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Abstract Bjarmaland (also Biarmaland, Biarmia, Byarmia, Bjarmia) and its inhabitants (Bjarmar, Beormas, Biarmar) are known to us through c. 30 medieval written sources, most of them written in Norse, a few in Latin and one in Anglo-Saxon. Majority of the texts were written during the 13th century, but the stories they relate may nevertheless be of earlier date. The Kings' Sagas in particular often refer to 10th century events. Oldest of the sources is the so-called Ohthere's account, a 9th century Anglo-Saxon text added to the OE Orosius translation. The rest of the sources are of Norse-Icelandic origin including a number of konungasögur, a few chronicles and íslendingasögur, some texts of geographical nature, a couple of þáttr, and a number of fornaldarsögur as well as six annals. Additionally Haralds saga gráfeldar contains a few skaldic verses. Written sources locate Bjarmaland to the White Sea. The words Terfinna land connect the location with the Kola Peninsula and the environs of the Varzuga River whereas the name Gandvík guides our interest towards the Kantalahti Bay of the White Sea. The name 'Vína' can be connected with either the Northern Dvina River or Viena Karelia. Written sources portray the Bjarmians as permanently settled group of Baltic Fennic speaking people that lived in the north of Europe since the Viking Age (first mentioned in writing in the 9th century) until the early Middle Ages (mid-13th century). Involvement in the international fur trade is implied and continuous contacts with Norwegians with both looting and trade as integral part of interaction are present in the descriptions. The Bjarmians cannot be connected ethnically with any existing group of people but must be considered as a group of their own. The origin of the specific ethnical identity most likely lies in economical interaction (trade with furs and possibly other items) with neighbouring areas. Since 12th-13th centuries new settlers moved to the northern areas and many political and economical changes occurred in Northern Fennoscandia and Russia, all of which would have contributed to a change that left the Bjarmians out of written sources. ; Tiivistelmä Bjarmaland (myös Biarmaland, Biarmia, Byarmia, Bjarmia) ja sen asukkaat (Bjarmar, Beormas, Biarmar) tunnetaan noin kolmestakymmenestä keskiaikaisesta kirjallisesta lähteestä, joista useimmat on kirjoitettu islanniksi, muutamat latinaksi ja yksi anglosaksiksi. Suurin osa teksteistä kirjoitettiin 1200-luvulla, mutta niiden sisältö voi koskea aiempia tapahtumia. Erityisesti kuningassaagat viittaavat usein 900-luvun tapahtumiin. Vanhin lähteistä on niin sanottu Ohtheren kertomus, joka on 800-luvulla kirjoitettu lisäys Orosiuksen maailmanhistorian anglosaksiseen käännökseen. Muut lähteet ovat islantilais-norjalaista alkuperää ja koostuvat useista kuningassaagoista sekä muutamasta islantilaissaagasta, maantieteellisistä teksteistä, parista þáttrista että joukosta muinaissaagoja ja annaaleja. Lisäksi Haralds saga gráfeldarissa on mukana skaldirunouden säkeitä. Kirjalliset lähteet sijoittavat Bjarmalandin Vienanmerelle. Sanat Terfinna land liittävät sijainnin Kuolan niemimaahan ja Varzugajoen ympäristöön kun taas nimi Gandvík ohjaa mielenkiinnon kohti Kantalahtea. Nimi 'Vína' voidaan yhdistää joko Vienajokeen tai Vienan Karjalaan. Kirjalliset lähteet kuvaavat bjarmeja pysyvästi asuvina itämerensuomalaista kieltä puhuvina ihmisinä, jotka asuivat Pohjois-Euroopassa viikinkiajalta (ensimmäinen kirjallinen maininta on peräisin 800-luvulta) keskiajalle (1200-luvun puoliväliin). Lähteet vihjaavat bjarmien olleen mukana kansainvälisessä turkiskaupassa ja jatkuvat kontaktit norjalaisiin joko kaupankäynnin tai ryöstelyn merkeissä ovat tärkeässä osassa lähteiden kertomuksissa. Bjarmeja ei voi etnisesti liittää mihinkään nykyiseen ihmisryhmään vaan heitä täytyy pitää omana erillisenä ryhmänään. Etnisen identiteetin synty liittyy todennäköisimmin kaupankäyntiin (turkikset ja mahdolliset muut kauppatavarat) naapureiden kanssa. Alkaen 1100- ja 1200-luvuilta pohjoiselle alueelle muutti uutta väestöä ja samaan aikaa pohjoisessa Fennoskandiassa ja Venäjällä tapahtui monia poliittisia ja taloudellisia muutoksia ja näiden yhteisvaikutus todennäköisesti johti osaltaan siihen, että bjarmit jäivät pois kirjallisista lähteistä.

