Suchergebnisse

The following article is the result of a research conducted in the archives of the Organization of the United Nations Educational,Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) aiming to determin the origin of what is considered to be Intangible Cultural Heritage.In order to achieve this, I considered intangible heritage as a transnational power dispositive, following the faucouldiansense of the term. Consequently, I based my study on the works of a selection of notorious French anthropologists. Intangibleheritage is a complex cultural phenomenon and when applied to a policy of global range, it results in a juxtaposition of local,national and transnational interests. Its failed emergence as a part of international copyright norms revealed its inconsistencywith the postulate of the Occidental liberal doctrine. However, its recent adoption as a new asset notion seems to create a newrange of possibilities for the interpretation of its value and its multiple political applications. ; El siguiente artículo es el resultado de una investigación realizada en los archivos de la Organización de las Naciones Unidaspara la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (unesco), con el fin de determinar el origen del Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial. Paraello, he abordado la cuestión como un dispositivo de poder transnacional en el sentido foucaultiano del término, basándomeen la bibliografía de una serie de connotados antropólogos franceses. El patrimonio inmaterial constituye un fenómeno culturalcomplejo cuya transformación en una política de alcance global supone la yuxtaposición de intereses locales, nacionales ytransnacionales. Su fallida aparición como parte de la normativa internacional de los derechos de autor ha revelado su incongruenciacon los postulados de la doctrina liberal occidental. Sin embargo, su reciente inauguración como una nueva nociónpatrimonial abre infinitas posibilidades de interpretación en cuanto a su valor y a sus usos políticos múltiples. ; O presente artigo é o resultado de uma pesquisa realizada nos arquivos da Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação,a Ciência e a Cultura (Unesco) com o objetivo de determinar a origem do Patrimônio Cultural Imaterial. Para isto, abordamos aquestão como um dispositivo de poder transnacional no sentido foucaultiano do termo, baseando-nos na bibliografia de umaserie de renomados antropólogos franceses.O patrimônio imaterial constitui um fenômeno cultural complexo cuja transformação em uma política de alcance global supõea justaposição de interesses locais, nacionais e transnacionais.O fracasso de sua aparição como parte das normas internacionais dos direitos de autor é revelador de sua incongruênciacom os postulados da doutrina liberal ocidental. Contudo, sua recente inauguração como uma nova noção patrimonial abreinfinitas possibilidades de interpretação de seu valor e de seus múltiplos usos políticos.

Mexico's opinion in Managua–Washington Case of 1909. The guiding axis of the present article is the analysis of the position of the Mexican foreign policy and the representations and the news of the newspaper of cut pro-government official, El Imparcial one, against the Managua-Washington disagreement of end of 1909. In this way we try to demonstrate that: the Mexican chancellery used moralistic resources as a last resort to take part in favor of José Santos Zelaya in front of the United States and use the political asylum as a last resort. Therefore, the operators of the porfirista diplomacy warily assumed cautious policies when conducting itself in the objective triple of: out of danger to put its bows with the Department of State, to denounce the interventionism of this one and to support to Zelaya. The article will be based on primary sources, the heaps of the Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada de la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores de México and on El Imparcial, the official daily. ; El eje rector del presente artículo es el análisis de la postura de la política exterior mexicana y las representaciones y noticias del periódico de corte oficialista, El Imparcial, frente al diferendo Managua-Washington de finales de 1909. Con ello pretendemos demostrar que: la cancillería mexicana empleó recursos moralistas para intervenir a favor de José Santos Zelaya frente a Estados Unidos y uso el asilo político como último recurso. Por ende, los operadores de la diplomacia porfirista asumieron políticas cautelosas al conducirse con pies de plomo en el triple objetivo de: poner a salvo sus lazos con el Departamento de Estado, denunciar el intervencionismo de éste y apoyar a Zelaya. El artículo se fundamentará en fuentes primarias, en los acervos del Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada de la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores de México y en El Imparcial, diario oficialista. ; El eje rector del presente artículo es el análisis de la postura de la política exterior mexicana y las representaciones y noticias del periódico de corte oficialista, El Imparcial, frente al diferendo Managua-Washington de finales de 1909. Con ello pretendemos demostrar que: la cancillería mexicana empleó recursos moralistas para intervenir a favor de José Santos Zelaya frente a Estados Unidos y uso el asilo político como último recurso. Por ende, los operadores de la diplomacia porfirista asumieron políticas cautelosas al conducirse con pies de plomo en el triple objetivo de: poner a salvo sus lazos con el Departamento de Estado, denunciar el intervencionismo de éste y apoyar a Zelaya. El artículo se fundamentará en fuentes primarias, en los acervos del Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada de la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores de México y en El Imparcial, diario oficialista.

