Suchergebnisse

Among emerging studies of the global political economy and ecology of electronic waste (or e-waste), few directly explore the already complex waste trades and materialities in relation to the general political ecology of water, flood control, dredging, and neoliberal ecological restoration. Even fewer focus on how this political-ecological challenge is unfolding in a West African context where ocean-based e-waste trades have played a dominant role. This article engages this particular domain of blue economic critique by focusing on Ghana in general and what we shall call "blue political ecologies of e-waste" in particular. The article focuses on e-waste politics unfolding in and around the Korle Lagoon in Accra, Ghana. The Korle Lagoon is an urban marine space of intensive land use, toxic waste disposal, social life, and urban ecological restoration. Amidst heavy contamination, there are attempts to rehabilitate the lagoon through the Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project, an ecological science and restoration project focused on the Lagoon and its river system in the metropolitan area of Accra. It showcases the neoliberal complexities of ecological restoration. Importantly, situated in a multi-use marine environment, the project also highlights, we argue, a political ecological moment that is both about things 'blue', like water quality concerns, but also about other things non-blue such as contestation over land and housing, 'green' international NGO intervention on e-waste risk mitigation, and desires for new urban ecologies. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted between 2015 and 2018, this article contributes to blue political-ecological research and critique in Africa by asking: how do e-waste politics leak into discussions of the blue economy along the Korle Lagoon in Ghana? What are the promises and prospects of a blue political ecology of e-waste in general, and in Africa in particular?Key Words: Political ecology, Ghana, e-waste, lagoon contamination, ecological restoration

Improvisation is currently enjoying an intellectual vogue across fields as diverse as the musicology of free jazz to management science. But what are the theoretical moorings of this far-reaching new enterprise? First, the article offers a brief review of some potential foundations for studies of improvisation. The hypothesis that humans possess neurons for mirrored interaction because they have evolved as social animals is arguably as plausible as the notion that interactive, social behaviour is a product of a neural architecture primed for interactive cognition. Durkheim responded to a similar unresolved set of arguments about brains and cognition at the end of nineteenth century by taking his well-known late ethnographic turn (towards Australia). This takes us to the second part of the article. The ethnography of performance retains its value to nourish our understanding of larger questions regarding properties of human sociality. Specifically, the article seeks to suggest that a focus on the ritual shaping of embodied actions is crucial to understand and address the emergence of a range of competing "styles of thought." An example helps show that the "bubbles" and "echo chambers" of opinion, of which contemporary political commentators complain, are not (as supposed) products of the internet and social media, but rooted in more fundamental differences in social ordering reinforced by variations in practical and ritual performance. The article seeks to bring out the persistent "deafness" of development agencies to connections between shifting cultivation and social practices of marriage and death in a West African farming community. Calls by development agencies to abandon shifting cultivation have no effect. Approaching agrarian intervention via joint improvisation might help two circular arguments sustained by institutional differences to connect. Key words: Social theory, development, ethnography, performance

National history is the core of the formation of national consciousness, the strength of which determines the viability of the nation. The birth of the national history subject is one of its key problems, without whose solution the successful building of a modern Ukrainian nation is impossible. In addition to the three main versions of the origin of Ukrainians (Trypillia, early mediaeval, and late mediaeval), some Ukrainian researchers propose the so-called Kyivan Rus concept of Ukrainian genesis.The article presents a critical analysis of the Kyivan Rus concept of the birth of the Ukrainian nation. Vasyl Balushok, who has published two monographs touching the issue of the ethnogenesis of Ukrainians, is its most active supporter among modern domestic researchers. In them, the researcher examines in detail the main aspects of the Kyivan Rus version of the origin of Ukrainians. Therefore, the basis of the article is the analysis of two of his monographic studies, which provide a fairly complete picture of the current state of the problem of the Ukrainian ethnic group origin from Kyivan Rus.Balushok believes that the formation of the Ukrainian ethnos took place in Rus state and ended at the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries. The main shortcoming of V. Balushok's version of Ukrainaian genesis is the researcher's failure to recognise the first, tribal phase of the formation of Ruthenians-Ukrainians. It covers the entire early Middle Ages from the end of the 5th to the 10th centuries, when the Ukrainian ethnos consisted of related proto-Ukrainian tribes: Antes, Sklavens, Dulebs, Polans, Drevlians, Volhynians, Ulychis, Tivertsi, Croats. The latter consolidated into an aristocratic nation of Ruthenians-Ukrainians in the state of Rus during the 10th–13th centuries.The ethnogenesis of Ukrainians took place within the framework of the universal laws of the ethnohistorical development of the peoples of the middle part of Europe: Englishmen, Spaniards, Frenchmen, Romanians, Czechs, Poles, Serbs, Croats, Ruthenians-Ukrainians, etc. All of them went through three main phases of development: 1. The tribal period of the early Middle Ages (5th–9th centuries); 2. Aristocratic nations of the developed and late Middle Ages (10th–16th centuries); 3. Modern nations of the new and modern times (17th–21st centuries). V. Balushok's non-recognition of the tribal phase of Ukrainian genesis contradicts the specified universal laws of the development of the great ethnic groups of Europe.

