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Letters exchanged among Gen. Esteban Baca Calderón, Chair of the Claims Commission of the Secretariat of Finance and Public Credit , Mr. Manuel Rojas, and Gen. Alvaro Obregón concerning clarification on claims submitted to the Finance and Public Credit Ministry. Gen. Baca Calderón thanked Gen. Obregón for having sent him his book EIGHT THOUSAND KILOMETERS IN BATTLE. He sent Gen. Obregón a brochure titled "Emancipation of the Primary School from the Municipalities management" written by himself and a printed sheet published by the House of representatives on the bill that mandates that education in Mexico City and federal territories be the responsibility of the Federal Government. He also sent an article about the difference between the Latino/a and Anglo-Saxon cultures. General Esteban Baca Calderón told Gen. Obregón that the Constitutionalist Liberal Party would not endorse his presidential nomination if he did not accept the administration agenda they would propose and warned him of the risk of a split of the grassroots in the revolutionary movement. Gen. Baca Calderón sent Gen. Obregón a letter from Mr. Luis Manuel Rojas in which he made comments on the standpoint of the presidential candidates Gen. Alvaro Obregón and Gen. Pablo González, analyzed the press opinions, their political platforms and those of the political parties that endoresed them. Gen. Obregón commented on the former letter and maintained his political standpoint. / Correspondencia entre el Gral. Esteban Baca Calderón, Presidente de la Comisión de Reclamaciones de la Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Público, el Sr. Luis Manuel Rojas y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, conteniendo aclaraciones sobre reclamaciones presentadas ante la Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Público. El Gral. Baca Calderón agradece al Gral. Obregón haberle enviado su obra OCHO MIL KILOMETROS EN CAMPAÑA; le envía el folleto "Emancipación de la Escuela Primaria de la Tutela de los Ayuntamientos" que él mismo escribió y una hoja impresa publicada por la Cámara de Diputados con el Proyecto de Ley que establece que queda a cargo del Gobierno General la educación en el Distrito Federal y territorios federales, así como un artículo sobre la diferencia entre las culturas sajonas y latinas. El Gral. Esteban Baca Calderón le comenta al Gral. Obregón que el Partido Liberal Constitucionalista le negará su apoyo si no acepta el programa de gobierno que le proponga y el peligro de una división en las filas revolucionarias. El Gral. Baca Calderón le envía al Gral. Obregón una carta que le envió el Sr. Luis Manuel Rojas comentando la posición como candidatos a la Presidencia tanto del Gral. Alvaro Obregón como del Gral. Pablo González, analizando las opiniones de la prensa, sus plataformas políticas y las de los partidos que los postulan. El Gral. Obregón comenta la carta anterior y defiende su postura política.

El artículo tiene como objetivo desarrollar algunas hipótesis sobre la naturaleza y el tipo de relación, en la reciente política centroamericana, entre las condiciones estructurales y dinámicas de los procesos de cambio y las pautas de incidencia/adaptación a éstos por parte de los actores políticos de los países implicados. En concreto, se argumenta para los casos de Guatemala y Nicaragua la existencia de un profundo impacto mutuo, a través del cual las estrategias de partidos, movimientos populares, organizaciones empresariales y fuerzas armadas han modulado de forma decisiva el rumbo del proceso de cambio. Pero al mismo tiempo, dichos actores han resultado intensamente transformados -en sus dimensiones organizativas, ideológicas y programáticas- por las nuevas coordenadas institucionales y espacios políticos que habían contribuido a crear. ; The objective of the article is to point out some hypotheses on the nature and type of relationship -within the context of recent Central Arnerican politics- between the structural and dynamic conditions of the processes of change, and the specific ways political actors managed to adapt/impact upon them. Therefore, in the Guatemalan and Nicaraguan cases, it is argued that a profound reciprocal impact has taken place, whereby the strategic stands of political parties, popular movements, business organizations and the army succeeded in decisively shaping key aspects of the process of change. But, at the same time, these actors have been deeply transformed -in their organizational, ideological and programmatic dimensions- by the new institutional settings and political spaces they had contributed to build up.