PurposeWhen coping with complex, but also possibly disruptive and open‐ended social dynamics, the anticipatory system idea, which was developed by Rosen in the realm of physical and biological system observation, remains a reference framework, but one that may need to be reinforced by other theoretical considerations. This paper aims at using a debate that took place in a specific foresight discussion arena on early detection and weak signal analysis, as a constructive epistemic detour to eventually contribute to such a reinforcement of Rosen's anticipatory system proposal.Design/methodology/approachThe author aims at revisiting Rosen's framework with stimulating inputs drawing upon the early detection debates, by first assessing the original concepts brought up by Ansoff in the 1970s and 1980s and its further enhancements by contemporary scholars. A rather constructivist approach is then developed to weak signal analysis, aiming at emphasising the need, in analytical situations involving social system features, for reflexive stages and capacities. Bearing this requirement in mind, the productive value of the "framing" and "meta‐framing" notions is explored, in order to apply them to Rosen's anticipatory systems and possibly contribute to enriching his original concept.FindingsHow effective the framing and meta‐framing couple can be for a series of anticipatory issues is described in a detailed manner and, then more specifically, Rosen's anticipatory system concept is revisited in the light of those inputs, aiming at putting into perspective new options for research and anticipation activities in general.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper is essentially conceptual and based on a rich but disputable detour by early detection and weak analysis issues so as to emphasise key reflexive references and method. However, most of this material is taken from domains rather untypical of Rosennean debates and in addition would need to be completed by a series of supportive cases, but that is beyond the scope and scale of this paper.Practical implicationsThe paper sets clear distinctions and boundaries for when and when not to apply reflexive steps in a foresight exercise, including in the context of rolling out a Rosen type of approach. Research decision making both in the corporate and policy‐making contexts can benefit from such clues and supportive framework conditions.Social implicationsSocial systems are typically complex and involve multiple perspectives and viewpoints; they concern a series of major challenges to be coped with locally or more globally, at environmental, political, cultural or technological level, and in that category of anticipatory endeavor, the framing/meta‐framing epistemic couple may be of great usefulness.Originality/valueAlthough rather conceptual, the detour proposed by the paper aims at creating a reflexive distance and enriched capability to evaluate one's potential biases and blind spots in anticipatory modelling activities.

This is a study about fairly ordinary situations in elder care: how staff deal with older people's influence, how staff talk about older people's complaints, how family members talk about elder mistreatment, and how older people act in order to exert influence in a nursing home. However ordinary, these are situations where relational power is accentuated, accomplished and able to be empirically explored. The aim here is to analyze power and influence as social phenomena in elder care. More specifically, the aims are 1) to analyze the political and bureaucratic frame in which older people have formal "voice" options; 2) to analyze staff members' "folk logic" as they respond to residents' complaints in Swedish nursing homes; 3) to analyze how family members of care recipients define and sustain claims of elder mistreatment; and 4) to ethnographically depict how older people's attempts at influence unfold in everyday interactions in a nursing home and how these attempts can be understood in the context of a "local routine culture." Several kinds of empirical material have been used: 100 structured telephone interviews with local municipal officials, 13 qualitative interviews with nursing home staff, 21 interviews with family members of care recipients, and ethnographic data comprised of field notes and field-based interviews from five months of observation in a nursing home. The findings demonstrate the difficulties of turning policies about older people's influence into practice. Yet, the main finding is not the "policy–practice gap" per se, but rather an understanding of how this gap is situationally shaped and maintained. The dissertation shows how the subtleties of actions and talk have powerful implications, and can constitute barriers to older people's influence. Two examples are the "rhetoric of trivialization" and a "local routine culture"; both can easily and quite inconspicuously restrict older people's autonomy and influence. A routine culture is a locally and situationally generated action repertoire and as such provides an understanding of how routines shape power relations in a nursing home. The findings also show how a rhetoric of trivialization can function as a power resource, through which older people's and family members' views are "made trivial" by the ways they are described and rhetorically treated by staff and local officials. Through the use of trivializing accounts, staff members legitimized their neglect of complaints and restrictions of older people's influence. The study argues that by recognizing how older people's influence is "made trivial," we gain an understanding of how to accomplish just the opposite. Local routines and accountability practices have a strong inertia, but the findings indicate that if actors reframe influence and complaints, they may substantially affect power relations in elder care.