By the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, extremist groups, operating in different countries and at the global level, have considerably extended their informational, tactical, strategic, ideological, political network, as well as resources and economic interaction, the process and the results of which have become especially obvious in the European Union and the Eurasian Customs Union member states. All sorts of terrorist and religious groups have mastered the skills of exploiting territorial conflicts across the post-Soviet space and the efforts in finding solutions to get out of the ethnic and confessional crisis. Radical Islam is ready and able to compete with the "classical" conservatism (paleoconservatism) and "new right" in turning to traditionalism, moralism and religious fundamentalism. It is not inferior to socialism in its egalitarianism and anti-bourgeois social and economic propaganda, and also to fascism (National Socialism) in totalitarianism and the willingness to sow destruction and death.1 Islam has already become the "new alternative style" with a vast collection of discursive practices among the highly varied social groups not only in Muslim countries but in the Customs Union (CU) and the EU member states. Islam is gradually developing into a global radical anti-systemic ideology, filling the niche previously occupied by socialist ideology now in an ideological crisis. The Communist system was liquidated, the Communist ideology and the leftradical groups lost part of their appeal. The void was filled with religiously tinged political doctrines to let people express their dissatisfaction with the capitalist system. This added special importance to theoretical studies of a complex set of problems, related to the specifics of radical Islam, as we know it today. It is equally important to consider its pronounced impacts on the main components of the social and political systems of the EU and the CU and the possibilities to forecast, with a great deal of reliability, the trends in the direction of influence of Islamism, with due account for the forms of manifestation of radicalism at different levels of discursive practices. These problems should be addressed and resolved before proceeding to the task of ensuring efficient political governance and choosing the optimal trends of opposing these negative social and political phenomena. Studying the nature, types and forms of manifestations of radical Islam in the EU and CU is instrumental for inter-state structures and special services in preventing ethnic and social deviations. © 2017, CA and CC Press AB. All rights reserved.

The rapid advancement in technology and internet penetration have substantially increased the number of economic transactions conducted online. Platforms that connect economic agents play an important role in this digital economy. The unbridled proliferation of digital platforms calls for a closer examination of the factors that could affect the welfare of the increasing number of economic agents who participate in them. This dissertation examines the factors that could affect the welfare of agents using the setting of a crowdfunding platform where fundraisers develop campaigns to solicit funding from potential donors. These factors can be broadly categorized into three distinct groups: (1) campaign and its corresponding fundraiser characteristics, (2) other factors within the platform, and (3) other factors outside the platform. The first group of factors has been examined in a large number of studies. The second and third groups, which encompass factors external to the campaigns and fundraisers remain under-explored and therefore are the focus of this dissertation. The first essay in this dissertation explores a factor within the platform; how displaying certain campaigns more prominently on the platform affects the performance of other campaigns. Such selective prominent practice is often viewed negatively because it is perceived to place less prominent sellers at a disadvantage (Kramer & Schnurr, 2018). The findings from the first essay provide a counterpoint to this popular view by documenting a positive spill-over effect from an increase in the performance of the prominent campaigns. In particular, when the prominent campaigns perform well, market expansion occurs with more donors entering the platform, benefiting the less prominent campaigns. These findings mitigate the concern that non-neutral practices on digital platforms naturally lead to the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. The second essay explores a factor external to the platform; how public statements from a government official affect private donations to charitable crowdfunding campaigns. A clear pattern of ethnic homophily among fundraisers and donors, where Hispanic fundraisers receive disproportionately more donations from Hispanic donors, is observed in this setting. This pattern of homophily becomes stronger following statements from President Donald Trump. This essay documents how social media usage, particularly by a government official, can influence the dynamic within and across ethnic groups. In sum, the findings from the two essays help inform platform designers, policymakers, and government officials of the potential effects of their actions on the digital economy.