The Republic of Ireland has changed much in the last few decades. It has become much more socially liberal, urban, secular and wealthy. It has also experienced large-scale immigration during a period when other Anglophone and many other European countries mainstream political parties have witnessed the exploitation of anti-immigrant nativism by some political mainstream parties as well as by the far right. Diverse Republic examines, as part of a wider focus on how immigration has changed Irish society, the emergence of antiimmigrant far-right groups through a focus on some key figures within these. It also considers the response of mainstream politics to immigration and examines efforts to encourage the integration of newcomers. The first part of the book examines how Irish society and identity has changed since the foundation of the state. This is relevant to the second part, which examines how and to what extent far right anti-immigration politics are likely to flourish or not in the Irish case. The second part of the book examines the appeal of far-right political responses to immigration in a context where some Irish citizens no longer appear to be represented by the political mainstream and where nativist populists lay claim to the symbols and heroes of the Republic. Diverse Republic makes the case for proactive measures to promote immigrant integration and social cohesion through citizenship, social policy and community development. It engages with shifting nationalist understandings of Irishness and makes the case for taking these seriously even if anti-immigrant nativist nationalism has found only fringe support in Irish politics to date. The symbols and history of what has become a diverse Republic should not become the property of those who would exclude some of its citizens. --

"Standout syndicated columnist and CNN contributor Salena Zito, with veteran Republican strategist Brad Todd, reports across five swing states and over 27,000 miles to answer the pressing question: Was Donald Trump's election a fluke, or did it represent a fundamental shift in the electorate that will have repercussions--for Republicans and Democrats--for years to come? The history of the American electorate is not a litany of flukes; instead it is a pattern of tectonic plate-grinding, punctuated by a landscape-altering earthquake every generation or so. Donald Trump's electoral coalition is smashing both American political parties and its previously impenetrable political news media.The political experts wrongly called the 2016 election and they keep blowing it--constantly predicting the coming demise of President Trump without pausing to consider the durability of the winds that swept him into office. The Great Revolt delves deep into the minds and hearts of the voters that make up this coalition. What emerges is a group of citizens who cannot be described by terms like "angry," "male," "rural," or the often-used "racist." They span job descriptions, income brackets, education levels, and party allegiances. What unites them is their desire to be part of a movement larger than themselves that puts pragmatism before ideology, localism before globalism, and demands the respect it deserve from Washington. Zito and Todd have traveled on over 27,000 miles of country roads to interview more than 300 Trump voters in 10 swing counties. What they have discovered is that these voters were hiding in plain sight--ignored by both parties, the media, and the political experts all at once, ready to unite into the movement that spawned the greatest upset in recent electoral history. Deeply rooted in the culture of these Midwestern swing states, Zito and Todd reframe the discussion of the "Trump voter" to answer the question: What's next?"--

"Everything ready for the rally tomorrow." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. Pp. 1 and 5. Aarón Sáenz, B.A., says that the Obregonist candidacy does not have official support. "In political demonstrations, the 'mueras' are not allowed, only the 'alive'." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. Pp. 1 and 5. International policy approaches of Gen. Arnulfo R. Gómez. "Opening of the Pro-Serrano Committee's offices today." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. "Political meeting of the Revolutionary Party of Jalisco in Guadalajara." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. SANCHEZ AZCONA, Juan. "The National Anti-reelectionist Party. Fundraising for the campaign." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. "Sowing winds." EL UNIVERSAL Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. Criticism of the candidates for their political campaign speeches and their advertising tactics." ZUBARAN CAPMANY, Rafael (B.A.). "Do not do unto another." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F> July 23, 1927. GONGORA, Pablo de. "French reflections." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. P.3 "The Convention organized by CROM." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 23, 1927. / "Todo quedó ya listo para la manifestación de mañana". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. pp. 1 y 5. El Lic. Aarón Sáenz dice que la candidatura obregonista no tiene apoyo oficial. "En las manifestaciones de carácter político no se permitirán los 'mueras', solamente 'vivas'". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. pp. 1 y 5. "La Política Internacional". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. pp. 1 y 10. Planteamientos de política internacional del Gral. Arnulfo R. Gómez. "Hoy se inaugurarán las oficinas del Comité Pro-Serrano". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. "Mitin político-electoral del Partido Revolucionario de Jalisco en Guadalajara". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. SANCHEZ AZCONA, Juan. "El Partido Nacional Antirreeleccionista. Recaudación de fondos para la campaña". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. "Sembrando Vientos". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. Crítica a los candidatos por discursos de la campaña política y a sus actividades propagandísticas. ZUBARAN CAPMANY, Rafael (Lic.). "No hagas a otro". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. GONGORA, Pablo de. "Reflexiones francesas". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927. p.3. "Las bases de la Convención organizada por la CROM". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 23, 1927.

