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AbstractThe language of democracy and citizenship is infused with a complicated idea: political representation. While political theorists have explored what representation and deliberation should be like, most research on how political discussion actually happens fails directly to address these theoretical standards. This article shows the importance of representation and deliberation to our contemporary ideas about democracy and citizenship. It shows that there is no clear line between deliberation and everyday conversation. Instead, everyday talk constitutes the foundation on top of which citizens build ideas about politics. These, in turn, are the bedrock of democratic representation.

THE PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY WAS TO REPLICATE EARLIER RESEARCH INTO THE DEVELOPMENT OF STUDENT POLITICAL ATTITUDES BY EXAMINING THE PATTERNS OF ATTITUDES WHICH EMERGED AT THE THIRD, EIGHTH, AND TWELFTH GRADES, INCLUDING COMPARISONS BY GENDER AND RACE. THEIR ATTITUDES WERE CONCEPTUALIZED AS HAVING 3 DIMENSIONS-ATTITUDES TOWARDS POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, PUBLIC POLITICAL PARTICIPATION, AND SCHOOL PARTICIPATION. A 48-ITEM ATTITUDE INSTRUMENT WAS USED TO COLLECT DATA IN TWO LARGE SURVEYS. OVERALL RESULTS SUPPORT EARLIER RESEARCH WHICH INDICATED THAT STUDENT POLITICAL ATTITUDES ARE SHAPED BY COGNITIVE CAPACITY INTERACTING WITH SOCIALPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS. SUBTEST DATA REVEAL DETAILS ABOUT THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL ATTITUDES, INCLUDING A SELF-OTHER DICHOTOMY IN SOME ATTITUDE DIMENSIONS DIFFERENCES BY RACE AND GENDER PROVIDE NEW INSIGHTS INTO HOW SOCIAL FACTORS AFFECT POLITICAL ATTITUDES.

Europe is experiencing rapidly accelerating poverty and social exclusion, following half a decade of financial crisis and austerity politics. The key problem behind Europe's malaise, in our view, is the economic disenfranchisement of large parts of its population in the winner-takes-all-society. This article proposes that we examine the contribution of republican political theory as a distinctive approach that provides us with the conceptual and normative resources to reclaim what we call the political economy of democracy, the constellation of political and economic institutions aimed at promoting broad economic sovereignty and individuals' capacities to govern their own lives. This article identifies three key ideas that together constitute a distinctively republican approach to political economy: (1) establish an economic floor; (2) impose an economic ceiling to counter excess economic inequality; and (3) democratize the governance and regulation of the main economic institutions.

Europe is experiencing rapidly accelerating poverty and social exclusion, following half a decade of financial crisis and austerity politics. The key problem behind Europe's malaise, in our view, is the economic disenfranchisement of large parts of its population in the winner-takes-all-society. This article proposes that we examine the contribution of republican political theory as a distinctive approach that provides us with the conceptual and normative resources to reclaim what we call the political economy of democracy, the constellation of political and economic institutions aimed at promoting broad economic sovereignty and individuals' capacities to govern their own lives. This article identifies three key ideas that together constitute a distinctively republican approach to political economy: (1) establish an economic floor; (2) impose an economic ceiling to counter excess economic inequality; and (3) democratize the governance and regulation of the main economic institutions.

Background The Framework Convention of Tobacco Control (FCTC) provides a basis for nation states to limit the political effects of tobacco industry philanthropy, yet progress in this area is limited. This paper aims to integrate the findings of previous studies on tobacco industry philanthropy with a new analysis of British American Tobacco's (BAT) record of charitable giving to develop a general model of corporate political philanthropy that can be used to facilitate implementation of the FCTC. Method Analysis of previously confidential industry documents, BAT social and stakeholder dialogue reports, and existing tobacco industry document studies on philanthropy. Results The analysis identified six broad ways in which tobacco companies have used philanthropy politically: developing constituencies to build support for policy positions and generate third party advocacy; weakening opposing political constituencies; facilitating access and building relationships with policymakers; creating direct leverage with policymakers by providing financial subsidies to specific projects; enhancing the donor's status as a source of credible information; and shaping the tobacco control agenda by shifting thinking on the importance of regulating the market environment for tobacco and the relative risks of smoking for population health. Contemporary BAT social and stakeholder reports contain numerous examples of charitable donations that are likely to be designed to shape the tobacco control agenda, secure access and build constituencies. Conclusions and Recommendations Tobacco companies' political use of charitable donations underlines the need for tobacco industry philanthropy to be restricted via full implementation of Articles 5.3 and 13 of the FCTC. The model of tobacco industry philanthropy developed in this study can be used by public health advocates to press for implementation of the FCTC and provides a basis for analysing the political effects of charitable giving in other industry sectors which have an impact on public health such as alcohol and food.

Tr. of: La democratie et l'organisation des partispolitiques ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 2

У статті аналізуються міжпредметні зв'язки політичної географії та розглядаються різні контексти вживання поняття «політична карта світу». Абстрактно-наукове розуміння політичної карти пропонується в якості супероб'єкта політичної географії. Зроблена спроба впорядкувати поняттєво-термінологічний апарат політико-географічних досліджень політичної карти світу. ; In this article interobject links of political geography are analyzed and different contexts of using the notion «the political map of the world» are examined. Abstractly scientific understanding of the political map of the world is offered as the superobject of political geography. An attempt to put in good order the notional-terminological apparatus of political-geographical exploration of the political map of the world was made.

