Suchergebnisse

Translated by Alfred Ehrenfeld.

A determination is made of the main lines of Catholic representation in the lower house of the Dutch Parliament. The Catholic deputies are for the most part married men, often Coll graduates, belonging to the Mc. Their average age when first elected is 44, & the average term of office is 10 yrs; they have little local implantation & are badly paid. Consequently, the most insightful among them set aside sums from their salaries, to be reconverted when they reach their mid-50's. AA Tr by A. Potter.

In 1968 a major student movement emerged in Mexico, to the surprise of virtually everybody knowledgeable about Mexican student pol. The Instit'al Revolutionary Party (PRI), in power since 1929, had not been seriously challenged while the economy continued to grow at a rate of 7%, one of the fastest rates of growth in the world. The principal moving force behind the movement was the moral outrage of thousands of previously uninvolved students, who responded to what they felt to be the unwarranted brutality of the riot police, & later the army, in quelling a campus disturbance, esp since the students were exercising their legal right to peaceful protest. Additional exacerbating factors were cuts in the already meager budget of the Nat'l Autonomous U, juxtaposed against large outlays for the Olympic Games, as well as the hypocrisy of a gov which mouthed revolutionary slogans while brutally suppressing students & continuing its entrenched pattern of graft & corruption. The movement, after mobilizing hundreds of thousands of Mexicans, came to an abrupt halt with the slaying, jailing & exiling of hundreds of student activists. Since 1968, the main focus of Mexican student pol has been the obtaining of the freedom of the imprisoned students. Modified HA.

El patrimonio cultural y con él la imagen que se nos ofrece de sus elementos, suele actuar alegóricamente como marca de un destino turístico o como símbolo de una etapa histórica. La sensibilización de la sociedad opera mediante apropiaciones de elementos claves, que constituyen iconos en el imaginario colectivo. Los poderes públicos suelen adueñarse de edificios y lugares emblemáticos para construir con ellos unos referentes, sobre los que se subrayan los valores que interesan a su ideología. La capacidad de instrumentar políticamente el patrimonio se agrava a partir del siglo XX, cuando la manipulación icónica de las masas y la anestesia de la colectividad hace asumir como propias identidades (re)creadas bajo el paraguas del engaño. Como en todo proceso de construcción intelectual, estas apropiaciones dependen de los intereses y las proyecciones del intérprete. Por eso, es necesario despertar la mirada crítica de la ciudadanía hacia su memoria, y reflexionar sobre las restricciones ideológicas presentes en la identificación del patrimonio cultural. Esto se aprecia durante la etapa del franquismo, cuando se impone una idea de nación con mayor violencia simbólica. En ese esfuerzo de nacionalización se emplea el patrimonio como elemento de identidad. Y en lugares como Santiago de Compostela, cuya catedral se utiliza como santuario de la nueva cruzada, su intención legitimadora permite reflexionar sobre la relación entre patrimonio e ideología desde el punto de vista de los espacios patrimoniales y bajo el enfoque de la educación patrimonial. ; Cultural heritage and with it the image we are given by its elements, it tends to operate allegorically, as a tourist destination or as a symbol of a historical stage. As we know, the sensitization of the society operates by means of appropriations of key elements, which constitute icons in the collective imagination. Public authorities tend to take over buildings and landmarks to build with them some references on which, the values that are of ...

Full text transcriptions of the correspondence of Francis H. Smith relating to the work of the armory commission, 1858-1860. Shocked by John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry in October 1859, and fearing other insurrections or worse, the Virginia General Assembly took steps to strengthen the state militia and to arm it with adequate weapons. As part of this effort, the new Governor of Virginia, John Letcher, of Lexington, appointed a three-man commission to purchase weapons and machines for the manufacture of arms and munitions of war. One of the commissioners was Francis H. Smith, superintendent of the Virginia Military Institute.

Argument FOR Initiative 192. Proponents for Initiative 192 saw the measure as protecting spawning salmon while stopping over-commercial fishing on inner Puget Sound waters.

