID-19 is depicted as a disease, resulting from human wrongdoings, very dangerous which is deadly even to Satan. It is also depicted as a warrior, an extremely hungry predator looking for its prey, ready to eat up human being ravenous without a need for proper chewing.

The Middle East is not among the priorities of the Russian foreign policy agenda, but the region plays both now and historically a central role in Moscow's calculus. This is mainly related to Russia's aspiration to enjoy a Great Power status. The Mediterranean does not constitute the basis for defining and conceptualizing a region in the strategic thinking of the Russian Federation. In fact Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is the prevalent term in the official documents. Russia's official discourse does not coincide with that of the European Union. There are some potential complementarities when it comes to security and stability, but strategic distrust will prevail in the foreseeable future. Moscow presents itself as a stability-provider confronting the West. Hence there is a limited ground for effective and meaningful cooperation despite apparent shared goals of fighting terrorism or preventing further destabilization.

This article concentrates on the discursive construction of mergers and acquisitions in the media. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the article focuses on justification, legitimization and naturalization processes in three historically significant cases in the Finnish media. The analysis reveals four distinctive discourse types- `rationalistic', `cultural', `societal' and `individualistic'-and elaborates their structural characteristics. The analysis shows that rationalistic discourses typically dominate discussion, while the other discourses are subordinated to the rationalistic discursive practices. This usually means justification of particular merger or acquisition deals and legitimization of specific actions taken by management. In the longer run, this is likely to lead to naturalization of specific management practices in the mergers and acquisitions context.

This paper examines the Czech online news media representation of Vladimir Putin during three presidential elections (American of 2016, Czech and Russian of 2018). The portrayal of the Russian leader is examined using the methods of the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), mainly by the approach formulated by Teun van Dijk. The results showed a negatively biased portrayal of the president, Russian policy and the country itself, which corresponds with the historical-political context of the Czech-Russian relations, and which is in accordance with the Western media discourse. Applying the methods of global coherence revealed that the overarching theme of the coverage is Putin's efforts to re-establish Russia as the global power and to restore the binary world as it was during the Cold war, while the methods of local coherence disclosed many implications, categorizations and the ubiquitous sarcasm and negativity in most of the texts.

Mainly drawing on Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and Pragma-Dialectics, this critical discourse analysis explains why the consensus obtained through the independence debate between France and New Caledonia does not constitute the result of a cooperative dialogue between the two discourse communities, but rather a French strategy to maintain a status quo. The study explores how a newly emerging identity for the nation of New Caledonia is collectively constructed through various discursive acts of negotiation while simultaneously being affected by external power relations. These acts of meaning are firmly placed within the context of the ongoing dialogue between France and New Caledonia concerning the latter's bid for full independence, a critical issue that formed the impetus for the research project. The study aims to elucidate how three politicians, as representatives of the main stakeholders in the debate, construe their own perceived reality of a "common destiny" and how they depict themselves in terms of power and influence. It looks at their underlying attitudes and concerns and how they express these discursively. It further investigates how they attempt to influence the outcome of the debate and how their social representations translate into reasons for selecting a particular course of action. Finally, it critically investigates what kind of consensus is reached as a result of the negotiation process and questions the reasonableness of the overall debate. Three French discourse samples, two speeches and one interview, are selected for this purpose. Any relevant linguistic features in the excerpts are described using a Hallidayan functional approach in order to explicate various significant lexicogrammatical choices made by the three protagonists: Jean-Marie Tjibaou, Lionel Jospin and Jacques Lafleur. These linguistic findings are then integrated as evidence in a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), which follows the logic from Pragma-Dialectics to reconstruct and evaluate the argumentative structure ...

Abstract
In recent years, the term 'fake news' has gained considerable traction in scholarly and public discourse. While fake news
is increasingly attributed to declining audience trust, we know little about how publics are making sense of the concept. To address this, I
discuss findings arising from interviews with 24 Western Australian media consumers who offered their perspectives on Australian news
coverage of asylum seekers. Combining Critical Discourse methods with Rhetorical Analysis, findings highlight how participants evaluated
misinformation and disinformation about asylum seekers and in particular, how some adopted a discourse of 'fake news' to delegitimise
perspectives that oppose their own stance. Discussed alongside Egelhofer and Lecheler's (2019)
theoretical framework of the fake news 'label', I argue that by understanding how audiences discussed fake news before the concept rose to
prominence in 2016, scholars can meaningfully examine discursive patterns within social constructions of fake news across numerous
contemporary and historical contexts.

The Swedish government's efforts to meet the needs of women subjected to violence have intensified since 2007 when it adopted an Action Plan for combating men's violence against women. The aim of this study was to analyze how women are discursively framed from an intersectional perspective in five of the Action Plan's study guides. A critical discourse analysis revealed three overall discourses. First, women are divided into various categories, which is likely to lead to an understanding that it is specific groups of women that become victims of violence. Second, women are framed in a heteronormative and a gender-equal context. This neglects nonheterosexual violence and underlines the otherness of ethnically categorized women. Third, the definition of women as agents stresses both their responsibility and their lack of agency. The absence of an intersectional analysis risks an interpretation in social work practice that some social division have a greater impact on violence in some specific groups of women. When women's individual situation and needs are not taken into account, women risk being given inadequate help and support, which might put victims of violence in danger.