Uscito a pezzi dalla pesante crisi finanziaria e industriale del 1907, che aveva messo a nudo i limiti della struttura economica del Paese, il capitalismo industriale italiano elaborò un programma, portato avanti fino al primo dopoguerra, che prevedeva l'instaurazione di un governo di tecnocrati. Questo avrebbe dovuto trainare il Paese fuori dalla crisi, pianificarne l'economia e trasformarlo in una grande potenza industriale, con forti connotazioni imperialistiche. Segnali in tale direzione si erano registrati anche nei decenni precedenti, tra fine Ottocento e inizi Novecento, quando ebbe inizio un processo di concentrazione nel settore siderurgico e meccanico. Un percorso peraltro stimolato dalle commesse statali sempre più consistenti (Galli Della Loggia, 1970; Battilossi, 1999; Amatori e Colli, 1999; Bolchini, 2002). La crisi industriale e finanziaria del 1907 e la recessione a livello mondiale che ne seguì, accelerarono la soluzione tecnocratica, che prevedeva un'alleanza, più o meno stretta, con una parte della classe politica e l'entrata in guerra. Negli anni immediatamente seguenti il conflitto, il potere dei tecnocrati sulla scena politica italiana sembrò accrescersi notevolmente, soprattutto quando il governo progettò un programma di espansione economica nelle regioni del Caucaso, nei Balcani e nel Levante ex ottomano, territori in grado di fornire materie prime e di assorbire la produzione italiana in eccesso rispetto alle richieste di un mercato interno asfittico. La collaborazione tra mondo imprenditoriale, bancario e politico non produsse il risultato sperato. La caduta del governo Nitti e il ruolo destabilizzante e filotedesco della Banca Commerciale Italiana nell'Est europeo e nel Caucaso furono tra le cause principali che impedirono il decollo del progetto tecnocratico, provocando una dura reazione da parte dei fratelli Perrone alla guida del gruppo Ansaldo.Heavily Weakened by the financial and industrial crisis of 1907, which showed all the limits of the economic structure of Italy, the Italian industrial capitalism developed a program that continued until the early after World War, which was taking into account the establishment of a government of technocrats.This should had to take the country out of crisis, establish an economical plan and turn it into a major industrial power, with strong imperialist characteristics. Signals in this direction were also recorded in the previous decades, from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, when a process of concentration of the main groups of entrepreneurs and capitalists began in the steel and mechanical industry. A path anyway enhanced by more and more orders from the government (Galli Della Loggia, 1970; Battilossi, 1999; Amatori and Colli, 1999; Boldrini, 2002). The industrial and financial crisis of 1907 and the global recession that followed, accelerated the technocratic solution, which were looking for a more or less closer alliance, with a part of the political class and going into war. Soon after the war, the political power of the technocrats in Italy seemed to grow significantly, especially when the Government developed a program of economic expansion in the regions of the Caucasus, Balkans and on the countries of the ex East Ottoman, these territories could provide raw materials and, with respect of an internal market completely saturated, to absorb the exceeding Italian production. The collaboration within the world of business, banking and politics did not produce the desired result. The fall of the Nitti´s Government and the pro German and destabilizing role of the Italian Commercial Bank in Eastern Europe and on the Caucasus were the major drivers against the launch of the technocratic project, inducing a though reaction by the Perrone brothers leading the group Ansaldo.