Catherine May testifies in front of the Special Education Subcommittee of the House Education and Labor Committee regarding sex discrimination at higher learning institutions. She laments the legislative loopholes which allow the federal government to subsidize discrimination, in addition to the small minority of female faculty. Citing Women's Rights forbearers such as Abigail Adams she states, ".Almost two hundred years later we find ourselves still pleading the same cause."

A lo largo de las últimas décadas, las policías han evolucionado de forma significativa como consecuencia de los cambios estructurales que se han producido en las sociedades democráticas. La creciente deslegitimación de las instituciones políticas representativas; el empoderamiento de la ciudadanía; la crisis del estado de bienestar y las consecuencias de la globalización socioeconómica han configurado un escenario en el que una institución clásica como la policía, pugna por reubicarse en un espacio ambiguo. Ello le lleva a solaparse en ocasiones con otros actores institucionales y a vislumbrar cierta crisis de identidad. El objetivo del presente artículo es investigar los retos que afrontan las policías españolas, en tanto que actores políticos en dicho contexto. Sobre este escenario se construye una compleja estructura de interacciones entre la policía, los decisores político-institucionales y los variados actores sociales. Se definen los perfiles de dicha interacción en un marco de geografía variable, de acusado carácter sistémico y tendencialmente estable. En dicho sistema de relaciones, las fuerzas de seguridad afrontan un desconcierto estructural derivado de su confusa y debilitada posición como consecuencia de la presión hegemónica ejercida por: (1) unos actores sociales empoderados; (2) unos decisores políticos exigentes y crecientemente deslegitimados; y (3) unos desafíos profesionales cada vez más sofisticados, complejos y poderosos. La perspectiva de análisis es institucionalista, asumiendo que la institución policial condiciona las visiones del mundo de los actores y sus intereses si bien éstos adquieren suficiente relevancia y determinación como para influir en un escenario abocado a un futuro incierto. La metodología es cualitativa, y se basa en el testimonio de líderes policiales, cuyos discursos se interpretan a la luz de diversas aportaciones académicas previas de contrastada solvencia. ; Over the past decades, police forces have evolved significantly as a result of the structural changes that have taken place in democratic societies. The growing delegitimization of repre-sentative political institutions; the empowerment of citizens; the crisis of the welfare state and the consequences of socioeconomic globalization have shaped a scenario in which a classic institution, such as the police, is struggling to relocate itself in an ambiguous space. This is leading to its overlap with other institutional actors and some glimpse of an identity crisis. The aim of this article is to investigate the challenges that Spanish police forces are facing as polit-ical actors, in this context. In this scenario, a complex structure of interactions between the police forces, political-institutional decision-makers and various social actors is built. We define the profiles of such interaction in a variable geometry framework which is highly sys-temic and prone to stability. In this system of relationships, security forces face a structural bewilderment derived from their confused and weakened position caused by the hegemonic pressure put by: (1) empowered social actors; (2) demanding and increasingly delegitimized political decision-makers; and (3) increasingly sophisticated, complex and powerful profes-sional challenges. The perspective of analysis is institutionalist, as it is assumed that the police institution conditions actors' perceptions and interests, but these gain enough relevance and determination to influence an uncertain future scenario. The methodology is qualitative, and it is based on chief police officers' testimonies, whose speeches are interpreted in the light of previous relevant academic contributions. ; La investigación fue financiada por el Plan Nacional de la Ciencia 2012-14.