La denominada generación del 80 de la Argentina alfabetizó a la población nativa y a las primeras generaciones de argentinos descendientes de las grandes inmigraciones masivas. Según el artículo, dicha generación fracasó, no obstante, en su objetivo de "educar al soberano", como lo demuestra la experiencia política del país en los últimos ochenta años. El artículo enumera tres posibles causas de dicho fracaso: (1) los docentes enseñaron la asignatura "Instrucción Cívica" con la misma metodología de la memorización que emplearon para la alfabetización; (2) como en otros países, las curriculas se "inflaron" progresivamente por exigencias de la sociedad, derivándose hacia el enciclopedismo; y (3) la generación nacionalista argentina de los años 20 impuso en los claustros una política autoritaria no funcional. El artículo enfatiza el antiguo problema del "conocimiento inerte" y cómo resolverlo con una epistemología dirigida a la simbiosis teoría-práctica apropiada para educar "soberanos" republicanos y democráticos. ; The so called Generation of the Eighties in Argentina alphabetized the native people and the former generations of Argentines who descended from the great immigration masses. According to the present article, the mentioned generation failed, however, in the purpose of e ducating the sovereign, as the political experience of the last eighty years in the country could demonstrate. This article states three possible causes of that failure: (1) schools conceived the teaching of Civic Instruction by following the same memorization method used for alphabetization; (2) like in many other countries, the curricula were inflated progressively by the demands of society which derived in an encyclopedic approach of education; and (3) the Argentine nationalist generation of the twenties imposed a non functional authoritarian policy at schools. This work emphasizes the old problem of inert knowledge and suggests the way to solve it by an epistemology oriented to the fusion of theory and practice adequate to educate republican, democratic sovereigns. ; A denominada geração de 80 da Argentina alfabetizou a população nativa e as primeiras gerações de argentinos descendentes das grandes imigrações massivas. Segundo o artigo, essa geração, no entanto, fracassou em seu objetivo de "educar o soberano", como demonstra a experiência política do país nos últimos oitenta anos. O artigo enumera três possíveis causas desse fracasso: (1) os docentes ministraram aulas de "Instrução Cívica" com a mesma metodologia de memorização utilizada para a alfabetização; (2) como em outros países, os currículos foram "engordados" progressivamente por exigências sociais, derivando para o enciclopedismo; e (3) a geração nacionalista argentina dos anos 20 impôs nos claustros uma política autoritária não funcional. O artigo enfatiza o antigo problema do "conhecimento inerte" e como resolvê-lo com uma epistemologia orientada para a simbiose teoria-prática apropriada para educar "soberanos" republicanos e democráticos.

