Suchergebnisse

Guido Bastianini, Simona Russo (Hrsg.), Comunicazioni dell'Istituto papirologico «G. Vitelli» 12 (Edizioni dell'Istituto Papirologico «G. Vitelli» 5), Firenze 2015 Graeme Bourke, Elis, Internal Politics and External Policy in Ancient Greece (Cities of the Ancient World), London, New York 2018 Alberto Dalla Rosa, Cura et tutela. Le origini del potere imperiale sulle province proconsolari (Historia Einzelschriften 272), Stuttgart 2014 Jonas Grethlein, Antonios Rengakos (Hrsg.), Griechische Literaturgeschichtsschreibung. Traditionen, Probleme und Konzepte, Berlin, New York 2017 Josef Wiesehöfer, Sabine Müller (Hrsg.), Parthika. Greek and Roman Authors' Views of the Arsacid Empire / Griechisch-römische Bilder des Arsakidenreiches (Classica et Orientalia 15), Wiesbaden 2017 ; Guido Bastianini, Simona Russo (Hrsg.), Comunicazioni dell'Istituto papirologico «G. Vitelli» 12 (Edizioni dell'Istituto Papirologico «G. Vitelli» 5), Firenze 2015 (Á. T. Michálykó: 265) — Graeme Bourke, Elis, Internal Politics and External Policy in Ancient Greece (Cities of the Ancient World), London, New York 2018 (P. Siewert: 267) — Alberto DallaRosa, Cura et tutela. Le origini del potere imperiale sulle province proconsolari (Historia Einzelschriften 272), Stuttgart 2014 (F. Hurlet: 270) — Jonas Grethlein, Antonios Rengakos (Hrsg.), Griechische Literaturgeschichtsschreibung. Traditionen, Probleme und Konzepte, Berlin, New York 2017 (J. W. G. Schropp: 272) — Josef Wiesehöfer, Sabine Müller (Hrsg.), Parthika. Greek and Roman Authors' Views of the Arsacid Empire / Griechisch-römische Bilder des Arsakidenreiches (Classica et Orientalia 15), Wiesbaden 2017 (F. Alidoust: 276).

The emergence of the phenomenon of identity politics, money politics, primordialism and political pragmatism, which emerged as a consequence of the direct democratic system turned out to be different from its basic goal as an effort to increase the role and participation of the public in the era of political reform. The purpose of this study is to identify the basic norms of Pancasila democracy as the nation's personality to ensure the consistency of democratic values on a fundamental basis. To fulfill this, a comparison has been made between the norms of Pancasila democracy and the norms of direct democracy rooted in liberal democracy through a literature study with a qualitative approach.Empirical facts show that; 1) the development of democracy demands a change in the underlying values; 2) there are linguistic causative factors and moderating factors that determine the quality of democracy; 3) countries have different philosophical norms from one another and lack an in-depth philosophical understanding; 4) there is an inconsistency of values caused by a lack of a basic understanding of the substance of democracy in a comprehensive manner, where democracy is merely an attempt to respond solely. This problem must be corrected so that it does not cause widespread and hereditary impacts in the administration of the state and government.

This article analyzes how capitalism is being reproduced through the digitalization of logistics. I examine two cases where efforts are made to digitalize container shipping workflows: a set of global standards for shipping data and a new "sustainable" platform for streamlining the movement of ships through port. In both cases, conceptions and practices of practicality shape digital infrastructures in ways that help maintain the uneven distribution of technology, goods, and capacities in times of otherwise drastic change. Shipping industry publicity tends to emphasize the newness of objects like self-driving cars, but much of the work of digitalizing occurs through the extensive, and comparatively invisible, data infrastructures that are being developed to digitalize processes for displacing goods. Through an analysis of how new digital infrastructures are being implemented, I argue that the narrow range of what is made to be practical under capitalism is reproduced through the ways in which shipping is being digitized. I seek to understand one key aspect of practicality in particular: efforts to maintain the displacement of certain forms of politics from logistics. Such efforts reproduce logistics as a technocratic science while marking, for example, labor and antiracist politics as outside the bounds of consideration. Logistical agents are thus shaping digitalization into a process that is implemented only insofar as it reproduces existing injustice.