This paper seeks to explore from a critical discourse analysis point of view the 2015 and 2016 university students' protest, tagged "#FEESMUSTFALL" against the public universities proposed increase in fees by between six and ten per cent in South Africa. The paper proceeds from the assumption that the seeming difficult on the part of the South African government to meet its commitment to provide open access to university education through different financial initiatives might have provoked internal conversations leading to a subtle violence of the kind that equates social movements. Based on digital qualitative research approach, we adopted a critical discourse analysis which culminated in our conclusion that students' resistance to the attrition and contrivance of open access to university education probably occasioned by rising financial cost of university education could open up new visages of debates around the success or otherwise of democratically elected governments to equitably address the peoples' expectations. The kind of resistance observed in the "#FEESMUSTFALL" university students protest in South Africa can and does actually take the form of an ontological stratified measure of reality ending up as a process that puts the political process to test.

ABSTRACT. Makalah ini membahas strategi yang digunakan oleh Andy F Noya dalam mengendalikan pembicaraan dalam acara Kick Andy di stasiun TV Metro.Fokus makalah ini adalah strategi mengontrol percakapan dan hubungan kebahasaan, kekuasaan dan ideologi dalam membentuk perspektif teks. Ancangan penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan sumber data transkrip sire kama nempate piso de Kick Andy dengan topik yang berbeda, yang secara total melibatkan 32 tamu. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa strategi utama adalah interrogative strategy, sedangkan strategi minor termasuk clarification interrupt, encouragement interrupt, implicature strategy, question interrupt, informative strategy, partial sentence strategy, continuation interrupt, declarative strategy, politeness strategy, agreement interrupt, evaluative strategy, disagreement interrupt dan exclamatory strategy. Studi ini juga menemukan bahwa ideologi yang disajikan dalam acara itu, termasuk: kerja keras menuju sukses, tidak adanya nilai absolut dalam politik, layanan bagi negara,, ketidak setaraan gender dalam kemiskinan peransosial. Ideologi ini terkait eratdengan bahasa dan kekuasaan. Kata kunci: critical discourse, language and power, strategies of conversation maintenance

Regional head election in Indonesia has successfully conducted in June 27, 2018. It is a kind of people democratic party which is held in most parts of Indonesia regions. Many ways have been conducted by those who were nominated to the position. Language as a means of communication takes important role in this agenda. Regional head election becomes popular theme in several songs to promote candidates. This language phenomenon is interesting since the songs does not merely show its lyrics but it also display power. Critical Discourse Analysis gives makes it possible to reveal the relation between language and power. This article shows how language exhibit power through three levelsof CDA that contain linguistic feature, text production, and social practice. Keyword : Song, regional head election, critical discourse analysis, social practice, text production

The use of the internet and related information and communication technologies (ICT) in public administration (known as 'e-government') has gained notable space within processes of public sector reform. Arguably, ICT provide an attractive strategy to reorganize internal government tasks, routines and processes, and to make them more efficient, responsive as well as accountable to citizens. Yet, the linkages between public values and e-government programmes remain understudied or taken for granted. My research focuses on this particular aspect of public sector reforms and organising. It engages with the debates towards modernisation of central government services while contributing to discussions of the relation between technologically induced programmes and public values over time. Using critical discourse analysis, I trace the discourses on public values and technology within a longitudinal case of a technology-enabled platform to facilitate foreign trade regulations in Mexico—the Mexican Single Window for Foreign Trade. In my empirical analysis, I examine a combination of key government texts and extensive data from fieldwork to address two related questions: what public values are presented, enacted or marginalized during the trajectory of the case, and how these values are enacted and operationalised into technology over time. The analysis reveals four distinctive discourses on public values and technology: 'technical efficiency', 'legality and honesty', 'robustness' and '(forced) cooperation'. The analysis shows that while the technical efficiency cluster—commonly associated to the new public management ethos—is dominating, it cohabits with and is reinforced by other values more broadly related to traditional public administration and the bureaucratic ethos—that is, legality and honesty. In addition, the analysis shows that these four distinctive discourses have been materialised in technology in different degrees, giving rise to tensions and contestation over time. In light of the findings, I draw ...

ABSTRACTThis research is entitled "The Representation of Ahmadiyah's Case on The Jakarta Post (A Study of Critical Discourse Analysis)". This study discusses about the elements and the strategies that are used by Jakarta Post in writing the people that involve in Ahmadiyah's case, and in what way Jakarta Post represent Ahmadiyah's case. This research uses analytical descriptive method in analyzing the data. Here the data is collected, described, analyzed and made a conclusion. After analyzing the data, it is found that in writing the actor that involves in Ahmadiyah's case, Jakarta Post uses two strategies: Passivization and Nominalization. The functions of those strategies are to hide the acts of the actor that involves in Ahmadiyah's case like the government, the people and group that support Ahmadiyah, and the group that is against Ahmadiyah. The result also reveals that the largest number of using passivization and nominalization that are used by Jakarta Post in hiding the actor that are involving in Ahmadiyah's case refers to the Government. By this strategies, the governments as the actor that is hidden by Jakarta Post is safe from the accusation of the society because of their decision in making the recommendation to ban Ahmadiyah. Key words: Passivization, nominalization, Representation, Ahmadiyah