This research aims to describe the dynamics of the legislative elections in Indonesia in 1955, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997, 1999, 2004, 2009, 20014, and 2019. This type of research was library research by using a qualitative approach. This study utilized cross-checks as the data validity checking technique. The data analysis techniques in this study used qualitative descriptive analysis. In interpreting data, this study was based on the concepts, theories, and critical analysis. The results of this study are as follows: (1) The 1955 elections were aimed at electing members of the DPR, and the members of the Constituent Assembly. The legal basis for this election was the 1950 Constitution and Law No. 7 of 1953 concerning General Elections. It is confirmed by numerous parties as one of the most democratic elections in the history of Indonesian state administration; (2) New Order era elections were held periodically for six times (1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997). It applied a proportional election system that was adjusted to the objectives and political format of the New Order. The New Order elections were only followed by three political parties and Golkar as the ruling party continually won. As a result, President Soeharto's political position became extraordinarily strong, the role of military politics was highly dominant, and the taming political radicalism can be done through the concept of a floating mass; (3) The 1999 election was still in the format of the constitutional system according to the 1945 Constitution that had not been amended. Thus, it was only to elect DPR and DPRD members, and they were also still familiar with the Republic of Indonesia Armed Forces (ABRI) member appointment system; (4) After the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, the legislative and presidential elections have been held four times, i.e., the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections. Although the results of the legislative elections in the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections did not produce an absolute majority in ...

Party Rivalry in the Kingdom of SHS during the Period from 1918 to 1929(Summary)This article has addressed issues shaping party rivalry in the Kingdom of SHS between 1918–1929, i.e. from the creation of the first Yugoslav state, being a result of the unification of the Kingdom of Serbia with the SHS state, to the introduction therein a dictatorship by King Alexander I, where a rapidly growing party rivalry was replaced by complete dependency on the wish of the royal court puppet party system. The decision of the King outlawed all political parties from the period of 1918–1929, between which were outlined a complicated system of political horse-trading. Special position in the parliament was assumed by the Nikola Pašić People's Radical that supported the centralist model of political system of the Kingdom of SHS, and thus made it the favoured party of the royal court and despite of a lot of arousing controversy over the election law ensured its participation in most governments of the first Yugoslav state. As a counter to this group, a strong opposition was formed among which the leading role was played by Stjepan Radic's People's Peasant Party, which were a group demanding the federalist model of state system, and thus the independence of the Croatian territory of the Kingdom of SHS. The function of the critical players of the Yugoslav party system in the period 1918–1929 was played by the Democratic Party as well as the Independent Democratic Party, which was the result of a rift in the camp of the Democrats. The strength of both groups often determined the potential of the ruling government or coalition. Furthermore, a large number of parties sprang up in the parliament, which in a kind of ideological collage fought for religious issues, agricultural, cultural, regional and political.