The Indian people have taken satisfaction in being regarded as "unity in variety" even in the face of social unrest, political agitation, and a deteriorating economy. In order to guarantee that this is the case, many provisions of the Indian Constitution have been adopted. However, while India has not declared multiculturalism to be a national policy, its spirit has always been a part of the country's history and culture. Historically, the northeastern region of the country has been isolated from the rest of the country, creating concerns regarding its inclusion in the true sense of the term since the colonial era. Assam, one of the region's eight states, is home to a varied spectrum of ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups, making it a very interesting place to visit. As a consequence, identity politics has played a crucial part in the consolidation of the country's identity. Jihad and murder have played a significant role in Assam's identity politics throughout its history. On occasion, both the federal and state administrations have attempted to satisfy the demands of different political parties; yet, there have been persistent calls for autonomy and independence in various parts of the state. This dissertation is a modest effort to look at the Indian state's and ethnic groups' attempts to embrace the spirit of diversity in Assam from a historical perspective.

2021 Fall. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; The aim of this research is to introduce a different narrative, and thus the ways in which a new understanding of Middle East can emerge. Worldwide, corruption is endemic. In developing countries, the circulating capital surplus dividend subsequent to autonomy has not been widely shared. Services—protection, prosperity, health, and housing—are fundamental support pillars for the Social Contract between sovereign and citizen. Contrary to their anointed leader, populaces in developing countries are no longer willing to be complicit with sustaining Matured Democracies' nationalistic interests. This research, then, is a reasonable attempt to outline these multifaceted trends by disentangling history, economic, and politics of the region. The culturally specific logic to these localities, the forces of globalization, and the governmentality of the nation-state, has led to flawed ethnography of the Middle East as a delimited land and romanticized nomadism. In the Middle East, the Sykes Picot Agreement disrupted tribal composition, alliances, and politics in the region. The analysis will conclude with suggestions of how to avoid a verbal high-wire act, with fresh impetus on nationalism and patriotism encouraging identity as a continuum and not just a spectrum. Thus, we must begin by introducing different narratives, invert the scripts, alter the discourses, and directly engage and educate the Joe Six-Packs' of Matured Democracies.

This paper examines the agreement between Indonesia and Malaysia which is a form of moderate Islamic attitude shown by the parties or community organizations that played a role at that time. In this study, the authors used a qualitative descriptive research method. The data analysis technique used is the technique proposed by Miles and Huberman, which consists of data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions. The resolution of the conflict that occurred between Indonesia and Malaysia is also known as Konfrontasi or "Down with Malaysia", this occurred because of the conflict in the Sabah and Sarawak regions. This dispute is a stage of Islamic politics in Indonesia so that it has an impact on the moderate attitude of Islamic politics in Indonesia. the involvement of Islamic Community Organizations in the policies heralded by Soekarno became an internal crisis in the Islamic political conditions at that time. Organizations that are quite influential and involved are the Masyumi Party, the NU Party, and the Ansor Youth Movement. In enough conflict "G resolution of Malaysia" which finally resulted in a peaceful resolution between the two parties. With various agreements that occurred from 1963-1966 the agreement agreement for the Sabah and Sarawak regions to be included in the territory of Malaysia.Keywords: Islamic Political Moderatism, Conflict Resolution, Masyumi Party, NU Party, Ansor Youth Movement.

The Indian people have taken satisfaction in being regarded as "unity in variety" even in the face of social unrest, political agitation, and a deteriorating economy. In order to guarantee that this is the case, many provisions of the Indian Constitution have been adopted. However, while India has not declared multiculturalism to be a national policy, its spirit has always been a part of the country's history and culture. Historically, the northeastern region of the country has been isolated from the rest of the country, creating concerns regarding its inclusion in the true sense of the term since the colonial era. Assam, one of the region's eight states, is home to a varied spectrum of ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups, making it a very interesting place to visit. As a consequence, identity politics has played a crucial part in the consolidation of the country's identity. Jihad and murder have played a significant role in Assam's identity politics throughout its history. On occasion, both the federal and state administrations have attempted to satisfy the demands of different political parties; yet, there have been persistent calls for autonomy and independence in various parts of the state. This dissertation is a modest effort to look at the Indian state's and ethnic groups' attempts to embrace the spirit of diversity in Assam from a historical perspective.