The overall purpose of this thesis is to investigate market developments and policy issues that influence the environmental performance of the industry sector. The analysis concentrates mainly on the industry's input use in the form of energy and forest raw materials. The thesis consists of an introductory part, and five self-contained papers. Paper I addresses important market signals and firm specific management practices that may explain differences in observed energy intensities across industrial firms. The paper combines interview statistics with secondary data on energy prices, output etc., that are used in a simple econometric model in which the energy intensities of 89 process firms over the time period 2004-2010 are analyzed. The descriptive results show a significant increase in firm and top management energy efficiency awareness. The respondents stress that increased awareness is due to rising energy costs. In line with this, the model estimations show that awareness will not have an effect on firm's energy intensity. Instead, rising energy prices will significantly reduce the energy intensity. Paper II addresses the role of voluntary energy efficiency programs in the industrial sector. We expand on earlier work by explicitly considering the self-selection mechanism in these programs as well as the role of different management and decisionmaking practices for understanding program outcomes. The results show that the probability for choosing to participate in PFE as well as the level of self-reported energy savings for those who participate tend to increase with increased electricity intensity and electricity use. Different management practices also affect the probability of participation; firms in which the energy manager has fewer responsibilities and works closer to the CEO have been more likely to participate in the program. The above suggests that PFE may primarily have attracted firms that already have had plenty of experience with energy efficiency issues. Increasing the use of renewable energy is of principal EU energy policy concern. In this respect, investigating European trade in forest raw materials is important for understanding how industry sectors in the EU will be affected by these policies. Papers III and IV therefore, quantify and analyze possible trade patterns in forest raw materials in the presence of EU energy policy. Specifically, in Paper III the White Paper and the RES-E Directive are analyzed whilst the RES2020 Directive is of focus in Paper IV. The analysis builds on developing and employing a partial equilibrium model of trade in selected forest raw materials in Europe. In Papers III and Paper IV, the results suggest that the policy implementations will increase the trade in forest raw materials by up to 67 and 110 percent, respectively. Since the national goals in the RES2020 Directive are mandatory in contrast to the indicative recommendations stated in previous EU energy policies on renewables, Paper IV concludes that more ambitious goals will inevitably affect the input competing industries. Finally, Paper V provides a critical survey of previous econometric analyzes of supply and demand elasticities in wastepaper markets. A key finding is that the own-price elasticity of wastepaper supply is overall low (around 0.20-0.30). This adds to our understanding of the price volatility in wastepaper markets, and carries important implications for the impacts of – and the efficient choice between – price- and quantity-based waste management policies. ; Godkänd; 2013; 20130315 (andbra); Tillkännagivande disputation 2013-04-16 Nedanstående person kommer att disputera för avläggande av filosofie doktorsexamen. Namn: Anna Mansikkasalo Ämne: Nationalekonomi / Economics Avhandling: Greening Industry: Essays on Industrial Energy Use and Markets for Forest Raw Materials Opponent: Professor Per Mickwitz, Finnish Environmental Institute, Helsinki, Finland Ordförande: Universitetslektor Patrik Söderholm, Institutionen ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, Luleå tekniska universitet Tid: Onsdag den 8 maj 2013, kl. 13.00 Plats: A1547, Luleå tekniska universitet

Среди стран Европейского союза наиболее активны в Центральной Азии три государства: Германия, Франция и Великобритания. Несмотря на различия в приоритетах и позициях, центрально-азиатская политика данных стран формировалась и развивается на основе комплекса общих интересов и целей в регионе. Рассматривается эволюция состава и иерархии общих интересов на протяжении 1990-х и 2000-х гг. Анализируются такие согласованные аспекты политики Берлина, Парижа и Лондона, как нераспространение ядерного оружия после распада СССР, обеспечение прозападного вектора международных связей центрально-азиатских государств, эксплуатация их природных ресурсов, борьба с наркоугрозой и терроризмом, содействие политике стран ЕС на афганском направлении со стороны стран Центральной Азии. ; In the European Union Germany, France and Great Britain have conducted the most active policy in Central Asia. Despite the differences in priorities and positions, their Central Asian policy emerged and has evolved on the basis of a set of common interests and goals in the region. The list and hierarchy of interests have varied depending on various factors. Immediately after the collapse of the USSR the nuclear proliferation threat generated a strong interest in Kazakhstan and urged the leading EU Member States to make Kazakhstan a priority of foreign policy. Since mid-1990s a new primary goal was set, officially declared as to strengthen the independence of Central Asian states. In reality it meant to consolidate the Western orientation of their international links in order to contain the "neo-imperial" policy of Russia in the FSU. Besides Kazakhstan, the new policy resulted in prioritizing Uzbekistan. An impetus was provided to develop relations with Turkmenistan. Economic assistance