Elizabeth A Hahn,1,2 Phillip A Ianni,3 Robin A Hanks,4 Jennifer A Miner,3 Jenna Freedman,3 Noelle E Carlozzi3 1Department of Medical Social Sciences, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, Chicago, IL, USA; 2Center for Patient-Centered Outcomes, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, Chicago, IL, USA; 3Center for Clinical Outcomes Development and Application (CODA), Department of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA; 4Department of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, School of Medicine, Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, USA Purpose: Caregivers have expressed interest in survey research, yet there is limited information available about survey response burden, ie, the time, effort, and other demands needed to complete the survey. This may be particularly important for caregivers due to excessive time demands and/or stress associated with caregiving. Method: Survey response burden indicators were collected as part of a study to develop and validate a patient-reported outcome (PRO) measurement system for caregivers of civilians or service members/veterans (SMVs) with traumatic brain injury (TBI). Results: Compared to the group caring for civilians (n=335), the group caring for SMVs (n=123) was comprised of all women, was younger, had fewer racial/ethnic minorities, had more education, and nearly all were the spouse of a person with TBI. All PRO outcomes were poorer for the group caring for SMVs. Although the caregivers of SMVs had poorer PRO outcomes compared to caregivers of civilians, they were more likely to report that they would recommend the study to others. Caregivers with less education and those from racial/ethnic minority groups had more favorable ratings of their study participation experience, even though they needed more help using the computer or answering the questions. Conclusion: The results of this study provide useful information about the acceptability of computer-based survey administration for caregiver PROs. PROs are widely gathered in clinical and health services research and could be particularly useful in TBI care programs. More data are needed to determine the best assessment strategies for individuals with lower education who are likely to require some assistance completing PRO surveys. Studies evaluating PROs administered by multimedia platforms could help researchers and clinicians plan the best strategies for assessing health-related quality of life in TBI caregivers. Keywords: patient-reported outcomes, computer-based survey administration, study participation ratings, military personnel

In the central topic entitled "State, territory and indigenous population", Carballo and Madrigal conducted a study in the Cabécar-Tayní indigenous population, located in the province of Limón, Costa Rica, to collect and analyze their views of the landscape from their stories of life and the aesthetics of the place, in order to understand the natural, environmental, cultural, ethnic and social spaces in which this population has developed. For its part, Engelman studies from the perspective of public policies, social dynamics of indigenous populations in the municipality of Almirante Brown of the Metropolitan Region of Buenos Aires (RMBA), Argentina, with the objective of documenting the process of visibility and organization local ethnopolitics of these organizations, which has allowed a greater political and ethnic presence, a positive vision of the indigenous and an empowerment of the population. Barrera-Rojas, Sánchez-Carballo, Ruíz-Sánchez and Ruiz-Guevara, investigate the conditions of poverty faced by indigenous women in the Maya Zone of Quintana Roo, Mexico. For this research, they used three indicators of poverty: Extreme poverty line proposed by the World Bank, Minimum welfare line and Welfare line proposed by the National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy. ; En nuestra temática central titulada "estado, territorio y población indígena", Carballo y Madrigal realizaron un estudio en la población indígena Cabécar-Tayní, ubicada en la provincia de Limón, Costa Rica, para recolectar y analizar sus apreciaciones del paisaje a partir de sus relatos de vida y de la estética del lugar, con la finalidad de comprender los espacios naturales, ambientales, culturales, étnicos y sociales en los que se han desenvuelto esta población. Por su lado, Engelman estudia desde la perspectiva de las políticas públicas, dinámicas sociales de las poblaciones indígenas en el municipio de Almirante Brown de la Región Metropolitana de Buenos Aires (RMBA ), Argentina, con el objetivo de documentar el proceso de visibilización y organización etnopolítica local que han emprendido estas organizaciones, lo cual ha permitido mayor presencia política y étnica, una visión positiva de lo indígena y un empoderamiento de la población. Barrera-Rojas, Sánchez-Carballo, Ruíz-Sánchez y Ruiz-Guevara, investigan las condiciones de pobreza que enfrentan las mujeres indígenas en la Zona Maya de Quintana Roo, México. Para ello, utilizaron tres indicadores de pobreza: Línea de pobreza extrema propuesta por el Banco Mundial, Línea de bienestar mínimo y Línea de bienestar propuestas por el Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social.

Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação Interdisciplinar em Estudos Latino- Americanos da Universidade Federal da Integração Latino-Americana, como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Mestra em Estudos Latino-Americanos. Orientador: Dr. Andrea Ciacchi ; Esta investigación busca explicar cómo con la inmigración puneña aymara a Tacna (una ciudad al extremo sur del Perú) se desarrollan cambios económicos, urbanísticos, políticos y culturales en la ciudad, ocasionando, a su vez, tensión sociocultural entre la población que se dice oriunda de Tacna —representantes de la tradición histórica oficial de la ciudad— y la población puneña aymara residente en Tacna —un grupo étnico empoderado sobre todo económicamente en la ciudad. El estudio es un aporte a la documentación social de Tacna y al campo interdisciplinario de los Estudios Culturales pues aborda el tema de la identidad, etnicidad y memoria cultural como base teórica para explicar el proceso de construcción, reproducción y afirmación identitaria de "tacneños" y "puneños". Se sostiene que la ciudad y el conflicto estimulan la resistencia de dos identidades que se perciben divergentes: una étnica subalterna, la aymara, y otra de carácter nacional hegemónica, la "patriótica"; el conflicto entre ambas lleva implícito la lucha por el poder simbólico que le otorga el empoderamiento cultural del centro de la ciudad. ; This research seeks to explain how with puneña aymara immigration to Tacna (a city in the extreme south of Peru) economic, urban, political and cultural changes in the city werw developed, producing, at the same time, socio-cultural tension among the population that is said to be native of Tacna - representatives of the official historical tradition of the city - and the aymara puneño who lives in Tacna - an ethnic group empowered above all economically in the city. The study is a contribution to the social documentation of Tacna and the interdisciplinary field of Cultural Studies because it addresses the issue of identity, ethnicity and cultural memory as a theoretical basis to explain the process of construction, reproduction and identity affirmation of "tacneños" and "puneños". It is argued that the city and the conflict stimulate the resistance of two identities that are perceived as divergent: an ethnic subaltern, the aymara, and another of a hegemonic national character, the "patriotic" one; the conflict between both implies the struggle for the symbolic power that gives the cultural empowerment of the city center

Se parte de la exposición sobre la política oficial de la República Popular China respecto de los componentes étnicos y nacionales del país, y de la definición oficial del conjunto como una unidad de nacionalidades. Se avanza luego en la discusión sobre la existencia de un centro cultural hegemónico (los Han), frente a los múltiples grupos étnicos que habitan en el país. Se examina el concepto de "nacionalidad minoritaria" y sus limitaciones frente al modelo civilizador de larga duración promovido por los Han. Luego se introducen estudios de caso que tienden a mostrar la relación entre etnicidad, historia e ideologías dominantes. Se tratan los casos de la minoría de los Yi, situados en el Sur de China, y el de los Premi, en Yunan. También se hace mención al proceso de identidad en Mongolia Interior. Se mencionan varias implicaciones políticas de importancia, a partir del trabajo etno-histórico. La reproducción de la cultura central en los modelos educativos, se aborda comenzando por algunas consecuencias políticas de la utilización del mandarín y de las lenguas locales y la relación entre el nacionalismo chino del Estado central y las versiones particulares de las minorías. También se analizan algunas relaciones entre la ortodoxia central y los sistemas de creencias de algunas comunidades rurales. Finaliza el artículo con algunas conside­raciones sobre la idea de Estado nacional y el Estado multicultural. ; Official policy defines China as a unity of many nationalities. This definition marks the country's policy towards ethnic and national minorities. While the country is inhabited by a number of ethnic groups, the article indicates the existence of a cultural hegemonic center (the Han). The article examines the concept of 'minority nationality' and its limitations faced with the long term Han-promoted model of civilization. The article presents several case studies (such as the Yi minority in Southern China, the Premi in Yunan, and the lnner Mongolia) which illustrate a relationship between ethnicity, history, and dominant ideologies. Based on his ethno­ historic work the article suggests several political implications, most importantly the reproduction of the cultural center in the model of education, the use of Mandarin and the local languages, and the relationship between Chinese nationalism as promoted by the state and its minority­-based local versions. The article ends with a corollary on the tension between the national the multi-cultural state.