Party Rivalry in the Kingdom of SHS during the Period from 1918 to 1929(Summary)This article has addressed issues shaping party rivalry in the Kingdom of SHS between 1918–1929, i.e. from the creation of the first Yugoslav state, being a result of the unification of the Kingdom of Serbia with the SHS state, to the introduction therein a dictatorship by King Alexander I, where a rapidly growing party rivalry was replaced by complete dependency on the wish of the royal court puppet party system. The decision of the King outlawed all political parties from the period of 1918–1929, between which were outlined a complicated system of political horse-trading. Special position in the parliament was assumed by the Nikola Pašić People's Radical that supported the centralist model of political system of the Kingdom of SHS, and thus made it the favoured party of the royal court and despite of a lot of arousing controversy over the election law ensured its participation in most governments of the first Yugoslav state. As a counter to this group, a strong opposition was formed among which the leading role was played by Stjepan Radic's People's Peasant Party, which were a group demanding the federalist model of state system, and thus the independence of the Croatian territory of the Kingdom of SHS. The function of the critical players of the Yugoslav party system in the period 1918–1929 was played by the Democratic Party as well as the Independent Democratic Party, which was the result of a rift in the camp of the Democrats. The strength of both groups often determined the potential of the ruling government or coalition. Furthermore, a large number of parties sprang up in the parliament, which in a kind of ideological collage fought for religious issues, agricultural, cultural, regional and political.

Populist leaders around the globe magnify pre-existing frustrations and dramatise crises to erode confidence in elites and institutions. They adapt their othering and blame attribution discourses to specific geographical realities to take advantage of local problems and prejudices. Most Eurosceptic parties apply a similar populist logic of articulation simplifying political problems, morally delegitimising their political adversaries and supranational institutions, appealing to an idealised and somewhat homogeneous notion of society as well as presenting popular sovereignty as threatened by Brussels and mainstream parties. Populism literature has developed theories and measurement tools that are very useful to explain the emergence of Eurosceptic movements and to what extent their narratives resonate with citizen's pre-existing attitudes and/or contribute to shaping them. This article shows the value of using populism as an epistemic framework to analyse Euroscepticism and understand how parties tailor their messages (supply-side) to trigger specific beliefs and behaviours (demand-side) in the inhabitants of different geographic contexts.

Does war affect support for incumbent leaders and parties? The literature is divided with studies reporting negative, positive, or null-effects. Many studies analyze the consequences of foreign intervention, and less is known about the political costs of wars fought close to home. Building on theories of retrospective voting, we theorize that wars inform voters about leader's competence, and in turn affect mass attitudes and behaviors. Leveraging the unexpected onset of the 1973 Yom Kippur war which interrupted an ongoing Israeli public opinion poll, and voting records from four national elections linked with Israeli military fatality data, we demonstrate that despite the ultimate military victory, the war and its casualties reduced support for incumbent parties and leaders, and increased support for the opposition. By moving beyond foreign interventions, we provide strong evidence that wars over a country's core territory can be politically costly for incumbent leaders and parties.

