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The present study looks at the Brazilian engagement at the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and seeks to bring insight into the growing participation of an emerging power in peacekeeping. To that end, both conceptual and practical implications of normative behavior in international relations are debated and peacekeeping is seen as a barometer to assess Brazil's global posture. Accordingly, this thesis argues how the country has projected, through MINUSTAH, a distinguished and more proactive peacekeeping profile, and analyzes to which extent this profile has shaped, challenged or endorsed existing rules and practices. Exploring both how peacekeeping becomes discursively articulated by Brazil at the United Nations and what practical meanings it acquires on the ground in Haiti, it is demonstrated that the blue-helmet enterprise offers, at the same time, platforms for Brazil to demonstrate international commitment and capacity, as well as means for the country to become activist in themes it would otherwise have little influence on. The study draws upon social constructivist insights in International Relations, placing particular emphasis on the role of norms in multilateral processes, and argues that peacekeeping is constructed, shaped and re-shaped by normative underpinnings, shared principals and perceptions of appropriate behavior at the global stage. This thesis presents the results of fieldwork conducted in Rio de Janeiro, New York and Port-au-Prince in late 2015 and early 2016, and adopts a qualitative research design where primary empirical data is combined with secondary sources and theoretical insights. It concludes that Brazil's peacekeeping profile, while not set in stone, reflects a balancing act where the country, ambitioning to strengthen its global standing, seeks to demonstrate its belonging and adaptation to the international environment within which it acts; but also to challenge and participate more vigorously in the normative casting of the still Western-dominated realms of peace and security governance. Through the illustrative case of the Brazilian peacekeeping engagement in Haiti, this thesis attempts to contribute to the yet limited academic debate on emerging powers' posture in collective security and conflict resolution arrangements. The study can be of interest to scholars of international relations, peace operations and Brazilian foreign policy. ; M-IR

La concepción de seguridad y defensa en Venezuela se ha erigido sobre arraigadas convicciones geopolíticas y geoeconómicas gestadas a lo largo de los siglos XIX y XX, sumadas a los principios de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional desarrollada durante la Guerra Fría en varios países latinoamericanos; en consecuencia, es posible detectar el estatus preponderante de conceptos tales como la territorialidad, la soberanía, el enemigo interno y/o externo y el desarrollo de la nación en las percepciones de militares y políticos venezolanos a lo largo de los últimos cincuenta años ; The conception of security and defense in Venezuela has been built on deeply rooted geopolitical and geoeconomic convictions developed throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, added to the principles of the National Security Doctrine developed during the Cold War in several Latin American countries; Consequently, it is possible to detect the preponderant status of concepts such as territoriality, sovereignty, the internal and / or external enemy and the development of the nation in the perceptions of Venezuelan military and politicians over the last fifty years