Korup National Park is one of the first integrated conservation and development projects (ICDPs) in tropical rainforests. Its original ICDPs' principles were abandoned based on conventional theory and national forestry policies that discourage human settlements inside national parks. The prohibition approach adopted since 1988 limits conservation to protection of biological diversity. Excluding locals is thought to improve the protection of the park. This is generating conflicts as locals think conservation 'grants more rights to animals than them and that they have lost ownership of the forest'. Just like foreign poachers, they try to make the most of it at any given opportunity. This is how conservation that was premised on development is now a dilemma in the Korup National Park rainforest. Months of interacting with communities and learning what they know and do, and how they interpret their livelihood activities, enabled this assessment of the evidence of the 'local say'. It uses ethnographic data to aid an actor perspective as propounded by Norman Long. These analyses find that local population growth is less of a problem than government's policy of relocation, which caused the conservation dilemma. They also expose the myth-like domain of the relocation discourse leading to the argument that communities are a key to transforming the integrated conservation and development dilemma. They effectively use socially crafted rules to govern resources, although their hunting methods have evolved leading to indiscriminate killing of animals. There is need for political will to confer some sense of ownership to the people by recognizing their ecological knowledge and local common action against destructive extraction and illegal poachers. This argument is based on the Boserupian idea that local population growth is not always a conservation problem since community groups sometimes have rural strategies to counter the impact of population on resources. Korup communities do not only exhibit these strategies, they have also devised constraints (institutions for local common action) to control resource use. A follow-up study is necessary to find out if the incentives discussed here are enough for people to adopt the desired behaviour in this same context of limited property rights. Also, interdisciplinary studies should explore ways for communicating to locals to effect a rule change constraining those who hunt in an unsustainable way. They should be aware that the incentive is not only to have many animals inside the national park (ecologists' interest) but that it also serves community interests: secured source of animal protein and incomes for survival. Such a trustworthy communication would help to change the current local perception that "animals have more rights than people" and that they have not lost control and ownership of their forest.

"Bottom up" governance. "Self-organization." These are among the most talismanic virtue-words of modern political discourse. Yet the reality is that in politics, "self-organization" is rare, being hard to initiate and even harder to sustain. As Oscar Wilde once complained about socialism, it "requires too many evenings." Governance as we tend to know it depends primarily on hierarchical institutions, or on close coordination within small groups. True partnerships, conversations among engaged equals, do not seem to scale. Indeed, whether one believes the fundamental problem to be something about the economics of group formation, the iron law of oligarchy, or something in between, experience demonstrates repeatedly that the problem of group self-organization, not to mention self-governance, is all too real both in politics and other walks of life. Enthusiasts of modern communications have not been slow to point out the ways in which the Internet (and the cell phone) change the ways in which all types of groups form and communicate. For example, Internet-based 'social software' drastically lowers the cost of group formation and offers at least the potential of tools that may make group self-governance more practicable. While this optimism is valuable and may some day be realized, the current reality falls far short of the ideal and seems likely to do so for the foreseeable future. This paper suggests that existing institutions could be harnessed to grow the tools and nurture the conditions that promote self-organization of groups and democratic decentralized self-governance. I identify eight specific governmental policies that could usefully be adopted in any relatively wealthy liberal democracy to promote the formation of groups and assist them once they are formed: 1. Democratizing access to communication by ensuring that the communications infrastructure is widely deployed, inexpensive, and of suitable quality. 2. Enact legal reform (if not already in place) to prevent cyber-SLAPP lawsuits. 3. Apply competition law aggressively to markets for communications technologies in order to ensure that no software or hardware maker can exert control over citizens' means of communication. 4. Provide reliable data, and act as honest archivist. 5. Assist those who desire aid (but only them) to fight spam and other forms of discursive sabotage. 6. Ensure that Meetup-like services are available at low (or no) cost (if demand for these key services proves to be elastic as to price) and subsidize facilitative technologies, such as group decision-making software. 7. Enact a digital workers rights policy including a component that encourages digital or even physical meetings. 8. Provide a corps of subsidized online neutrals to settle non-commercial disputes among members of virtual communities.