"This book explores how capital-labour relations and antagonisms structure forms of militancy in Vietnam and shows that Vietnamese labour militancy is in line with global trends of worker activism. Vietnamese labour politics is undergoing significant changes, with a new Labour code that became law in 2021 allowing workers to join 'worker representative organisations' not subordinate to the state-led union or the ruling Communist Party. This book reflects on the nature of Vietnamese labour politics on the cusp of reform. It focuses on nominally formal labour within the garment and footwear industry in the southern part of the country, the author argues that while employment in the formal economy is expanding in terms of the absolute numbers of people working in formally registered firms, capital employs various ways to make conditions inside these companies increasingly insecure. In response, workers organise in forms of decentralised resistance. The book analyses two of these in detail; wildcat strikes and 'microstrikes'-short collective work stoppages that occur inside workplaces. Arguing that labour resistance is structured in relation to capital's behaviour, and not only because of weak labour relations institutions and mechanisms, this book makes a valuable contribution to the field of labour and social movement studies, development studies, sociology, and political economy and Southeast Asian Studies."

This paper reveals how love and marriage were interpreted, negotiated and maintained by a young couple during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), by analyzing 200 love letters. It first introduces the letter authors, their experiences of being 'sent-down' to work at separate state-owned farms, and the comrade-style love they developed by following the Mao-era injunction to prioritize revolutionary politics over personal matters. It then shows how class struggle politics and associated political thought movements inhibited youth dating and romance. Many young adults had to choose between personal matters and political revolution, which led to the paradoxical existence of expressions of 'self-restraint' and 'self-indulgence' in sexual affairs. After China's universities reopened in 1970, the couple pursued tertiary education and put their romance on hold. This period was accompanied by a weakening tie between 'personal matters' (love) and political revolution and a rising tension between personal matters and personal development (education and career). With China's abandonment of the 'send-down' policy in 1978, the couple returned to Harbin, the capital city of Heilongjiang province in northeast China. They married after a decade of separation and correspondence about their tumultuous experiences. Analyzing their letters demonstrates the impact of Mao-era policies, ideas and practices in shaping love and family formation processes for the sent-down generation.

Today the world's leaders and politicians are no longer able to bring peace to the world. It seems the only hope lies in education. In this century, many educational experts have produced many new theories. However, education has failed to bring peace in the world. It is not the fault of the educators and students, but it can be seen that education is often directed by politics and the economy. Through these many bitter lessons, many have begun to realize that education should not only produce great people but must also produce good people. It is clear that if we have people who are smart but only selfish or people with high intellectual abilities but without moral character so that they are prone to corruption then our country will not be peaceful and prosperous. Islamic values are needed in the world of politics, homes, businesses, factories and offices, schools, to this country that we have. Basically, Islamic values exist in all of us and in all aspects of life. It is not violence and selfishness that we need, but love and compassion in the human heart. I think the most appropriate solution to overcome this problem is to return to human education to become a better human being; education based on the one and only God, which is more appropriate, is Islamic education and Pancasila.

The China-Russia relations are facing a changing external environment, including the Indo- Pacific. This article focuses on the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy, which is a new and little-researched theme. It aims to address a central question: what the implications of the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy on the China-Russia relations are. It focuses on the discourse of the EU's supranational authorities. The qualitative content analysis of that discourse unveils that the nature of this strategy is to enhance the legitimacy and uniqueness of the EU as a global player. It argues that this strategy has important implications for both China and Russia in direct or indirect ways. One main assumption is that the EU's impact will be more concentrated in low politics than high politics. This article develops two hypotheses. One is that the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy will enhance the West as external pressure to China and Russia in the region, especially on low political issues. The other is that increasing external pressure from the EU and the West in this region highlights the necessity of cooperation between China and Russia. It concludes that while the implications for China and Russia are different respectively, the EU's ambition as an exogenous factor will compel China and Russia to uplift their bilateral ties.