Since achieving its independence in 1960, Nigeria has struggled almost incomparably to achieve a measure of economic stability and realize its projected economic potential. Through successive regime changes from 1966, the Country alternatively swung from Civilian to Military rule until democracy and relative political stability was eventually restored in 1999. Nonetheless, the challenge of underdevelopment has endured throughout this period. Despite posting impressive figures via economic indicators and boasting what is now regarded as Africa"s biggest economy, Nigerians still rank among the World"s poorest people as the wealth of the nation miserably fails to reflect on the vast majority of its people. Several reasons have been nominated for this apparently inexplicable disparity between the Macro-economic and Micro-economic fortunes of the State, ranging from the tartuffery of the Colonial powers to sheer widespread incompetence that permeates society today. However, corruption and insecurity remain the most salient reasons underlying Nigeria"s lack of development. Together, these twin-evils have become deeply entrenched at the base of the Nigerian social culture and have come to straddle the normative ethical distinction between right and wrong. This paper is aimed at investigating the Nigerian underdevelopment problem with the goal of identifying the causal factors that stunt political and economic efforts at development. The paper is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces the topic and key terms; the second chapter reviews the literature and notes some of the most notable scholarly contributions to the subject matter. The third chapter gives a robust historical analysis of the State with respect to the topic. This chapter enlightens the reader on the historical background on which this research is carried out. The fourth chapter conveys the Constructivist insights into the underdevelopment problem in Nigeria, in this chapter a thorough data analysis is carried out in order to validate the insistence on corruption and insecurity as primary causal factors. The fifth chapter contains the summaries, conclusions and predictions. Keywords: Underdevelopment, Corruption, Insecurity, Constructivism ; ÖZ: 1960 yılında bağımsızlığını elde yana, Nijerya, ekonomik istikrar bir ölçü elde etmek ve onun öngörülen ekonomik potansiyelini neredeyse kıyas mücadele etti. Demokrasi ve göreli siyasi istikrar sonunda 1999 yılında restore edildi dek 1966 ardışık rejim değişiklikleri sayesinde, ülke alternatif Askeri kuralın Sivil dan salladı. Bununla birlikte, azgelişmişlik meydan bu dönem boyunca dayandı. Ulusun zenginliği sefil halkının büyük çoğunluğu yansıtmak için başarısız olarak ekonomik göstergeler aracılığıyla etkileyici rakamlar gönderme ve şimdi Afrika'nın en büyük ekonomisi olarak kabul ne övünme rağmen, Nijeryalılar hala Dünyanın en yoksul insanları arasında yer almaktadır. Bunun birkaç nedeni bugün toplumu nüfuz sırf yaygın yetersizliği sömürge güçlerinin tartuffery arasında değişen Devletin makro -ekonomik ve mikro -ekonomik fala arasındaki bu görünüşte anlaşılmaz eşitsizlik aday oylandı. Ancak, yolsuzluk ve güvensizlik geliştirme Nijerya'nın eksikliği altında yatan en çarpıcı nedenleri kalır. Hep birlikte, bu ikiz kötülükler Nijeryalı toplumsal kültürün dibinde derinden kök salmış olmuştur ve doğru ile yanlış arasında normatif etik ayrımı apışıp kalmak için geldim. Bu kağıt gelişimine siyasi ve ekonomik çabaları dublör nedensel faktörlerin belirlenmesi amacıyla Nijeryalı azgelişmişlik sorunu araştırıyor hedefleniyor. Kağıt beş bölüme ayrılmıştır. Birinci bölümde konu ve anahtar terimleri tanıtır; İkinci bölümde literatür gözden ve konuya en önemli bilimsel katkıları bazı notlar. Üçüncü bölümde konu ile ilgili Devlet sağlam tarihsel analizini verir. Bu bölümde bu araştırma gerçekleştirildiği tarihsel arka plan üzerinde okuyucuya aydınlatır. Dördüncü bölümdeNijerya'da geri kalmışlık sorunu haline Yapılandırmacı anlayışlar aktarıyor, bu bölümde ayrıntılı bir veri analizi birincil nedensel faktörler olarak yolsuzluk ve güvensizlik üzerine ısrarı doğrulamak amacıyla yapılır. Beşinci bölüm özetleri, sonuçları ve tahminler içermektedir . Anahtar Kelimeler: Azgelişmişlik, Yolsuzluk, Güvensizlik, Yapılandırmacılık ; Master of Arts in International Relations. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of Political Science and International Relations, 2016. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Aylin Gürzel.

The most significant, in the author's opinion, problems of anti-recessionary public management in Russia have been brought out in the article. The genesis of these problems having formed at present has been revealed. It has been shown that the whole complex of problems was generated with the change of the territorial approach to the public management. Some problems of public management of economic and political genesis have been formulated

While many studies have examined party capability theory, few have empirically examined the potential causal mechanisms underlying the theory. We do this by combining quantitative analyses with qualitative data drawn from interviews with over 60 US courts of appeals judges. We find that the "haves," or repeat players, hire better lawyers and that these lawyers independently contribute to the success of the repeat players. We also find that the advantages of the haves extend to all parties, though to a lesser extent than the advantages enjoyed by the US government. These results remain robust after controlling for ideology.