This meta-analysis extends a previous review of the achievement effects of comprehensive school reform (CSR) programs (Borman, Hewes, Overman, Brown, 2003). That meta-analysis observed significant effects of well endowed and well-researched programs, but it did not account for race/ethnicity. This article synthesizes 34 cohort or quasi-experimental outcomes of studies that incorporated the policy-critical characteristic of race/ethnicity. Findings: compared with matched traditional schools, the black-white achievement gap narrowed significantly more among students in CSR schools. In addition, the aggregate effects were large, substantially to completely eliminating the achievement gap between African American and non-Hispanic white students in elementary and middle schools. Title I policies before or after the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 seem to have had essentially no impact on the black-white achievement gap. Curricular and testing mandates along with the threat of sanctions without concomitant resource supports seem to have failed. This study suggests that educational achievement inequities need not be Americas destiny. It seems thatthey could be eliminated through concerted political will and ample resource commitments to evidence-based educational programs. ; Este meta-anlisis extiende una revisin previa de los efectos de realizacin de programas de reforma escolar integral (RSI), (Borman, Hewes, Overman, Brown, 2003). Esa meta-anlisis observo efectos significativos de programas con buen financiamiento y debidamente investigados, pero no tom en cuenta los factores raciales o tnicos. En este artculo se sintetizan 34 resultados de estudios de cohorte o cuasi-experimental que incorporaron la caracterstica poltica esencial de raza/origen tnico. Resultados: en comparacin con escuelas tradicionales, la brecha de rendimiento entre estudiantes blancos y negros se redujo significativamente mas en escuelas RSI. Adems, los efectos agregados eran grandes, eliminando de forma sustancial o por completo la brecha de rendimiento entre estudiantes Africano- Americanos y los estudiantes blancos no hispanos, en escuelas primarias y secundarias. Las polticas del Ttulo I, antes o despus de la ley No Child Left Behind del ao 2001 parecen no haber tenido ningn impacto en cuanto a la brecha acadmica de estudiantes negros y blancos. Los mandatos curriculares y de examinacin junto con las amenazas de sanciones de reducir los recursos asignados parecen haber fracasado. Este estudio sugiere que las desigualdades de logros educativos no tienen por qu ser el destino de los estudiantes de los Estados Unidos. Parecera que la brecha de rendimiento puede eliminarse mediante una voluntad poltica concertada y empleando recursos suficiente apoyando las programas educativos basados en evidencias.

The purpose of this study is to examine a body of mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) research on how instructional and transformational leaders' behaviours affect student achievement. Current political demands on the role of the school principal and increased emphasis on accountability place students' academic achievement at the top of school reform agendas and add weight to the role of the school principal (Gentilucci & Muto, 2007; VSB Leadership District Review Team, 2008; Ministry of Education BC Mandate for the School System, 2008, British Columbia Educational Council, 2008). I critically analyze the latest research findings with the purpose of offering practical insights and contributions to policy makers, researchers and educational leaders to model future courses of action in educational administration and accountability. The two research studies considered in this review were conducted by Alig- Mielcarek (2003) and Leithwood, Jantzi, and McElheron-Hopkins (2006). Alig- Mielcarek (2003) in the state of Ohio, United States, carried out a study on instructional leadership and student achievement in 146 schools. Similarly, Leithwood, Jantzi, and McElheron-Hopkins (2006) conducted a study in Ontario, Canada, over five years, on transformational leadership and student achievement in 100 schools. Two layers of analysis are used in this review. The first layer of analysis conceptualizes the leadership role according to De Maeyer et al.' s (2007) theoretical framework: instructional and transformational leadership models. The objective of this layer of analysis is to see to what extent the conceptual role of the principal matches the variables considered in the methodology of each study. The second layer of analysis examines the conceptual methodologies used by the researchers according to Hallinger and Heck's (1988) theoretical perspective on administrative leadership. I interpret the multilevel nature of the path analyses utilized by the researchers and the variables they linked directly or indirectly to student achievement. The objective of the second layer of analysis is to examine the extent of the multilevel approach employed in their path analysis and the validity of the findings. This study concludes that both Alig-Mielcarek's (2003) study and Leithwodd et al.'s (2006) study contribute to a better understanding of the path models that can be used to study educational leadership and student achievement. However, there are some threats to the validity of both studies; careful attention must be paid to the numbers of variables at each level and to gathering the most accurate data available. Neither study's leadership frameworks appears sufficient for effective school leadership. A combination of diverse frameworks is recommended to meet current educational demands. ; Education, Faculty of ; Educational Studies (EDST), Department of ; Unreviewed ; Graduate