programmes for Central Asia were revised in favour of Tashkent and, to a lesser extent, Ashgabat, new embassies were established, economic, military and other links were developed. The discourse of strengthening the independence also had an economic dimension. First, autonomy from Moscow was considered necessary to exploit natural resources of the Central Asian states for the benefit of European countries. Raw material absolutely dominate exports to Germany, Britain and France. Kazakhstan has become a major exporter of oil to Germany and France, in 2009 it ranked fifth and fourth, respectively. Secondly, Kazakhstan's economy that has grown up owing to high oil prices is of interest as an export market for European goods and investments. While Germany has been the most successful in supplying goods, the UK and, in recent years, France are more successful in investing money. The competition does not prevent European states from joining efforts to ensure favourable treatment for their companies. Since late 1990s the war against Afghan drug trafficking to Europe via Central Asia was an important aspect in the regional policies of the key European countries. Projects were launched to support law enforcement agencies in the region, Interior Ministry officers were sent to the embassies to coordinate bilateral cooperation. Britain and France contributed to make Central Asia a priority of the fight against drug trafficking at EU level. The support of law enforcement agencies in Central Asia became more urgent after September 11, 2001 in order to combat the threat of terrorism. At the same time a new, equally important interest was identified, namely to provide support for EU states policy in Afghanistan. Germany was allowed to deploy a small unit of Air Force in the Uzbek Termez on a permanent basis. France did the same in the Tajik Dushanbe. Consequently, weak points were strengthened in the policies of the EU 'Big Three'. In particular, Tajikistan attracted much more attention. Relationship with Uzbekistan was cemented, as well.

Nella storiografi a contemporanea, politica ed economica, continua a prevalere una lettura dell'opera di Weber secondo cui la nascita dell'economia di mercato costituisce un novum dirompente della e per la christianitas in quanto società costruita sulla caritas e sulla communitas. Si analizzano qui due testi patristici, esemplifi cativi della tradizione orientale ed occidentale, dove la chiave interpretativa dell'esistenza cristiana è tutta condotta in un orizzonte creditizio e contrattualistico, a partire dalla riflessione sul Cristo, modello caritativo e redentivo. Nella seconda parte del saggio questo portato patristico viene messo in luce attraverso gli affi oramenti e gli sviluppi rintracciabili nei testi del XIV secolo prodotti in area catalano-aragonese. Testi scritti in latino ed in volgare da esponenti che appartengono all'Ordo di Francesco d'Assisi od hanno nei Minori un punto di riferimento identitario. In queste opere sezioni significative dedicate alla Passio Christi, al suo valore pedagogico per l'agire cristiano, diventano esplicitamente codici etici e normativi per l'azione politica e di governo, per la corretta gestione dell'economia e dei mercati. Si tratta di analisi puntuali che interrogano gli oggetti indagati, moneta, contratto, pratiche mercantili, per comprenderne il signifi cato ed il valore politico e per formulare codici destinati ai cives, ai mercatores ma, in primis, ai governanti. Siamo dunque dinanzi a testi che - anche per il tramite della rifl essione cristologica - forniscono alle comunità politiche dell'Europa medievale, occidentale e cristiana, un vocabolario politico, ma anche precise strutture dottrinali e di legittimazione dell'agire economico le quali si connettono direttamente ad una testualità politica che affi orerà in un arco cronologico compreso quantomeno tra Biel ed Althusius. ; In the political and economical historiography, the interpretation of the Weberian analysis about the origin of market economy, is still read, in a large number of texts, as an upsetting novum for the Christianitas. Because the Christian society is considered as a social structure which is built on, and into, the charitas (charity) and communitas (community). Here we examine two Patristic texts, as illustrative examples of the Eastern and Western tradition, where the Christian life is interpreted and analyzed through a pattern of words and concepts derived from the world of credit and contract, words that are firstly employed to explain the life of Christ Redeemer, as a model of charity (charitas) and largesse (largitio). In the second part of the essay this Patristic heritage comes out through the appearances and developments that we can read in the 14th century texts produced in the territories of the Aragonese Crown. These texts are written in Latin and in vulgar languages by representatives of the Ordo of St. Francis or by people who have very close relationship with it. Important parts of these works -which are devoted to the Passio Christi, to his pedagogical value for Christian life- become unequivocally ethical and normative codices for the governmental and political activities, for the correct handling of economy and markets. All of these passages are precise analysis that investigate the role of money, contract and the merchant practices, to understand their meaning and political value, to formulate a codex of discipline for merchants, citizens, but in primis, for government leaders. So these texts provide the political communities of the Western Medieval Christian Europe -even through the Christological reflection- with a lexicon, but also with precise doctrinal structures and tools of legitimation for the economic actions. These kind of structures and tools are directly connected with a political textuality which will surface during the age dating from Gabriel Biel until Johannes Althusius.

