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AbstractThe concept of wicked problems has become widely used in policy analysis. The popularity of the concept has led to its overuse, and has produced significant conceptual stretching. This paper investigates the extent to which this stretching has led to the application of the concept to issues which are not 'wicked' in any meaningful sense. Based on a survey of policy experts, we find that few, if any, policy problems are perceived to have all the attributes of wicked problems. Although the concept does not appear useful in categorizing problems in a strict manner, the presence or absence of certain attributes can still be used in understanding the problems and in designing solutions for them.

AbstractA class of convex programming problems with network type constraints is addressed and an algorithm for obtaining the optimal solution is described. The stochastic transportation problem (minimize shipping costs plus expected holding and shortage costs at demand points subject to limitations on supply) is shown to be amenable to the solution technique presented. Network problems whose objective function is non‐separable and network problems with side constraints are also shown to be solvable by the algorithm. Several large stochastic transportation problems with up to 15,000 variables and non‐negativity constraints and 50 supply constraints are solved.

A discussion of the problem of terrorism & the media, which focuses on the interface between three central actors: the terrorists, the governments or offical authorities, & the media organizations interacting with & mediating between the other two actors. Analysis of the role of the media in covering terrorism highlights such aspects as the agenda-setting function of the media, interviewing of terrorists, & media-driven public pressure on governments. The impact (both anticipated & unanticipated) of media coverage is discussed. Four types of solutions to the problems defined are presented & analyzed in terms of effectiveness, feasiblity, & practicality: (1) media guidelines, (2) legislation & legal sanctions, (3) cooperation between media & authorities, & (4) training & education of journalists & other media personnel. 92 References. Adapted from the source document.

Es geht in dem Aufsatz vor allem um den Versuch, die Problematik einer Definition des Freizeitproblems aufzuzeigen. Ausgegangen wird von der bisher fehlenden kritischen Reflexion der mit dem Freizeitthema befaßten Publikationen darüber, ob nicht durch die Definition von Freizeit als Problem diese erst zum Problem gemacht wird. Ferner wird ausgegangen von der Tatsache einer bisher fehlenden soziologischen Theorie sozialer Probleme, die das Freizeitproblem in einen größeren Zusammenhang stellen und seine Analyse legitimieren könnte. So versucht der Beitrag am Beispiel des Freizeitproblems zu analysieren, welche Gruppierungen unter welchen gesellschaftlichen Umständen Freizeit zum Problem erhoben haben und welche Konsequenzen sich aus der Definition von Freizeit als Problem für die Behandlung anderer sozialer Probleme ergeben. Die Darstellung schildert die Entwicklung der verschiedenen Auffassungen des Freizeitproblems und seiner Lösungsversuche vom Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts in Kreisen des Bürgertums und bei den verschiedenen Vertretern der Arbeiterklasse. Anstelle direkter Zuordnung von freier Zeit und Bildung zu Anfang trat zu Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts auf Grund sozialpolitischer Maßnahmen der Substitutionsbegriff Erholung. Nach einer Schwerpunktverlagerung des Freizeitproblems bis zum zweiten Weltkrieg nimmt das Freizeitthema in der BRD der 50er und 60er Jahre an Bedeutung zu, an dem sich alle gesellschaftlichen Gruppierungen beteiligen. Die damit verbundene Legitimierungsproblematik der Freizeitproblemdefinition wird dann erörtert und gefragt, ob nicht das Freizeitproblem eine Frage der Durchsetzbarkeit bestimmter Interpretationsmuster in einer wertpluralistischen Gesellschaft ist. (AF)

Compelling visions of how political institutions can be effective and democratic in handling globalization problems is one of our most important predicaments. Political institutions always were deficient in that they were hardly fully effective and democratic. During the prime of liberal democracies, their problem-solving capacity was limited, and the process of making decisions approached democratic ideals at best. Yet the current predicament goes deeper. We lack a compelling vision of ideal political institutions for handling global problems such as climate change. In order to develop this argument, first two criteria for a compelling vision of ideal political institutions are identified. In a second step it is argued that the two currently most crucial institutional visions do not provide convincing accounts for fulfilling these criteria. The paper concludes by suggesting that these weaknesses of both sides of the debate contribute to polarization, thus making the predicament worse.

Macedonia, one of the successors of the former Yugoslavia, is, by its political independence, confronted with complicated political and economic problems. As regards foreign affairs, there is the "Macedonian questi on": Is there a Slav-Macedonian nation or is it merely an artificial construction? The tension within the country stems from the presence of the ethnic Albanians: being an important part of the population, they demand constitutional rights like the Macedonians. The main economic problem is the conversion of the Yugosocialist economy into a market system. Thanks to Macedonian concessions, the "Macedonian question" has been nearly eliminated, and the neighbouring countries are recognizing more and more the advantageous role of this new state as a regional factor of stabilization in the heart of the Balkans. Though the inter-ethnic relationship was not free of dissonances, serious crises did not take place because of integrationing efforts by the authorities, such as participation in government. The Albanians know very well that their political and economic position is comparatively satisfactory. Their aim, therefore, is not a secession of the western part of the country, where they are chiefly concentrated, but an improved status within the state of Macedonia. By a rigorous austerity policy macroeconomic terms have been stabilized, and privatization of social property in industry is largely complete, though not entirely convincingly. However, the main aims to be achieved are sustainable agreement with the Albanian minority, the industrial restruction and the improvement of the miserable social conditions especially reduction of the tremendous unemployment and the betterment of the dismal material state of the people.