There are not many pure ethnical states in the world. Due of very different reasons, for example, changing of states borders or collapse of one state and emerging of other and many other political factors, a lot of people find home for them selves not in their ethnical countries. This way they become national minorities. It means, they are groups of peole living not in their home-land and they compound minority in that country. They differ from majority on their culture, languige, traditions and so on. Sometimes these people are discriminated by majority, even enslaved. Nowadays all means necessery for keeping they rights are taken, but not in every state. Not all nations behave with national minorities in the same way. Will Kymlicka explaines where is the difference between the Western democracy states and Eastern postcomunist states. The common model in the first ones – territorial autonomy and in the second ones – cultural autonomy. Now then they are members of EU the situation should change into the good – they must preserve all human rights including the rights of the ethnic minorities. Anyway, the civic rights of national minorities is still very controversial topic in the Baltic states. This determined choice of the theme of this paper. The subject of this work is the EU impact on the civic rights of national minorities in the Baltic states and their changes after regaining the independance and preparing for joining EU. The goal of this work is to analyse how EU requirements and recommendations influenced the legal handling with the national minorities in the Baltic states. Methods of research: analytic and comparative.There are three states compared: Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. They all had the same historical past in the 20th century. The main difference was not equall state of the representatives of national minorities in each of these countries after they regained the independance. This influenced very different behaviour with them. Latvia and Estonia are very often accused of bad treatment of their national minorities. About Lithuania foreign authors usually says there are not big problems in there. But everyone agreed that the situation of national minorities changed in the good way gradually. Hypothesis: these changes were influenced by EU. Following tasks will help to support this hypothesis: 1)Theoretical review of different models of national minorities and analysing the national minorities in the Baltic states according to them. 2)To analyse the legal acts by EU regarding the protection of national minorities. 3)To describe national minorities in the Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and to compare how their laws match the laws of EU. 4)To analyse and compare the impact of the homelands of national minorities on the policy of the Baltic states.

Rad je posvećen razmatranju uticaja američke Trumanove doktrine na tok građanskog rata u Grčkoj (1946-1949) i uključivanju ove balkanske države u novi strateški sistem osiguranja daljeg prodora sovjetskog uticaja na prostor istočnog Mediterana i na Bliski istok. Praćene su i reakcije Jugoslavije koja je bila glavni logistički oslonac ustaničke Demokratske armije Grčke i zauzimala strateški i ideološki ključni položaj u sovjetskom balkanskom podsistemu 'narodnih demokratija'. Grčka kriza u drugoj polovini pete decenije 20. stoleća bila je najozbiljniji sukob koji je obeležio početak hladnog rata u Evropi. ; The inclusion of Greece into the American strategy of strengthening of the 'Northern Tier' by launching of the Truman Doctrine was very important for the further course of the civil war gripping this Balkan country since the spring of 1946. Like other countries in the Soviet sphere of influence Yugoslavia greeted the new American doctrine as an expression of the growing imperialist ambitions of the militarily and economically strongest state of the post-war world. It was criticized as tools for stifling progressive movements, being particularly dangerous because if found its field of activity in the Balkans. Yugoslav politicians deemed that the American advent to the Balkans in the place of the exhausted British, had created a much more dangerous situation, not only for the cause of the Greek Communists who enjoyed moral and material aid of the neighboring Communist states, but also for their Balkan neighbors, including Yugoslavia which was heavily involved in the Greek crisis. With massive financial and material aid, primarily in military equipment and weapons and under supervision of the American military mission, the Greek National Army was reorganized and the strategy in fighting the leftist guerilla was changed. However, this failed to yield the expected results throughout 1947 and 1948. In January 1949 General A. Papagos was appointed the supreme commander of the National Army. He finished the reorganization of the Army, fortified the discipline and the morale of the officer corps and used effectively large resources of the American military aid for crushing the enemy. During 1949 the renewed and consolidated National Army finally defeated the forces of the leftist Democratic Army which signified the end of the civil war. Greece continued building up and modernizing its armed forces by joining NATO (together with Turkey) in 1952 regardless of their 'non-Atlantic' geo-strategic character and continuing to play the role in the Cold War which was assigned them by the Truman Doctrine. The change of course of the Yugoslav foreign policy caused by the split with Soviet Union and turning toward establishing relations with the West, caused the overt criticizing of the Truman Doctrine to gradually disappear from the political and propagandist rhetoric.