Book reviewed in this article:GREAT‐BRITAINFRED A. CAZEL, Jr. (Ed.). Feudalism and Liberty: Articles and Addresses of Sidney PainterLYNN WHITE, Jr. Medieval Technology and Social ChangeR. B. SMITH. Blackbumshire: a Study in Early Lancashire HistoryWALTER C. RICHARDSON. History of the Court of Augmentations, 1536–1554‐T. S. WILLAN (Ed.). A Tudor Book of RatesM. B. DONALD. Elizabethan Monopolies. The History of the Company of Mineral and Battery Works from 1565 toV. K. JORDAN, Social Institutions in Kent, 1480–1660: a study of the Changing Pattern of Social Aspirations. [Archaeologia CantianaC. M. L. BOUCH and G. P. JONES. The Lake Counties, 1500–1830: A Social and Economic HistoryR. H. CAMPBELL. Canon CompanyA. TAYLOR MILNE (Compiler). Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Jeremy Bentham in the Library of University College, LondonROSALIND MITCHISON. Agricultural Sir John. The Life of Sir John Sinclair of Ulbster, 1754–1833THOMAS E. MARSTON. Britain's Imperial Role in the Red Sea area, 1800–1878H. G. DYOS. Victorian Suburb: A Study of the Growth of CamberwellE. A. WRIGLEY. Industrial Growth and Population ChangeMARGARET COLE. The Story of Fabian SocialismR. J. HAMMOND. FoodBRINLEY THOMAS. The Welsh EconomyC. STELLA DAVIES. A History of MacclesfieldIRENE RICHARDS and J. A. MORRIS. A Junior Sketch‐Map Economic History of BritainROBERT BOUTRUGHE. Seigneurie etfeodalite: I. Le premier age des liens d'homme a hommeEDOUARD BARATIER. La demographic provencale du Xllle siecle au XVIe Steele, avec chijfres de comparaison pour le XVIle siecleJAQJJES HEERS. Genes au XVe siecle, activite economique et problcmes sociauxJEAN DELUMEAU. (SOUS la direction de). Le rnouvement du port de Saint‐Malo a la fin du XVIIe siecle (1681‐ijoo)MICHEL MOLLAT editor, with the help of PAUL ADAM, MARC BENOIST, MARC PERRICHET. Les sources de Vhistoire maritime en Europe, du Moyen age au XVIIIe sieclePIERRE GOUHIER. Port en Bessin, ijgy‐iyg2. Etude d'Histoire DemographiqueGENTIL DA SILVA (JOSE). Marchandises et Finances ‐MICHEL DEVEZE: La vie de la Foret frangaise au XVIe siecleMARCEL DELAFOSSE et CLAUDE LAVEAU. Le commerce du sel de Brouage aux XVIle et XVIHe sieclesRENE BAEHREL. Une croissance, la Basse‐Provence rurale [fin du XVIe siecle‐1789)REVIEW OF MODERN ECONOMIC NON‐RURAL HISTORY (1492‐1789) FOR THE YEAR 1961GERMANYFRIEDRICH MAGER. Der Wald in Altpreussen als WirtschqftsraumALBRECHT TIMM. Die Waldnutzung in Xordwestdentschland im Spiegel der Weistiimer. Einleitende Untersuchungen iiber die Umgestaltung des Stadt‐Land‐Verhdllnisses im SpatmittelalterHERMANN KELLENBENZ. Probleme einer deutschen Sozialgeschichte der neueren ZeitGUENTHER D. ROTH. Kurze Wirtschaftsgeschichte Mitteleuropas. Von den Zünften zur industriellen RevolutionGERHARD HEITZ. Ldndliche Leinenproduktion in Sachsen, 1470–1555GUENTHER FRANZ. Der Dreissigjdhrige Krieg und dasdeutsche VolkROLF ENGELSING. 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Статья посвящена основным тенденциям развития образования в Российской Федерации в 2000-2010 гг. Рассмотрено влияние демографического фактора на функционирование различных уровней образования от дошкольного до высшего профессионального. Основное внимание уделено политике финансирования образования в последнее десятилетие, введению новой системы оплаты труда, а также важнейшим институциональным изменениям в данной сфереIn the last decade 2000-2010 Russia's system of education has gone through major changes. First of all, the proportion of people with higher education has exceeded 28.2%. If those with secondary vocational education (27.1%) are to be included, the overall proportion of population with tertiary education (according to world classifications) would account for over 55%. Russia's leadership is as well uncontested with respect to the number of students involved in secondary and tertiary professional education institutions 673 in every 10 thousand of population. At the same time current demographic situation negatively affects the development of professional education in Russian Federation. In the last few years there has been a steady decrease in the number of students, including those, who aspire for higher education (starting from 2009/10). Thus, in the nearest future the existing models of professional education institutions, which were to solve the problem of accessibility of such education, are expected to change. The decrease in the number of students would as well affect the system of education finance. Starting from 2004 the budget finance of all levels of education grew rapidly. While in 2000s higher education institutions principally sought for the expansion of non-budget finance (since it accounted for the larger part of their financial resources), today they mostly