Suchergebnisse

The paper presents the results of a Russian study on the state and dynamics of the historical memory of Russian students. As a scientific result, the paper presents the main socialization results by virtue of broadcasting the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War to students of the Russian frontier region

Este artículo aborda el análisis de discurso de Rafael Correa y Lenín Moreno en un nuevo contexto de Ecuador con una variación de articulaciones políticas, en el que las estrategias discursivas tienen una renovada formación del nosotros y los otros. El objetivo es indagar la construcción del ethos discursivo de ambos políticos durante 2018, a través de lo dicho por ellos sobre sí. Es un análisis cualitativo de un corpus de 16 discursos televisivos (de diferentes tipos) de Moreno y 9 de Correa. En los resultados aparece una fuerte carga de valores personales y políticos en lo manifestado por Moreno para sustentar su propuesta del diálogo y ser refundador de la institucionalidad del país, mientras que Correa enfatiza su integridad moral, se declara perseguido y se construye como un redentor de la patria para salvarla. El estudio permitió conocer cómo estas estrategias discursivas buscaron construir su imagen sobre los hechos del pasado y el presente para formarlos de manera diferencial ante sus opositores construidos.//This article studies the speech analysis of Rafael Correa and Lenín Moreno in a new context of Ecuador with a variation of political articulations, in which discursive strategies have a renewed formation of us and others. The objective is to investigate the construction of the discursive ethos of both politicians in 2018, through what they have said about themselves. It is a qualitative analysis of a corpus of 16 television speeches (of different types) by Moreno and 9 by Correa. The results show a strong possession of personal and political values of Moreno to support his proposal for dialogue and be a refounder of the country's institutionality, while Correa emphasizes his moral integrity, he declares himself persecuted and as a redeemer of the country. The study makes visible how these discursive strategies built their image about the facts of the past and the present to form it differentially before their constructed opponents.

'We have depended,' says Teresa Okure, 'either on expatriates … or on African men to speak for us theologically and otherwise. Has the time now come to speak for ourselves? Okure's question is asked as an African woman, but in South Africa at least, it can also be asked for marginalized and oppressed black groups as a whole. The concern of this essay is to reflect on the speaking of a small base Christian community in a large informal peri-urban settlement, similar to the favellas of Latin America, outside the Durban metropolitan area. The first step is 'listening to' what they have to say.

This study is about the famous theater tournaments that occurred in the Peruvian locality of Pauza in 1607. The evidence of this competition exists in an anonymousrelación de fiestasdiscovered by Rodríguez Marín. However, due to the lack of researches about the history of Pauza, the event has converted into kind of a myth for both the locality and for Cervantes-studies because the date is so close to the first edition of the Don Quixoteand due to the appearance ofthe famous character into the tournaments. My intention in the following work is to place the event within its own local history. First, I offer an analysis of festive traditionsthat circulated in the territory and that could led up to the Quixotic competition. Later, I propose an hypothesis about the larger context of the festival and the manuscript in which the account of it is contained. This includes an analysis of the powerful social groups that would have been behind the exposition and their interests in the event. For this, a juridical document found in Cuzco will be essential. ; Este estudio trata sobre aquellos famosos torneos que se teatralizaron en 1607 en la localidad peruana de Pauza. Están testimoniados en una anónima relación de fiestas descubierta por Rodríguez Marín; pero, el hecho de que se sepa tan poco de la historia virreinal de Pauza ha ocasionado que se conviertan en una suerte de mito, tanto para Pauza, como para el cervantismo, pues, en fecha tan cercana a la primera edición del Quijote, este personaje es representado en las virreinales justas. Mi intento es el de ubicar el hecho en su propia historia local. Para hacerlo, primero, propongo un análisis de las tradiciones festivas que circulaban en el territorio y que pudieron dar pie al quijotesco torneo. Luego, expongo mi propuesta sobre el contexto más inmediato de la fiesta y del manuscrito que la contiene: sobre los grupos de poder que habrían estado por detrás y los intereses que podían haber barajado, para esto resultará esencial un expediente jurídico encontrado en el Cusco.