This chapter ties the contribution of the chapters of the book and sets an agenda for future research. Key lessons for practitioners, from each chapter, are collated and discussed in this chapter. The chapter also asks a number of questions about the ethics of both political branding and related political marketing communications. At the heart of the conceptualisation of parties and candidates as brands is the logic and relevance of marketing ideology and technology in the political realm. Advocates of the introduction of marketing principles and techniques to the realm of politics have suggested that as the citizen is treated more as a consumer, and so placed at the heart of the decision-making processes, a stronger relationship will develop between citizens and political institutions. The citizen-consumer, it is argued, becomes empowered through being at the heart of political brand management and product development and so more trusting of institutions through their engagement. While it is clear that marketisation has impacted on politics, marketing plays a more significantly role in branding strategies, shaping platforms to align with public attitudes, market testing messages and the integrated marketing communication techniques apparent in campaigning innovation. This final chapter raises the question of whether political marketing communication, as practised, lacks an ethical anchor and thus has the propensity to undermine the democratic processes which give it a purpose.

Darjeeling has been largely represented as a place where fine tea grows and where the mighty Kanchenjunga graces its presence as an attraction for tourists. Much has been written about its colonial formation and its tea, but discursive formation of the area has been rather unfair for the inhabitants who are lost in this narrative of 'leisure'. This injustice is all the more magnified when one perceives the identity crisis and the politics of belonging that the people of Darjeeling have been subjected to since the days of empire, continuing up to present times under the nation state. Against this misrepresentation Darjeeling, as lived by its inhabitants, needs to be reimagined. The politics of belonging is a recurrent theme across South Asia and the anxieties over belonging that the people face in Darjeeling has to do a lot with the kind of knowledge that has so far been produced about the region. This article will attempt to decolonize that knowledge and reimagine Darjeeling from an insider's perspective. This will be done through the iconic literary figure of Indra Bahadur Rai and his writing. In the present study I will be primarily looking at his only novel Aaja Ramita Cha (There is A Spectacle Today) (1964), and his essay Pahad ra Khola (Mountains and Rivers).

A significant set of epistemic and political transformations are taking place as states and societies begin to understand themselves and their problems through the paradigm of deep neural network algorithms. A machine learning political order does not merely change the political technologies of governance, but is itself a reordering of politics, of what the political can be. When algorithmic systems reduce the pluridimensionality of politics to the output of a model, they simultaneously foreclose the potential for other political claims to be made and alternative political projects to be built. More than this foreclosure, a machine learning political order actively profits and learns from the fracturing of communities and the destabilising of democratic rights. The transformation from rules-based algorithms to deep learning models has paralleled the undoing of rules-based social and international orders – from the use of machine learning in the campaigns of the UK EU referendum, to the trialling of algorithmic immigration and welfare systems, and the use of deep learning in the COVID-19 pandemic – with political problems becoming reconfigured as machine learning problems. Machine learning political orders decouple their attributes, features and clusters from underlying social values, no longer tethered to notions of good governance or a good society, but searching instead for the optimal function of abstract representations of data.

This article aims to describe the dynamics and contestation of Egyptian Islamic politics. The Islamic political movement carried out by a group of people in Egypt has changed the streets of existing democracy with the emergence of coups and assassinations that occurred in the Anwar Sadat era. It was a form of turmoil that occurred. This condition continued until the emergence of the Arab Spring in 2011. From all the dimensions that exist in Egypt, the root of all the turmoil is the unresolved religious and political problems that have made Egypt transform into a stagnant country until now. This study also shows that there is a transformation of Egyptian radicalism that has penetrated in all lines which hinders the progress of Egyptian democracy in which the mosques and campuses are used as the basis of radicalism so that they can influence the public's interest. This research is also supported by literature sources from books, journals, and comprehensive research. As for the results obtained from this article, namely the emergence of identity politics that occurred in Egypt due to the emergence of radical Islam, which had a major influence on Egyptian society, then the emergence of an authoritarian military system gave dissatisfaction to the Egyptian people in living as a state, resulting in destabilization between the democratic system and society globally