Suchergebnisse

Translation of: Die publicistischen Lehren des Mittelalters, a section of v. 3 of "Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht." ; "List of authorities": p. [lxiii]-lxxvii. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Cover-title. ; A protest against the Russian treaty, by Felix Adler.--America's compact with despotism in Russia, by William M. Salter. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"List of authorities": p. [lxiii]-lxxvii. ; Translation of "Die publicistischen lehren des mittelalters," a section of v. 3 of "Das deutsche genossenschaftsrecht." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Addresses by celebrated Americans, grouped under historical headings. ; Vol. 1, 1899; v. 2, 1896; v. 3, 1899; v. 4, 1898. ; v. 1. I. Colonialism. II. Constitutional government. III. The rise of democracy. IV. The rise of nationality -- v. 2. V. The anti-slavery struggle -- v. 3. V. The anti-slavery struggle (continued) VI. Secession -- v. 4. VII. Civil war and reconstruction. VIII. Free trade and protection. IX. Finance and civil service reform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Investment arbitrations should not happen too often, because they are costly processes for both parties. Yet they regularly happen. Why? We investigate the hypothesis that investment arbitrations are used as a means of last resort, after dissuasion has failed, and that dissuasion is most likely to fail in situations where significant political risk materializes. Investment arbitration should thus tend to target countries in which high-political risk has materialized. In order to test this hypothesis, we focus in this article on two drivers of political risk: bad governance and economic crises. We test various links between these two drivers of risk and arbitration claims. We use an original data-set that includes investment claims filed under the rules of all arbitration institutions as well as ad hoc arbitrations. We find that bad governance, understood as corruption and lack of rule of law (using the WGI Corruption and WGI Rule of Law indexes), has a statistically significant relation with investment arbitration claims, but economic crises do not.

This article is written as a brief comment on a recent discussion that has taken place in the pages of the Journal of Youth Studies on the question of youth, youth studies and political economy, in a series of articles by Côté [2014. "Towards a New Political Economy of Youth." Journal of Youth Studies 17 (4): 527–543; Côté, J. 2016. "A New Political Economy of Youth Reprised: Rejoinder to France and Threadgold." Journal of Youth Studies. doi:10.1080/13676261.2015.1136058] and France and Threadgold [2015. "Youth and Political Economy: Towards a Bourdieusian Approach." Journal of Youth Studies. doi:10.1080/13676261.2015.1098779]. It argues for the value of embracing a broad understanding of the term political economy, and for the importance of increasing the attention paid to political economy in the field of youth studies. The comment draws on a simple review of articles published in the Journal of Youth Studies over a five-year period between 2011 and 2015 in order to clarify the different approaches that can be taken by youth studies researchers with respect to the question of political economy.

Arek Dakessian - ORCID 0000-0001-7792-6862 orcid:0000-0001-7792-6862 ; Refugees can be formed as "subjects" as they navigate forced displacement in countries that are not their own. In particular, everyday life as the politicized Other, and as humanitarianism's depoliticized beneficiary, can constitute them as political subjects. Understanding these produced subjects and subjectivities leads us to conceive of forced displacement – or "refugeedom" – as a human condition or experience of political (sub)alterity, within which inhere distinctive subjectivations and subjectivities. Drawing on fieldwork in Beirut, Lebanon, we use young Syrian and Iraqi refugees' experiences with everyday racism, violent bullying and racialized discrimination as heuristic lenses with which to see displacement's political subjects and subjectivities. We argue that the young refugees emerge as both political and moral subjects through core and defining struggles within – and against – these politicizing constraints. We interpret their struggles as ambivalently and dynamically situated within humanitarianism's and racism's subjections and subjectivities. Yet we also found that occasionally the young refugees could eclipse these produced subjectivities to claim repoliticized subjecthoods distinct from those of humanitarianism and outside displacement's normal politics. We interpret these in Rancièrian terms as "political subjectivation." Abstracting our findings, we offer a simple theoretical architecture of refugeedom's subjectivations, subjects, and subjectivities as comprising humanitarianism's rights-bearing or juridical subject; the vulnerable and resilient, innocent and suffering subject; and the Othered or racialized subject, formed through the exclusions of displacement's politicized spaces. But we also conceive refugeedom as a space of values, and so the ground on which moral meaning and significance attach to agency and subjectivity. ; Fieldwork was funded by The British Academy (Academic Grant Number SG152525). ...

Italy's 2016 referendum represents an opportunity to discuss the main hypotheses posited by current literature as to the determinants of referendums. The issue-voting of this constitutional referendum was too technical to arouse great passions in the voters. This provided room for second-order determinants, and the referendum campaign became a competition between Government and Opposition. In such a scenario, political partisanship is expected to play a significant role in the voter's choice. This paper intends to test the impact of partisanship on the vote, versus that of further possible determinants: intra-party dissent, the voters' dissatisfaction with the government, as well as the referendum turnout. Particular attention has been paid to the latter, also because the impact of turnout on referendums is understudied. Correlations and linear regression models, based on data of all the Italian provinces, revealed that, apart from partisanship, other second-order features impacted on the referendum outcome: in particular, it emerged that, where the turnout had been higher, the "No" share was lower. However, the turnout was intertwined with other determinants, first of all, partisanship. To disentangle the turnout from its correlates, a lagged instrument, namely the turnout of the previous referendum held in 2006, was introduced. The Two-Stage Least Squares model proved the instrument to be a robust predictor of the 2016 referendum vote. The result of a mediation model further supported these findings, which suggest that the turnout—as an expression of civic commitment—is not independent of the voters' decision.

It is notable that we are living in the age ofcomputers and computer is a revolutionary weapon in thehands of man. Computer is not only handy in the sphere ofscientific world but to me it is quite helpful in the realm ofpolitical science. The very topic of my conferencepresentation though primarily relates with the legendaryfigure of political history where so-called revolutionarymachine computer had not been around, yet time of Aristotleis said to be sharper than computer. The principalsignificance of Aristotle, in the history of political theories,lies in the fact that he gave to politics the character of anindependent science. He differs from his master, Plato, muchmore in the form and method than in the substance of histhought. Most of the ideas which seen characteristicallyAristotelian are to be found in Plato.Key words: platonic expression, phenomena, constitution,monarchic government,etc.