Minutes for the meetings of the Spallumcheen Township. Details of the motions carried, those present, correspondence and reports as well as discussions of by-laws.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el papel de los levantamientos armados en el proceso de institucionalización política desarrollado en Tucumán, luego de Caseros (1852). Este estudio se lleva a cabo a partir del examen de una rebelión cívico-militar conocida como "La Revolución de los Posse" ocurrida luego de la elección de Anselmo Rojo como nuevo gobernador provincial, en abril de 1856. Se exploran, en particular, tres cuestiones centrales: por una parte, la vinculación entre la insurrección cívico militar y las fricciones existentes entre los diferentes círculos del "partido liberal" tucumano. Por otra, la participación de las milicias departamentales, de sus Comandantes y de la Guardia Nacional en el mencionado levantamiento armado, prestándose especial atención a la relación entre los conflictos intra-liberales y las fricciones entre los Comandantes locales. Por último, se examina la organización y ejecución de la rebelión, la represión gubernamental y el juicio penal aplicado a sus protagonistas. ; The aim of this work is to analyze the role of civic rebellions in the process of institutionalization of Tucumán, after Caseros (1852). In this case, special attention will be paid to a civic revolt known as "La Revolución de los Posse" which took place after the election of Anselmo Rojo as governor, in April 1856. In order to examine the rebellion, this work studies the relationship between liberal political party internal conflicts, the political and military role of local militias and their leaders (Comandantes militares), and the organization of the revolt. In addition, this research focuses on the suppression of that rebellion and the subsequent trial of the insurgents. ; Fil: Macías, Flavia Julieta. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana ; Argentina ; Fil: Navajas, Maria José. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana ; Argentina

Since the emergence of #NiUnaMenos [Not One Less] in 2015, feminism has become widespread in Argentina. Nowadays, actions such as to identify oneself as a feminist, to cite her slogans, to use her handkerchiefs, to hold her flags, are no longer conceived as minority, elitist or radicalized practices. In this essay we aim to offer an exploratory account of the conditions that have made this unusual scenario possible. In particular, we consider how the heterogeneous groups that gathered under the scream 'Ni Una Menos!' have become part of a feminist 'us'. That is, what were the conditions that enabled the current expansion of what is known as the green and violet tide of feminism? How have the feminists? demands articulated multiple claims and dimensions of social protest related to economic, social, cultural and racial issues? With these questions in mind, we will begin by exploring how this expansion has been addressed by the existing literature, focusing on the approach of Graciela Di Marco, in whose view this process must be understood within the framework of the successful construction of a 'feminist people'. Taking on this approach? while nonetheless marking our differences? we will go on to explain the conditions that from our perspective enabled feminism to become popular. Firstly, we will point to the relationship that feminist groups have established with human rights activism since the early 80s. Later, we will direct attention to the effects of displacement resulting from the political articulation that took place in the new millennium between human rights groups and the political force that was in government for almost a decade, Kirchnerism. As we will show, this political process decisively affected the feminist movements and the positions they hold in the social and political arena at the present time. ; Fil: Martínez Prado, Natalia. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Centro de Investigaciones María Saleme Burnichón; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Humanidades. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Humanidades; Argentina ; Fil: Barros, Mercedes María. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Patagonia Norte. Instituto de Investigaciones en Diversidad Cultural y Procesos de Cambio. Universidad Nacional de Río Negro. Instituto de Investigaciones en Diversidad Cultural y Procesos de Cambio; Argentina

El artículo propone explorar las interacciones entre el Estado y las instituciones religiosas, particularmente la Iglesia Católica en Argentina, prestando principal atención a las políticas públicas y al marco normativo vigente en materia de culto, educación, educación sexual y derechos sexuales y reproductivos. El relevamiento de la legislación y de las políticas públicas en las áreas mencionadas posibilitará analizar, en una doble perspectiva las relaciones entre el poder político y "el poder religioso", desentrañando tanto las estrategias de influencias de las instituciones religiosas en la aprobación, el diseño e implementación de las mismas, como los niveles de receptividad de las demandas de contenido religioso por parte de los legisladores y funcionarios políticos. ; Fil: Esquivel, Juan Cruz. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Centro de Estudios E Investigaciones Laborales; Argentina

G.M. Lauridsen money, 25 cents in trade. "Due the bearer and payable only in merchandise. Not current except at the store of G. M. Lauridsen Port Angeles, Wash."

A document describing the Juliet Lamont portrait, typed on paper, a biography.