There are not many pure ethnical states in the world. Due of very different reasons, for example, changing of states borders or collapse of one state and emerging of other and many other political factors, a lot of people find home for them selves not in their ethnical countries. This way they become national minorities. It means, they are groups of peole living not in their home-land and they compound minority in that country. They differ from majority on their culture, languige, traditions and so on. Sometimes these people are discriminated by majority, even enslaved. Nowadays all means necessery for keeping they rights are taken, but not in every state. Not all nations behave with national minorities in the same way. Will Kymlicka explaines where is the difference between the Western democracy states and Eastern postcomunist states. The common model in the first ones – territorial autonomy and in the second ones – cultural autonomy. Now then they are members of EU the situation should change into the good – they must preserve all human rights including the rights of the ethnic minorities. Anyway, the civic rights of national minorities is still very controversial topic in the Baltic states. This determined choice of the theme of this paper. The subject of this work is the EU impact on the civic rights of national minorities in the Baltic states and their changes after regaining the independance and preparing for joining EU. The goal of this work is to analyse how EU requirements and recommendations influenced the legal handling with the national minorities in the Baltic states. Methods of research: analytic and comparative.There are three states compared: Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. They all had the same historical past in the 20th century. The main difference was not equall state of the representatives of national minorities in each of these countries after they regained the independance. This influenced very different behaviour with them. Latvia and Estonia are very often accused of bad treatment of their national minorities. About Lithuania foreign authors usually says there are not big problems in there. But everyone agreed that the situation of national minorities changed in the good way gradually. Hypothesis: these changes were influenced by EU. Following tasks will help to support this hypothesis: 1)Theoretical review of different models of national minorities and analysing the national minorities in the Baltic states according to them. 2)To analyse the legal acts by EU regarding the protection of national minorities. 3)To describe national minorities in the Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and to compare how their laws match the laws of EU. 4)To analyse and compare the impact of the homelands of national minorities on the policy of the Baltic states.

There are not many pure ethnical states in the world. Due of very different reasons, for example, changing of states borders or collapse of one state and emerging of other and many other political factors, a lot of people find home for them selves not in their ethnical countries. This way they become national minorities. It means, they are groups of peole living not in their home-land and they compound minority in that country. They differ from majority on their culture, languige, traditions and so on. Sometimes these people are discriminated by majority, even enslaved. Nowadays all means necessery for keeping they rights are taken, but not in every state. Not all nations behave with national minorities in the same way. Will Kymlicka explaines where is the difference between the Western democracy states and Eastern postcomunist states. The common model in the first ones – territorial autonomy and in the second ones – cultural autonomy. Now then they are members of EU the situation should change into the good – they must preserve all human rights including the rights of the ethnic minorities. Anyway, the civic rights of national minorities is still very controversial topic in the Baltic states. This determined choice of the theme of this paper. The subject of this work is the EU impact on the civic rights of national minorities in the Baltic states and their changes after regaining the independance and preparing for joining EU. The goal of this work is to analyse how EU requirements and recommendations influenced the legal handling with the national minorities in the Baltic states. Methods of research: analytic and comparative.There are three states compared: Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. They all had the same historical past in the 20th century. The main difference was not equall state of the representatives of national minorities in each of these countries after they regained the independance. This influenced very different behaviour with them. Latvia and Estonia are very often accused of bad treatment of their national minorities. About Lithuania foreign authors usually says there are not big problems in there. But everyone agreed that the situation of national minorities changed in the good way gradually. Hypothesis: these changes were influenced by EU. Following tasks will help to support this hypothesis: 1)Theoretical review of different models of national minorities and analysing the national minorities in the Baltic states according to them. 2)To analyse the legal acts by EU regarding the protection of national minorities. 3)To describe national minorities in the Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and to compare how their laws match the laws of EU. 4)To analyse and compare the impact of the homelands of national minorities on the policy of the Baltic states.

