Suchergebnisse

"In diesem Band wird erstmals ein kulturhistorischer Ansatz gewählt, um die Revolution 1918-1920 aus raumanalytischer Perspektive zu interpretieren. Mit dem Fokus des 'Spatial Turns' arbeitet [der Autor] Raum in seiner Bedeutung für die revolutionären Unruhen heraus und zeigt, dass dieser massgeblich wirklichkeitsprägend für die revlutionären Prozesse wurde."--Provided by publisher

This dissertation examines how choreographers Bill T. Jones, Joe Goode, and Wallflower Order Dance Collective mobilize auditory, visual, and kinesthetic modes of communication to underscore the unstable relationship between talk, dance, and gesture. I argue that this very instability affords dance theater its power to perform alternative racialized and gendered subjectivities. The project departs from dance studies' long-standing investment in the notion of choreography as bodily writing to examine theories and ideologies of dance's status as a form of speech.This dissertation is about how a generation of dance artists dealt with their anxiety around (modern, contemporary, postmodern, American, concert, art, stage) dance's status as a language that could speak for them so that they could be heard—not only as individuals (hear my story) but as representatives, public figures of underrepresented groups, experiences, lifestyles. The works I have chosen best exemplify or perform a productive tension between talking, dancing, and gesturing that illuminates the historical terms and contexts, the very history itself, of western concert dance practice and its autonomizing discourses. These works show us how the tension between talking, dancing, and gesturing expose related tensions between "high" and "low," art and street, art and social/popular dance practices; black and white; and between hearing and non-hearing cultural contexts.

This study documents the growth of the discourse of 'god-king' (devaraja) around Thailand's King Bhumibol and explores how Brahmanical symbolisms of royal absolutism have acquired renewed potency alongside Buddhism as a basis of political legitimation in

The separation of North Sulawesi and Gorontalo into two provinces in 2001 complicated the issue of making regional autonomy work for northern Sulawesi, a region far removed from Indonesia's centre of power. Although the region had come through the economic crisis relatively well, the over-reliance on coconuts and the lack of a focus for dynamic development remained a challenge. Tourism, mining and services were the most dynamic sectors but, for different reasons, none of these sectors can be relied on for steady long-term growth. With the selection of the corridor from Manado to Bitung as one of Indonesia's 13 integrated economic development zones (Kapet), and given the new North Sulawesi province's potential role as a 'gateway' to Northeast Asia, the longer-term prospects for this province are brighter than those of Gorontalo. Nevertheless, capitalising on North Sulawesi's potential remains a formidable challenge.

The Australian government optimistically expects that China's rise can be easily managed. They predict US-China relations will be cooperative, and reject concerns that Australia may face hard choices between them. This optimism seems to be based on the view that as China grows it will become increasingly integrated into a US-led global system. That overestimates America's power, and underestimates China's ambitions. The best we can hope for instead is that China and the US will cooperate in a concert of power, but the US will be very reluctant to make the necessary concessions to China for that to happen. So there is a real risk of even worse outcomes: Chinese primacy, sustained US-China hostility, or war. Australia therefore needs to try to persuade America to work with China in building a new 'Concert of Asia'.

A group of political scientists specializing in Russia's post-Soviet electoral behavior explores the question of whether genuinely regional effects of voting behavior can be discerned (and at what scale) by controlling for variations in compositional characteristics measured by aggregate social and economic data. The paper seeks to identify situations in which contextual effects may be operating, using a scale of analysis that is intermediate between regional (oblast)-level case studies and nationwide surveys-that of the Russian Far East macroregion.

The article describes the primary US and EU foreign policy regarding Ukraine. The basic interests of both the United States and the European Union have been inspected. The Ukrainian drift to the Western institutions has been defined as the natural and predictable trend. The potential temporary losses because of the geopolitical integration with transatlantic counterparts have been foreseen.