compete for attracting budget students, since non-budget students have re-orientated themselves towards the relatively cheaper extramural and non-state education. At the same time the proportion of students on budget finance (among the students in state and non-state education) continues to decrease: in 2009 it accounted for 37.2% against 38% in the previous year. The growth of budget finance in basic and secondary vocational training has been rather moderate as compared to the higher education, although the absolute investments have grown significantly in the last 10 years. And yet the real expenditures were not as high, moreover they have started to decrease since 2007 for basic vocational training and since 2009 for secondary vocational training. In 2005-2010 the government effort has been to support the growth of wages for education workers. The new labor compensation system has been introduced, which actually was one of the major requirement for the regions of Russian Federation to participate in the National Priority Project for Education. Nevertheless, little success has been achieved. In the first half of 2010 the wages of education workers accounted for 63.2% of the average across the whole economy, while in the sector of basic and primary education it was even lower 61.6% (61% in 2005). The situation in higher education was slightly better 91.5% of the average across the economy. In basic vocational training the more troublesome level of professional education in Russia it was only slightly lower than 56%. Russia's expenditure on education (state as well as private), calculated as a share of GDP (5.7%), is a bit lower than OECD's average, although at the same time it is far more backward with respect to expenditures on basic and primary education, and basic professional training: 2% against 3.4%. The institutional transformations, which were under way in Russian education since 2000 until 2010, include the transition to a dual-level system of higher education (bachelor-master), the introduction of Unified State Examination (USE), the emergence of new types of state and municipal education institutions (state, 'new' budget and autonomous). The above mentioned innovations already have a strong effect on the system of education, which was especially true with the case of USE introduction. At the same time all of the possible consequences and risks of such modernization are not yet clear, which causes serious problems with implementation of these reforms and may disturb with their initial goals

In addition to its more well known literary and artistic origins, the French surrealist movement drew inspiration from currents of psychological anxiety and rebellion running through a shadowy side of mass culture, specifically in fantastic popular fiction and sensationalistic journalism. The provocative nature of this insolent mass culture resonated with the intellectual and political preoccupations of the surrealists, as Robin Walz demonstrates in this fascinating study. Pulp Surrealism weaves an interpretative history of the intersection between mass print culture and surrealism, re-evaluating both our understanding of mass culture in early twentieth-century Paris and the revolutionary aims of the surrealist movement. Pulp Surrealism presents four case studies, each exploring the out-of the-way and impertinent elements which inspired the surrealists. Walz discusses Louis Aragon's Le paysan de Paris, one of the great surrealist novels of Paris. He goes on to consider the popular series of Fantômes crime novels; the Parisan press coverage of the arrest, trial, and execution of mass-murderer Landru; and the surrealist inquiry "Is Suicide a Solution?", which Walz juxtaposes with reprints of actual suicide faits divers (sensationalist newspaper blurbs). Although surrealist interest in sensationalist popular culture eventually waned, this exploration of mass print culture as one of the cultural milieux from which surrealism emerged ultimately calls into question assumptions about the avant-garde origins of modernism itself

