Suchergebnisse

"United States-Africa relations have experienced four major cycles. The first cycle was during the Cold War(1960-1990). During this period, the U.S. developed a one-sided relationship with various African states in which the latter served as foot soldiers for the U.S. in its competition with the Soviet Union for global domination. Among other things, the various client African states provided the U.S. with access to airfields, deep water ports and sites for the establishment of various intelligence gathering facilities. In addition, the U.S. used various groups like UNITA led by Jonas Savimbi in Angola to undermine and fight pro-Soviet regimes on the continent.The second cycle of the relationship covered the period 1991-1998. During this time, the U.S. scaled down its security activities in Africa. The major reason was that with the end of the Cold War Africa(with few exceptions like Egypt) was no longer a major front for the promotion of U.S. Security interests.The third cycle commenced in 1998 and ended in 2001. This period was characterized by the U.S. search for an approach to frame its security relations with Africa. In this vein, the U.S. undertook various military-security initiatives.The fourth cycle began after the 9/11 terrorist attacks against the American homeland. Since then, the U.S. has expanded the scope of its security relations with Africa, as reflected in the establishment of various initiatives and programs. At the core is the prosecution of the American "war on terror."Against this backdrop, this book examines some of the major dimensions of the U.S. security relations with Africa, including American security interests on the continent, the "war on terror" AFRICOM, and military cooperation. Using the books integrative theoretical framework, each of the chapters in the volume examines the various factors that shape the issue of focus. "--

In this article, the influence of the European Union's (EU) Green Deal on its energy relations with Russia is analyzed. Two models of resilience are identified in the EU's discourse. One aims at achieving resilience at the level of the EU's energy sector (the "microsystem" for the purpose of this study) while destroying the system of EU-Russia relations (the "macrosystem"). The other aims at achieving resilience in the micro- and macrosystem at the same time. Empirically, the study relies on EU documents and speeches by its national and supranational representatives. Three cases are studied. The first covers competition of two models of resilience in the principles that the EU defined for its relations with Russia. The second case involves investments that slow down the development of renewable sources of energy in favour of natural gas. This case demonstrates how resilience can be achieved as a return to the previous pattern (bouncing back). Although it can be achieved both at the EU-only level and at the level of the EU and its relations with Russia, it clearly favours the latter. The third case involves the import of hydrogen, which creates possibilities for resilience both at the microsystem alone and at the micro- and macrosystems at the same time. This latter option is achieved through adaptation to new challenges (bouncing forward). The author concludes by comparing the two models of resilience. The model that prioritizes the microsystem's resilience and challenges the macrosystem is based on the synthesis of environmental and geopolitical logics. The other model is based on economic and market logics, but the EU's normative leadership is a prerequisite. The EU's discourse demonstrates the viability of both models and related governance practices. Most likely, the two models will co-exist, but their relative importance will vary over time. This variation will be primarily determined by the EU's internal constraints. However, Russia's policy can facilitate the model of resilience, achieved in both the micro- and macrosystem.

Relevance. Religion permeates all spheres of human life: politics, economics, education, culture, medicine. There is no sphere of influence where religion would not leave its mark. In this regard, the consideration of the social doctrines of various prevailing confessions in the social life of a person is an urgent topic. Religion cares about the spiritual and physical well-being of a person, therefore, in the modern realities of the development of biomedical technologies, the moral aspect of human activity in the field of bioethics causes discussions in relation to such manipulations with the human body as IVF, surrogacy, abortion and transplantation. This leads to the need to consider these medical interventions from the point of view of the prevailing confessions in Russia.The purpose is to conduct a comparative analysis of the social concepts of Islam and Orthodoxy concerning bioethics issues.Objectives. To examine the existing approaches of Orthodoxy and Islam to bioethics; to identify the specifics of the doctrines of Islam and Orthodoxy in matters of surrogacy, IVF, abortion and transplantation; to compare the religious views of these denominations with regard to bioethics.Methodology. The study was conducted on the basis of a systematic approach within the framework of structural functionalism using universal scientific methods such as analysis, synthesis and generalization. Results. In the course of studying the doctrines of Islam and Orthodoxy in the field of bioethics, a comparative analysis of views on surrogacy, IVF, abortion and transplantation was carried out; similarities and differences of views of Orthodoxy and Islam on bioethics issues were revealed.Conclusions. The work identified similarities between Orthodox concepts and Muslim doctrines in relation to abortion, IVF, surrogacy and transplantation, differences are observed in relation to traditions.