This article aims to examine the development of historical learning during the Dutch Colonialism period, especially after the implementation of the Ethical Policy. In the field of education, indigenous elite students have access to Western (Dutch) education with the Colonial-Centrism curriculum, including history lessons. Historical learning in the early twentieth century characterized by learning materials oriented towards European superiority, Dutch legitimacy over Colonialism in the Dutch East Indies, delegitimation of rulers (kings/sultans) in Nusantara, and the indoctrination of colonized nations to accept Colonialism. This research used the historical method, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this research showed us that historical learning during the Colonialism period was oriented to legitimize the political power of Dutch Colonialism and indoctrination for indigenous elites to accept Colonialism. That is because historical learning has a strategic role in influencing elite indigenous students to receive and support colonial domination and structure in society. On the other perspectives, history lessons produced indigenous students that increase the ability of critical thinking about Colonialism and Western Imperialism.

El cine documental. Una encrucijada estética y política es un libro que compila una serie de artículos que exploran sin preocupación por los límites la potencia discursiva y el rol histórico y social del cine documental en la actualidad. Aborda problemáticas contemporáneas del audiovisual desde enfoques teóricos urgentes en un diálogo revelador sobre la importancia del cine documental como actor en la vida de las sociedades sin perderse en la reivindicación de su rol crítico y su función pedagógica. Invita a mirar películas que observan la realidad desde lugares concretos, sin fusionarse con ella, sino produciendo para ella el material simbólico que permite poner en escena la historia y la memoria como dos fuerzas en tensión en el campo de lo posible. Es esta invitación, sin duda, el gran mérito de esta publicación que se dirige a ese país del cine deseoso de recuperar la distancia de la mirada que crea nuevas subjetividades y nuevos mundos. __ ARK: http://id.caicyt.gov.ar/ark:/s22504524/51f4jrtv9

This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and to present an exploratory example on the applications that can be done with its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analysed. With respect to COL-PAP we report on its objectives, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to those of bills and CONPES. In relation to the example used, we are interested in exploring the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially its distribution among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. We maintain that attention varies between issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. We present the findings with respect to these aspects, and we end by leaving some future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America and the CAP in general, both from the exploration presented and from the databases built so far for COL-PAP.

Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.

The following work analyzes the leadership of the populations nominated by the State as indios amigos, during the last years of the Southern Frontier and after the military campaigns over the Pampas and the Nor-Patagonia, called Conquista del Desierto (1879-1885). Specifically, it focuses on marriage and baptism as indigenous practices aimed for preserving and increasing kinship networks and, for this reason, as political and social strategies to face the adversities of this context, assessing their impact on two aspects: the formation and consolidation of groups and the struggle for resources. For this, the itinerary and the social and political networks of Ramón Tripailaf and his followers are analyzed. ; El siguiente trabajo analiza las características que tuvo el liderazgo de las poblaciones nominadas por el Estado como "indios amigos", en el transcurso de los últimos años de la Frontera Sur y en los que siguieron a las campañas de ocupación territorial de las Pampas y la Nor-Patagonia, denominadas "Conquista del Desierto" (1879-1885). Más específicamente pone el foco en el matrimonio y el bautismo como prácticas indígenas destinadas a conservar e incrementar las redes de parentesco y por esta razón, como estrategias políticas y sociales para afrontar las adversidades propias de este contexto, evaluando su incidencia en dos aspectos: la formación y consolidación de grupos y la lucha por recursos. Para ello se reconstruye el itinerario y las redes sociales y políticas del cacique Ramón Tripailaf y de sus seguidores. ; O trabalho analisa as características da liderança das populações nomeadas pelo Estado como indios amigos, nos últimos anos da fronteira sul e naqueles que seguiram as campanhas de ocupação territorial dos Pampas e Norpatagonia, chamada Conquista del Desierto (1879-1885). Mais especificamente, concentra-se no casamento e no batismo como práticas indígenas destinadas a preservar e aumentar as redes de parentesco e, por esse motivo, como estratégias políticas e sociais para enfrentar as adversidades desse contexto, avaliando seu impacto em dois aspectos: formação e consolidação de grupos e luta por recursos. Para isso, são reconstruídos o itinerário e as redes sociais e políticas do Ramón Tripailaf e seus seguidores.