В статье дается обзор ключевых моментов обсуждения проблем национальной и региональной идентичности на ежегодном политологическом форуме «Современная Россия и мир: альтернативы развития». Такие форумы проводятся Алтайской школой политических исследований (АШПИ) с 1996 г. На них неоднократно поднимались темы национальной и регио-нальной идентичности (а также примыкающие к ней темы «цивилизационного выбора», «этноконфессиональных конфликтов», «информационных войн», «имиджа страны и региона» и др.). Исходя из содержания дискуссий и статей, опубликованных в течение последних десяти лет в серийном издании «Дневник АШПИ», авторы выделяют пять основных тематических блоков: 1) понятия национальной и региональной идентичности: основные подходы; 2) этническая, национальная идентичность и этнические образы; 3) проблема формирования «постсоветских» идентичностей; 4) европейская идентичность и локальные европейские идентичности; 5) региональная идентичность (на примерах Алтайского края и других регионов России). В соответсвии с этим делением дается анализ основных точек зрения, которые были высказаны участниками конференций учеными из Казахстана, Литвы, Украины и Финлян-дии, а также из многих городов России (Барнаул, Брянск, Владивосток, Владимир, Волгоград, Екатеринбург, Иркутск, Кемерово, Москва, Нижний Новгород, Омск, Петрозаводск, Ростов-на-Дону, Санкт-Петербург, Северодвинк, Таганрог, Томск, Тюмень, Якутск и др.).The article gives an overview of the key moments of the discussion of problems of national and re-gional identities in the annual political forum «Modern Russia and the World: Alternatives of De-velopment». Such forums are of the Altai School of Political Studies (AShPI) since 1996, and not once discussed issues of national and regional identity (as well as the adjoining themes of «civiliza-tional choice», «ethno-confessional conflicts», «information wars», «the image of the country and the region» and others). Based on the content of discussions and articles published over the last ten years in the serial publication «the Diary of AShPI», the authors identify five main thematic blocks: 1) the concept of national and regional identity: the main approaches; 2) ethnic, national identity and ethnic images; 3) the problem of formation of post-Soviet identities; 4) the European identity and local European identity; 5) regional identity (on the examples of the Altai territory and other regions of Russia). In accordance with this division gives the analysis of the main points of views that had been expressed by the participants of the conference, scholars from Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Ukraine and Finland, and from many Russian cities (Barnaul, Bryansk, Vladivostok, Vladimir, Volgograd, Yekaterinburg, Irkutsk, Kemerovo, Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Omsk, Petrozavodsk, Rostov-on-Don, Severodvinsk, St.-Petersburg, Taganrog, Tomsk, Tyumen, Yakutsk and others).

National identity is one of the most theoretically important and frequently used concepts for understanding the dynamics of political transition, social conflicts, and economic development in Taiwan. A brief review of national identity theories indicates its multidimensional quality. However, relatively little empirical research has been done to prove the multidimensional concept of national identity. Conceptual haziness has created serious problems in the study of Taiwan's identity politics. Hence, the insufficiency of current research leads to the first goal of this study that is to conceptualize a multidimensional concept of national identity. To test for the suggested two-dimensional national identity, this study uses confirmatory factor analysis to uncover dimensions of national identity. Our analysis is shown to agree with a two-dimensional (primordial and political) structure of national identity. On the one hand, national identity is characterized by a belief in common descent, a sense of difference from other ethnic groups, and a pride in one's own ethnic community. On the other hand, national identity is a political artifact constituted by nationhood and a desire for citizenship. Second, the two dimensions of national identity are proved to be complementary. Third, and most important, our findings share similarities with the constructive perspective that operational definitions of national identity carry different meanings at different times. The concept of national identity in Taiwan is context-dependent; conditional on the democratization process and cross-strait interactions. We have proved that the concept of national identity is two dimensional and changeable over time. Now we must focus on the questions of why and how national identity changes. The second part of this dissertation emphasizes the ways in which national identities have been changed. There have been various approaches in academic discussions to investigate the conditions which conducive to identity changes. To break the individualist approach that currently dominates the field of national identity, the main goal is to incorporate macro-level factors into micro-level studies to explain identity change. The general findings can be summarized by stating that identity formation and change in Taiwan has to be understood not only in terms of individual characteristics, but also in relation to structural influences. Particularly, the democratic transition and a rising China have brought about various types of mechanisms, which force individuals to search for a new identity that can adequately represent their inner ego in response to sociopolitical changes.

In empirischen politikwissenschaftlichen Studien wird die teilnehmende Beobachtung nicht nur selten angewendet, bislang wurde sie innerhalb der deutschen Politikwissenschaft auch nur unzureichend theoretisch und methodisch reflektiert. Nach einer wissenschaftstheoretischen Einführung zeigt der Artikel aufbauend auf die praktisch-methodischen Erfahrungen aus zwei Forschungsprojekten zur Parlamentarismusforschung, wie sich die teilnehmende Beobachtung in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung einsetzen lässt. Der Beitrag diskutiert die mit der teilnehmenden Beobachtung verbundenen Erkenntnischancen und zeigt Lösungen für jene Probleme auf, die u.a. bei der Erstellung der Datenerhebungsinstrumente, bei der Datenerhebung und bei der Datenauswertung auftreten können.

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