"This book critically examines the Baloch nationalist narrative and explores the causes of the increase of insurgent violence in Balochistan, Pakistan. Using the historical analysis method, the author explores the relations between the national government of Pakistan, or "The Centre", and the province of Balochistan from 1947 to 2013 to argue that both sides use a standard narrative when dealing with each other. According to the Baloch narrative, Islamabad exploits Balochistan's natural resources without giving Balochistan its due share and has never accepted and granted Balochistan equal rights. The Centre's narrative emphasizes the tribal character of Baloch society and suggests that the Baloch elite hinder Balochistan's integration with the federation. This book demonstrates that both narratives are inherently flawed and present a precipitous picture of the problem of insurgent violence. It also shows that Baloch leadership is divided along tribal lines, and lacks a unified voice and proposes that the Baloch elite only uses the narrative of enduring injustice as a source of politicization of Baloch ethnicity when an actual or perceived injustice is taking place. An important addition to the literature on ethnopolitcal conflicts, this unique analysis of the importance of narrative in the imagination of political movements will be of interest to scholars in the field of South Asian Studies, Ethnic Conflicts, Separatist and political movements and Asian Politics"--

"Analyses the exponential growth of independent news portal (INPs) in Malaysia and discusses the extent of impacts generated from these portals in Malaysian electoral conduct especially during Malaysia's 12th and 13th general elections. The mainstream media in Malaysia has for decades been controlled by strict laws such as the Printing Presses and Publications Act (PPPA) and the Sedition Act, as well as self-censorship by print and broadcast journalists and editors. The rise of INP in Malaysia has challenged this government stranglehold, as well as making information available much faster than the mainstream media. The undeniable speed of the news posted on INP which often come with interactive contents are seen to have caused a remarkable increment on public's options with regards to expressing their political views. Some of the INPs have also impressively taken up a notch by providing live streaming videos or interesting online visual news which indirectly unifies various sectors of pressure groups in providing options of circulating and disseminating information to the public. The interviews conducted for this book provide deeper insights from those producing news and at the same time provide a specific and thorough observation on political events including representatives of the Malaysian middle class, Opposition parties, youth and university students, NGOs and civil society movements"--

Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- List of Tables and Figures -- PART I - BACKGROUND -- 1. Introduction -- Background -- Transition from Apartheid to Democracy -- Concepts and Ideas -- Scope of the Book -- 2. Brief Political History of South Africa -- Introduction -- African Communities -- Political and Economic Systems -- Conclusion -- PART II - POLICIES AND PROSPECTS -- 3. Policy and Law-making -- Introduction -- Public Policy Reforms -- Public Policy Making Approaches -- Public Policy Cycle -- Policy Coordination and Monitoring and Evaluation -- Conclusion -- Key Terms -- 4. Economic Development -- Introduction -- Economic Transformation -- Economic Performance -- Calculating GDP -- Calculating Economic Growth Rate -- Unemployment -- Calculating Unemployment -- Economic Development Since 1994 -- Economic Development Initiatives -- Other Policies, Strategies and Initiatives -- Economic Performance in Post-apartheid South Africa -- Employment -- Conclusion -- Key Terms -- 5. Economic Empowerment -- Introduction -- Economic Empowerment -- Arguments against BEE -- Financing Economic Empowerment -- Promoting Small, Medium and Micro-Enterprises -- Institutional Framework -- Conclusion -- Key Terms -- 6. Industrial Development -- Introduction -- Brief History of Industrialisation -- Industrial Development -- Industrial Structure of South Africa -- Industrial Regulation and Policies -- Other Industrial Development Initiatives -- Post-apartheid South Africa's Industrial Development -- Conclusion -- Key Terms -- 7. Public Enterprises -- Introduction -- Historical Context -- Size Complexity of Public Enterprises -- Brief Profiles of Selected Public Enterprises -- Internal and External Challenges -- Performance of Selected Commercial Public Enterprises -- Conclusion -- Key Terms

Why do some migrants vote in their countries of destination while others vote in the elections of their origin countries? Existing literature on migrant politics is divided into studies of political participation in receiving countries and transnational politics with migrant homelands. This separation conceals the extent to which receiving and origin-country electoral politics reflect two different processes. In this paper, I investigate whether the determinants of migrant voting in receiving and origin countries differ and the relationship between receiving and origin country voting. I emphasise how migrants are embedded in multi-layered contexts by analysing the effects of country-level contextual factors on the odds of voting in receiving and origin country national elections. Using random sample survey data representative at the local-city level from the LOCALMULTIDEM dataset (2004–2008), this study offers the first quantitative cross-national analysis of the determinants of migrants' receiving and origin country voting across Europe. Findings reveal the determinants of voting 'here' and 'there' do in fact vary. However, immigrants who vote in destination country elections are also likely to vote in homeland elections – suggesting that politically motivated immigrants may vote 'here' and 'there'. This research contributes to existing literature by offering comparative evidence revealing a cross-border simultaneity inherent in migrants' electoral political agency.