Political scientists have examined the role of gender in genocide but have largely ignored the Holocaust in these analyses. Yet, the Holocaust is the largest genocide in human history and there is much we do not know about how gender affected individual experiences. Nor do we have a very precise understanding of the impact of age in survival, beyond the common wisdom that old and young people usually did not survive. Here we examine in more detail the impact of gender and age and their intersection among the nearly 7,000 Italian Jews deported to the east, mostly to Poland and mostly to their deaths. Unlike most previous work on gender that uses personal recollections as the data source, here we use individual data collected and published by Liliana Picciotto in Il Libro della Memoria. Examining survival rates and places of death, we find distinct gender and age differences and an important interaction between the two characteristics.

International audience ; "This paper tries to grasp the different links of the issue of climate change in the public debate from the point of view of adaptation. Firstly, it is a question of the novelty introduced by the climate problem on ecological sentiment, a novelty which, apart from the dramatic nature of the consequences, appears fundamental on several levels. It is necessary to deal with the all-encompassing nature of the climate issue. Secondly, given the diversity of risks related to climate change and their capacity to destabilize democracies, what kind of adaptation is conceivable? We need to go back to the root of what adaptation means, and consider the fact that adaptation emerges from an aesthetic that amounts to taking care of ourselves in the environment, paying attention to what makes our lives possible. Thirdly, and finally, given the total nature of these risks, it is relevant to redefine the links between risk representations and risk itself. Faced with this, lost in the whirlwind of media realities, adaptation can be thought of as a way of anchoring in territories so as to give a place to possible collective actions and learning in connection with living environments."

International audience ; This paper tries to grasp the different links of the issue of climate change in the public debate from the point of view of adaptation. Firstly, it is a question of the novelty introduced by the climate problem on ecological sentiment, a novelty which, apart from the dramatic nature of the consequences, appears fundamental on several levels. It is necessary to deal with the all-encompassing nature of the climate issue. Secondly, given the diversity of risks related to climate change and their capacity to destabilize democracies, what kind of adaptation is conceivable? We need to go back to the root of what adaptation means, and consider the fact that adaptation emerges from an aesthetic that amounts to taking care of ourselves in the environment, paying attention to what makes our lives possible. Thirdly, and finally, given the total nature of these risks, it is relevant to redefine the links between risk representations and risk itself. Faced with this, lost in the whirlwind of media realities, adaptation can be thought of as a way of anchoring in territories so as to give a place to possible collective actions and learning in connection with living environments.

Does Europe have a collective future, or will the coming years be marked by increasingly incoherent developments within the heterogeneous EU? There is no denying that the second decade of this century has seen a strong mood shift away from the inter-dependence and concerted actions that guided Europe's national governments since the end of World War II, and then since the fall of the Berlin Wall. What connections, if any, are there between the paroxysms of Brexit in the UK and the varying shades of populism in continental Europe? The common denominator may simply be the painful economic pressures resulting from waning global competitiveness. It is clear that the high ideals of the European project no longer exert the same political pull. The EU's dreams of progressing almost seamlessly from a trading zone to a shared political economy are not being realised. Where are the convergence policies that would exert centripetal rather than centrifugal forces? Where is the appetite for reforms leading to political union, and whatever happened to the idea of Europeans speaking with one voice? If the EU continues along its present path, the verdict of history may well be that it achieved little more than the welter of regulations needed to ensure trade flows. In geopolitical terms, Europe as a major player on the world stage may have been an illusion largely created by aggregating national statistics. ; peer-reviewed