Religious institutions such as the Catholic Church are gaining in importance again in the wake of the economic crisis in Spain. They act as a reference point and meeting place which keep the faith community together. Tangible assistance is offered and transnational communication structures and family bonds are sustained. With its patron saints, the Catholic Church serves as a place of remembrance to produce and reproduce senses of belongings that date back to the early colonial era. Social relations of migrants are manifested in a space which symbolizes the power and glory of the former Colonial regime. Taking the example of the congregation of San Lorenzo in an immigration neighbourhood in Madrid, I discuss the role and agency of religious artefacts in re-producing collective identities and allocating social and financial resources. By focusing on the object itself, the functions and cultural meanings of the figure in different historical contexts become apparent. The religious staging around the object of the saint show spatially and chronologically comprehensive chains of interaction which reflect deep seated power relations between the immigrant and the host communities.

El objetivo de este Proyecto de Investigación Aplicada es identificar y aplicar los métodos de pronósticos, que como herramientas, aporten información de valor, útiles para la toma de decisiones en la definición del techo presupuestal (recursos económicos) y su gestión, así como incrementar la eficiencia del mecanismo de control en el número de operaciones logísticas y la planeación de las mismas en su ejecución. Para lo anterior, serán utilizadas diferentes métodos teóricos para pronósticos, buscando en todo momento realizar una recopilación de información y un análisis en el procesamiento de la información y por consecuencia determinar los métodos adecuados y confiables en la generación de información de valor y toma de decisiones. Es necesario comprender que el valor cuantificable recabado mediante pronósticos vinculados a las operaciones logísticas son útiles para que "LA INSTITUCION" contemple la disposición de los recursos financieros para solventar los gastos que implica tener en activo los 40,000 elementos, que corresponden a un gasto real de 1,040 mdp para el año 2013. Para poder lograr el cumplimiento del objetivo de este Proyecto de Investigación Aplicada se construyó una base de datos mensual que incluye información de los operativos para las 32 entidades federativas durante el periodo del 1 de enero de 2012 al 28 de febrero de 2014 donde se aplicaron tres técnicas generales para generar el pronósticos del mes de Marzo del año 2014, las técnicas generales de pronósticos utilizadas son los modelos Naive, promedios y suavizamiento exponencial; donde se seleccionó la técnica con el menor error cuadrático medio por estado. Al paralelo se analizó el comportamiento de la serie de tiempo que describe el comportamiento de su gráfica asociada. Una vez identificadas las técnicas generales de pronóstico con menor error cuadrático medio, fue posible cuantificar el número de elementos Táctico-Operativos desplazados, bajo pronóstico, generando al Tabla Resumen de Pronósticos, el cual aplica a nivel nacional durante el mes siguiente de operación, es decir, el pronóstico teórico para el mes de MARZO del año 2014, que en este caso práctico corresponde a la cantidad de 187,388 elementos a ser desplazados durante el mes antes mencionado. Es necesario definir que el costo de un elemento Táctico-Operativo, el cual se compone por una tarifa correspondiente al alojamiento y agregando una parte igual para la alimentación, la tarifa total que es aplicada por "LA INSTITUCIÓN" actualmente es de $493.00 pesos por elemento, lo que nos arroja un Techo Presupuestal pronosticado de 9.3 millones de pesos (mdp), recursos financieros que deberán ser contemplados para solventar las operaciones logísticas del mes en comento. Durante la elaboración de este Trabajo de Investigación Aplicada fue posible el poder generar y recopilar el número REAL de elementos desplazados durante el mes de Marzo del año 2014, por lo que de manera cuantitativa se cuenta con la información suficiente para comparar y medir los resultados obtenidos en nuestro Techo Presupuestal pronosticado, que en este caso el número de elementos desplazados fue la cantidad de 231,161 que corresponden a un gasto real de 113.9 mdp. Los resultados indican que existe una brecha de -18.94% entre el presupuesto real y el pronosticado para el mes de Marzo del año 2014.