The Spanish-American colonial society functioned like a great machine, where little by little they were putting each of the necessary gears and pieces that impelled their movement. The Spanish Crown established in its extensive overseas possessions a series of institutions and royal officials to administer justice in their name, to watch over good order, and above all to take care of real interests. Thus gradually the bureaucratic apparatus was given life through the governors, the corregimientos, the encomienda, mayoralties the audiences, majors, etc. The All Viceroyalty, the changes and transformations that these institutions suffered throughout the colonial period responded to the policies that were implemented from the other side of the Atlantic. The administrative political order imposed by the Austrias was in force for more than two centuries. This system followed a policy of checks and balances, under which it was possible to control the royal officials from the Metropolis. At the provincial level, the alcaldías mayor and the corregimientos were in charge of the local government, since they exercised the four causes: justice, government, war and hacienda. The corregimientos, as affirmed by Román Yalí, were a purely American institution, since they mainly settled in the pueblos of Indians, and had little in common with the Spanish corregimientos. ; La sociedad colonial hispanoamericana funcionó como una gran máquina, donde poco a poco se fueron poniendo cada uno de los engranajes y piezas necesarias que impulsaron su movimiento. La Corona española estableció en sus extensas posesiones de ultramar una serie de instituciones y de funcionarios reales para que administraran justicia en su nombre, vigilaran el buen orden, y sobre todo cuidaran de los intereses reales. Así paulatinamente se le fue dando vida al aparato burocrático a través de los gobernadores, la corregimientos, las encomienda, alcaldías las audiencias, mayores, etc. el Todos virreinato, los cambios los y transformaciones que esas instituciones fueron sufriendo a lo largo del periodo colonial respondieron a las políticas que se implantaron desde el otro lado del Atlántico. El orden político administrativo impuesto por los Austrias estuvo vigente por más de dos siglos. Dicho sistema siguió una política de pesos y contrapesos, bajo la cual se logró controlar a los funcionarios reales desde la Metrópoli. A nivel provincial las alcaldías mayores y los corregimientos se encargaron del gobierno local, ya que ejercían las cuatro causas: justicia, gobierno, guerra y hacienda. Los corregimientos como afirma Román Yalí, fueron una institución meramente americana, pues principalmente se establecieron en los pueblos de indios, y tenían poco de común con los corregimientos españoles.

According to the French ethnologist, Daniel Fabre, a historic monument is one of the most obvious manifestations that landed itself to maintaining historicism throughout Western Europe in recent centuries. Today this idea becomes object of theoretical debates. The main purpose of this work is to study and evaluate the modern theoretical debate, when heterogenic concept ,,heritage" is universally accepted and set in, about genesis of historic monument idea, development and the crisis. Also, it is necessarily to go deep into opportunity of actualization and new alternatives. There are two perspectives of inquiring the genesis of historic monument. The works on the traditional progressive perspective tend to present a classic image of historic monument, i.e. a his¬toric monument is exhibited as an idea of modernity, with big attention to juridical aspects. One of the most substantial contemporary scientists representing the classic conception is André Chastel, Françoise Choay, Dominique Poulot. As an alternative to this monoperspective theory emerges an innovative interpretation of the modernism of historic mo¬nument developed by contemporary French ethnologists and anthropologists - Daniel Fabre, Jean-Michel Leniaud, Olivier Poisson. This work presents and analyses dif¬ferent visions of the development of his¬toric monument. It aims at attempting to reflect the presented positions and to evaluate the possibilities and challenges of a presumable multi-perspective model. The paradigmical crisis of historic monument analyzed in this work from ideological, monumentality and crisis of the historical value dimensions. The measure of this crisis is taken in comparison with heritage conception, which goes away of gnoseology borders and becomes overly heterogenic. This work aims at attempting to go deeper in to possibilities of actualization of historic monument and the alternatives. As the basic alternative emerges an innovative Pierre Nora ,,Realms of Memory" conception. The third part of this work includes analysis of historic monument conception in soviet Lithuania. The frame of reference was determined of entrenchment historic monument as juridical category. This research evaluates the distinction between soviet and Western Europe concepts of historic monument and dynamic of that mutation. Analyzing the list of soviet monument, the main question of that part in this work is the ideological role of historic monument as the tool of political power legitimation. Studying relation between official policy of historic monuments and latentical factors, which determined the survival of some important for Lithuanian history monuments, the basic goal is to put special emphasis on relations with more or less ideologized monuments, with reference to interviews of heritage personnel and archival data. In final touches the work takes notice on Independent Lithuanian tendencies, considering did the establishment of the new concepts qualitatively determined the changes of the earlier concept of historic monument.