Intro -- Preface -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Abbreviations -- A. Introduction -- I. Goals and scope of this study -- II. Working Definitions -- B. Proceedings in absentia at ICTs -- I. The investigative phase at ICTs -- II. IMT and IMTFE -- III. ICTY, ICTR and MICT -- 1. Right to be present -- 2. Duty to be present -- 3. Framework of proceedings in absentia -- a) Procedure in absentia at the pre-trial stage -- aa) Rule 61 Procedure -- bb) Rule 71bis Procedure -- b) Proceedings partially held in absentia -- aa) Pre-trial conferences and technical meetings -- bb) Waiver of the right to be present -- cc) Refusal to attend trial -- dd) Removal due to disruptive behaviour -- ee) Temporary inability to stand trial -- ff) Protection of witnesses and victims -- 4. Video link procedures -- IV. Hybrid tribunals -- 1. SCSL, SPSC, ECCC, BWCC -- a) Right to be present -- b) Duty to be present -- c) Framework of trials in absentia -- 2. STL -- a) Right to be present -- b) Duty to be present -- c) Framework of trials in absentia -- aa) Legal and virtual presence -- bb) Trials in absentia -- (1) Conditions for the conduction of trials in absentia -- (a) Art. 22‍(1)(a) STLSt -- (b) Art. 22‍(1)(b) STLSt -- (c) Art. 22‍(1)(c) STLSt -- cc) Safeguards -- (1) Proper notification -- (2) Representation by defence counsel -- (3) Re-trial -- dd) Partial trials in absentia -- 3. KSC -- a) Right to be present -- b) Duty to be present -- c) Framework of proceedings in absentia -- d) Participation via video link -- V. ICC -- 1. Right to be present -- 2. Duty to be present -- 3. Pre-trial proceedings in absentia -- a) Confirmation of charges in absentia -- aa) Safeguards -- bb) Confirmation of charges in absentia for fugitive suspects -- cc) Role of the confirmation of charges -- b) Ex-Parte hearings -- 4. Framework of trials in absentia -- a) Removal of the disruptive defendant.

"In connection with the triangle of support, scepticism and opposition towards EU membership changes in Turkey are immense since 2005, because the majority of the sceptical trends has changed into rejectionism and so has forced back the EU support rate in Turkey: An EU membership was recommended in 2004 by 74 percent of the Turkish citizens when the EU called a firm date for the beginning of the accession negotiations for Turkey. In 2010, the EU support decreased to 38 percent. Hence, it must be underlined that Euroscepticism has become one of the most important social and political phenomena in Turkey. This article focuses on the following: Which Eurosceptic and/or opposing arguments exist in Turkey and how important are these in the relationship between Turkey and the EU? It is to be found out first that the diversity of the sceptical and/ or opposing positions proves the illusion which has formed the main character in the Turkey-EU relations. Besides, this article argues that the multiplicity of Eurosceptic opinions in Turkey might prevent not only the realisation of the reforms relating to the membership, but also slow down the process of Integration in total." (author's abstract)

The contribution of A. Constance Duncan (1896‐1970) to Australia‐Japan relations has been overlooked in mainstream historiography. This article examines her role in the development of these relations from 1922 to 1947. She was one of the few women to be accepted into the elite inner‐circle of intellectuals influencing Australian foreign policy during this period. In 1922 she embarked on a career in Japan as a missionary, or "foreign secretary", for the Young Women's Christian Association. She returned to Australia in 1933 and took up a position with the Bureau of Social and International Affairs. Her familiarity with Japanese culture and society, together with an abiding interest in promoting world peace, led naturally to her participation in the world of international relations at a time of heightened interest in the Asia‐Pacific region and Japan in particular. She was part of an intellectual movement that considered an educated Australian public to be of paramount importance in future Australia‐Japan relations and international relations generally. This article traces her activities and examines her influence in the educational field and on Australian foreign policy‐making.