Uno de los principales problemas en el México actual es la corrupción. Este fenómeno se puede encontrar en todos los sectores, a todos los niveles y en todos los grados. Resulta preocupante, pues, que actos asociados a este comportamiento lleguen no solo a ser aceptados socialmente, sino también que resulte normal participar de manera cotidiana en ellos. La corrupción policial es definida como el acto de abuso de autoridad que cometen los policías, tomando ventaja de su posición y del poder que esta le otorga (Newburn, 1999). La Policía Federal en México, la cual forma parte de la Comisión Nacional de Seguridad, es la encargada de garantizar el orden y la paz pública en todo el país y se encuentra compuesta por seis Divisiones que cuentan con funciones distintas, pero complementarias entre sí. No obstante, no todas ellas tienen contacto directo con los ciudadanos, por lo cual, no únicamente es necesario revisar cuáles de ellas proyectan una imagen de desconfianza y corrupción a la ciudadanía, sino también, qué medidas podrían ser de utilidad para revertir estas tendencias. Por otra parte, resulta interesante revisar los casos de Hong Kong y Nueva York. Ambas son ciudades que tuvieron éxito en el combate a la corrupción, logrando resultados a muy corto plazo. La primera de ellas desarrolló estrategias para lograr disminuir éstos índices por medio de medidas de aplicación de ley, prevención y educación a la sociedad y; la segunda, por medio de estrategias que atacaban este mal desde el interior del Departamento de Policía. En el presente documento se pretende concluir que una manera de disminuir los niveles de corrupción en México, y, específicamente dentro de la Policía Federal, es prestando mayor atención en los elementos que son tomados en cuenta durante el reclutamiento de nuevos miembros; incrementando el período de capacitación de los mismos; detectar las Divisiones de la Policía Federal con mayores niveles de corrupción y definir estrategias para disminuir dichos niveles de forma diferenciada y focalizada; buscar ganar la confianza de la sociedad por medio de acciones donde se fomente la proximidad de la policía con los ciudadanos; realizar campañas publicitarias y de educación a la sociedad fomentando la denuncia; reforzar las acciones de la División de Asuntos Internos y de Inspectoría para castigar con severidad a los infractores del delito de corrupción; entre otras.

On the 11th of January 2015, France experienced its largest demonstration since World War Two, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks against Charlie Hebdo and the Hyper Casher supermarket. Rapidly though the profiles and motivations of the participants to the rallies were questioned. Were they "good citizens" marching in defense of freedom of expression, tolerance and republican values? Or were they actually expressing their rejection of Islam and Muslims, as suggested by the demographer Emmanuel Todd (2015)? To answer these questions this article takes a social movement approach and draws from the data of a national opinion poll conducted two months after the attacks. First, the results show that the "Charlie" in the streets had the usual profile of demonstrators mobilized on post-materialist issues: They were overrepresented among young, urban, educated, leftwing, and tolerant citizens. Second, they highlight the importance of the religious factor: Muslims were less inclined to say they had participated to the rallies, and practicing Catholics to say they wished they had. Last, they show that terrorism does not automatically trigger an authoritarian dynamic, on the contrary. Its effects depend on how the issue is framed in social and political discourses. RésuméLe 11 janvier 2015, les attentats contre Charlie Hebdo et l'Hyper Casher ont suscité les plus grandes manifestations que la France ait connues depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Assez vite cependant le profil et les motivations des manifestants ont été mis en cause. S'agissait-il de "bons citoyens" marchant pour la défense de la liberté d'expression, de la tolérance et des valeurs républicaines? Ou n'exprimaient-ils pas plutôt leur rejet de l'Islam et des Musulmans, comme le suggérait le démographe Emmanuel Todd (2015)? Pour répondre à ces questions cet article, inscrit dans la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, s'appuie sur les données d'une enquête nationale par sondage conduite deux mois après les attentats. Les résultats montrent, d'abord, que les manifestants pro "Charlie" avaient le profil habituel des manifestants mobilisés pour des causes post-matérialistes : surreprésentation des citoyens jeunes, urbains, instruits, de gauche et tolérants. Ensuite ils soulignent l'importance du facteur religieux. Les Musulmans ont été moins enclins à dire qu'ils avaient manifesté, et les Catholiques pratiquants à dire qu'ils auraient souhaité le faire. Ils montrent enfin que le terrorisme ne déclenche pas automatiquement une dynamique autoritaire, au contraire. Tout dépend de la manière dont le problème est cadré dans les discours socio-politiques.