The current party system of Ukraine, defined its main features and trends with regard of parliamentary elections 2014 was investigated. The classification, which distinguish the parliamentary system was determined. It is established that the party system has undergone significant changes compared to previous years. Thus, according to classification Mayra Ukrainian party system evolved from a secondary party system to a system of small parties because the two largest parties have 47.5% of votes in parliament. Meyer's Index fell by almost a factor of 2, indicating that the party system became more competitive, the process of forming a coalition will be longer, and the stability of the government will be lower than in previous years. The calculated effective indices of the number of parties suggested Laakso, Taagepera and Golosov also show that the party system became more fragmented. Based on the analyzed results of parliamentary elections for 1998­2014 years, it has found that increasing or decreasing the percentage threshold of 1%, not significantly affected by the number of parties represented in Parliament; none of the parties could not be present in every convocation; there is uncertainty in electoral preferences. Formulation of the problem. The presence of political parties in the state and their free participation in electoral campaigns in parliament is one of the main signs of a democratic system in the state. Political parties, in turn, form a party system that is a certain indicator of the level of its democratic development, but this does not mean that it is inherent only to democratic countries. The party system exists even in authoritarian and totalitarian countries, where the one-party system is legally enshrined in the constitution. In some countries, such as the United States, Britain, thanks to established democratic traditions, bipartisan systems have been formed. In Ukraine, although it is a democratic state, there are still no established democratic traditions. In 2014, the country returned to the parliamentary-presidential form of government. This led to an increase in the role of the Verkhovna Rada and parties in political processes. In addition, parliamentary elections were held in 2014. Therefore, the relevance of the research of the modern party system of Ukraine, the changes it has undergone and the determination of its development trends for 1998-2014 is of relevance. ; Досліджено сучасну партійну систему України, визначено її основні тенденції та особливості із врахуванням результатів парламентських виборів 2014 року. Наведено класифікації, за якими розрізняють парламентські системи. Встановлено, що партійна система зазнала суттєвих змін у порівнянні з поперед­німи роками. Так, за класифікацією Майра українська партійна система перетворилася з системи середніх партій на систему малих партій за рахунок того, що дві найбільші партії в парламенті мають 47,5 % мандатів. Індекс Маєра знизився майже в 2 рази, що свідчить про те, що партійна система стала більш конкурентною, процес формування коаліції стане більш тривалим, а стабільність уряду буде нижчою, ніж у попередні роки. Розраховані індекси чисельності ефективних партій, запропоновані Лааксо, Таагеперою та Голосовим, також показують, що партійна система стала більш фрагментаризованою. На основі проаналізованих результатів парламентських виборів за 1998­2014 роки встановлено, що зменшення чи збільшення відсоткового бар'єру на 1% значно не вплинуло на кількість партій, представлених у парламенті; жодна з партій не змогла бути присутня у кожному скликанні; існує нестабільність електоральних уподобань. ; Досліджено сучасну партійну систему України, визначено її основні тенденції та особливості із врахуванням результатів парламентських виборів 2014 року. Наведено класифікації, за якими розрізняють парламентські системи. Встановлено, що партійна система зазнала суттєвих змін у порівнянні з поперед­німи роками. Так, за класифікацією Майра українська партійна система перетворилася з системи середніх партій на систему малих партій за рахунок того, що дві найбільші партії в парламенті мають 47,5 % мандатів. Індекс Маєра знизився майже в 2 рази, що свідчить про те, що партійна система стала більш конкурентною, процес формування коаліції стане більш тривалим, а стабільність уряду буде нижчою, ніж у попередні роки. Розраховані індекси чисельності ефективних партій, запропоновані Лааксо, Таагеперою та Голосовим, також показують, що партійна система стала більш фрагментаризованою. На основі проаналізованих результатів парламентських виборів за 1998­2014 роки встановлено, що зменшення чи збільшення відсоткового бар'єру на 1% значно не вплинуло на кількість партій, представлених у парламенті; жодна з партій не змогла бути присутня у кожному скликанні; існує нестабільність електоральних уподобань.

Towards a political analysis of patronagePolitical patronage is a phenomenon which has already been analysed and evaluated from many angles. An analytical model inspired by cybernetics is proposed here as a framework for the interpretation of the phenomenon. Such a model leads one to observe interactions between the different actors of a given society in terms of power relations. Using the ideas suggested by the model, the author describes patronage as a complex process in which a client relationship is established between patron and client, following which the former tries to alter his relationship with his opponents in political competition. Through the establishment of a client relationship, the patron helps to pull the client out from a certain state of weakness so as to obtain the means which the client wants for himself. Consequently, thanks to the means obtained by the client, which help him augment his power, the patron tries once more to alter his relations with his rivals in the political competition. In this sense, patronage permits a double transformation.On an empirical level two questions are posed. Can one trace an evolutionary pattern in the practice of patronage by political parties in Quebec between 1944 and 1972, and in what sense can patronage be defined? Does patronage have different characteristics depending on whether it is practised by the Liberal party or the Union nationale in the period under review?

The Chapel Hill expert surveys estimate party positioning on European integration, ideology and policy issues for national parties in a variety of European countries. The first survey was conducted in 1999, with subsequent waves in 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2019. The number of countries increased from 14 Western European countries in 1999 to 24 current or prospective EU members in 2006 to 31 countries in 2019. In this time, the number of national parties grew from 143 to 277. The 2019 survey includes all EU member states, plus parties in Norway, Switzerland, and Turkey. Separate surveys were conducted in the Balkan candidate countries. Questions on parties' general position on European integration, several EU policies, general left/right, economic left/right, and social left/right are common to all surveys. More recent surveys also contain questions on non-EU policy issues, such as anti-elite rhetoric, immigration, redistribution, decentralization, and environmental policy.