Abstract This paper analyzes two contrasting cases of democratic consolidation to examine the question of what political factors determine the success or failure of opposition movements that become governments at the time of democracy's inception. In South Africa the bitterly repressive apartheid regime of the mid 20th century was transformed into one of the most successful contemporary democracies, led by the African National Congress (ANC). On the other hand, Egypt's 2011 revolution produced a stillborn democracy, which while fully transitioned, failed to develop and consolidate effectively under the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood. Despite the obvious similarities in political dynamics—democratic opposition movements fronting the process of democratization—these cases are dramatically different in their outcomes, as well as in the paths they took to reach those final destinations. The literature on what makes for a successful experience with democratic consolidation typically focuses on factors such as the state of the economy, the civil society, and the mode of transition. While all of these lenses can elucidate reasons for the success or failure of a democratizing state to consolidate, in the particular cases of South Africa and Egypt they fail to provide a complete accounting. In this paper I focus on the impact made by the opposition group that takes over during and after the transition, and argue that democratic transformation hinged primarily on the success of the ruling party in transforming itself from opposition group to a formally institutionalized governing party. I will explore the variables that determine the success of that internal transformation, including their leadership, their role in the transition to democracy, and their institutional culture. Through these factors I intend to highlight the independent impact that opposition groups can have on democratic consolidation.

A group of political scientists specializing in Russia's post-Soviet electoral behavior explores the question of whether genuinely regional effects of voting behavior can be discerned (and at what scale) by controlling for variations in compositional characteristics measured by aggregate social and economic data. The paper seeks to identify situations in which contextual effects may be operating, using a scale of analysis that is intermediate between regional (oblast)-level case studies and nationwide surveys-that of the Russian Far East macroregion.

Anti-Muslim hate crime is usually viewed in the prism of physical attacks; however, it also occurs in a cyber context, and this reality has considerable consequences for victims. In seeking to help improve our understanding of anti-Muslim hate crime, this article draws on the findings from a project that involved qualitative interviews with Muslim men and women who experienced both virtual and physical world anti-Muslim hate, and reported their experiences to the British government-funded service Tell Measuring Anti-Muslim Attacks. In doing so, this article sets out the first ever study to examine the nature, determinants and impacts of both virtual and physical world anti-Muslim hate crime upon Muslim men and women in the United Kingdom. Correspondingly, we found that victims of both virtual and physical world anti-Muslim hate crime are likely to suffer from emotional stress, anxiety and fear of cyber threats materializing in the 'real world'.

The "non-aligned movement" was a unique phenomenon in the history of decolonization, of South-South cooperation, of the Cold War, and of the North-South conflict. Several Asian, African, and Latin American nations banded together to add additional weight to their common interests. Jürgen Dinkel analyzes the history of the entire movement as a response by the "global South" to the transformation of international relations in the 20th century

The separation of North Sulawesi and Gorontalo into two provinces in 2001 complicated the issue of making regional autonomy work for northern Sulawesi, a region far removed from Indonesia's centre of power. Although the region had come through the economic crisis relatively well, the over-reliance on coconuts and the lack of a focus for dynamic development remained a challenge. Tourism, mining and services were the most dynamic sectors but, for different reasons, none of these sectors can be relied on for steady long-term growth. With the selection of the corridor from Manado to Bitung as one of Indonesia's 13 integrated economic development zones (Kapet), and given the new North Sulawesi province's potential role as a 'gateway' to Northeast Asia, the longer-term prospects for this province are brighter than those of Gorontalo. Nevertheless, capitalising on North Sulawesi's potential remains a formidable challenge.

The Australian government optimistically expects that China's rise can be easily managed. They predict US-China relations will be cooperative, and reject concerns that Australia may face hard choices between them. This optimism seems to be based on the view that as China grows it will become increasingly integrated into a US-led global system. That overestimates America's power, and underestimates China's ambitions. The best we can hope for instead is that China and the US will cooperate in a concert of power, but the US will be very reluctant to make the necessary concessions to China for that to happen. So there is a real risk of even worse outcomes: Chinese primacy, sustained US-China hostility, or war. Australia therefore needs to try to persuade America to work with China in building a new 'Concert of Asia'.