Цель: Исследование истории становления института профессиональных прав адвоката-защитника в России в целях выделения этапов, их характеристики и основных тенденций их развития. Методология: Использовались историко-правовой и формально юридический методы. Результаты: В статье выделены основные этапы развития института профессиональных прав адвоката-защитника в России, дана их характеристика: этап зарождения института прав защитника в России (XV в. – 1864 г.); этап институционализации прав защитника в законодательстве царской России (1864–1917 гг.); этап ликвидации присяжной адвокатуры и создания института защитников (1917–1922 гг.); этап институционализации прав адвоката-защитника в советском законодательстве (1922–1956 гг.); этап расширения прав адвоката-защитника в советском законодательстве (1956–1991 гг.); постсоветский этап развития прав адвоката-защитника (1993–2001 гг.); современный этап (с 2001 г. по настоящее время). Установлено что между этапами имеется определенная преемственность, при этом объем прав постепенно расширялся, а соответствующие правовые нормы совершенствовались в зависимости от возрастания уровня демократизации российского государства и общества и повышения статуса адвокатуры. При этом имело место наличие так называемых контрреформ, как правило, следовавших за вводимым расширением профессиональных прав адвокатов, вследствие которых объем профессиональных прав адвоката-защитника сужался, либо ограничивалась возможность их практической реализации. Установлено, что развитие института профессиональных прав защитника обусловливается развитием института процессуальных прав защищаемых им лиц, также выявлена тенденция расширения профессиональных прав адвоката-защитника за счет совершенствования статусных профессиональных прав, включенных в положения законодательного акта, регламентирующего основы организации и деятельности адвокатуры. Новизна/оригинальность/ценность: Статья обладает высокой научной ценностью, поскольку является одной из первых попыток рассмотреть историю развития отечественной адвокатуры через призму эволюции института профессиональных прав адвоката-защитника. ; Purpose: Research of history of formation of institute of professional rights of advocate-defender in Russia for allocation of stages, their characteristic and the main tendencies of their development. Methodology: Historical-legal and formally-legal method was used. Results: In article the main stages of development of institute of professional rights of advocate-defender in Russia are allocated and their characteristic is given: stage of origin of institute of the rights of defender in Russia (XVV–1864); stage of an institutionalization of the rights of the defender in the legislation of imperial Russia (1864–1917); stage of elimination of jury legal profession and creation of institute of defenders (1917–1922); stage of an institutionalization of the rights of advocate-defender in the Soviet legislation (1922–1956); stage of expansion of the rights of the advocate-defender in the Soviet legislation (1956–1991); Post-Soviet stage of development of the rights of the advocate-defender (1993–2001) ; the present stage (2001 – to the present). It is established that between stages there is a certain continuity, thus the volume of the rights gradually extended, and the corresponding precepts of law, were improved depending on increase of level of democratization of the Russian state and society and increase of the status of advocacy profession. Thus, existence of so-called counter reforms of professional rights of advocates, as a rule, following entered expansion owing to which volume of professional rights of advocates defender possibility of their practical realization was narrowed or limited took place. It is established that development of institute of professional rights of the advocate-defender is caused by development of institute of procedural rights of persons protected by it, and also the tendency of expansion of professional rights of the advocate-defender at the expense of improvement of the status professional rights included in provisions of the act, regulating bases of the organization and advocacy profession activity is revealed. Novelty/originality/value: Article possesses the high scientific value as is one of the first attempts to consider history of development of Russia advocacy profession through a prism of evolution of institute of professional rights of the advocate-defender.

The world is nowadays going through a bewildering era. Long decades of political corruption have progressively led to distrust inside countless communities, and Donald Trump's election is one of the first and most evident consequences of those symptoms. Similar situations have been replicated since, and what is more alarming is that people are accepting it as the new status quo. In Europe, the populist discourse has reemerged, fueled both by the consequences of the 2008 Economic Crisis and the current Refugee Crisis. Exploiting xenophobia, former extremist forces are currently dominating more prominent places than a decade ago. In this daunting scenario, the European Union, acting as a pacification agent, has the enormous responsibility to congregate diverse interests into a common outcome. Simultaneously, it must fight the installed distrust on the project, mobilizing citizens to act and help to decide their country's faith. The challenge here is, through a communication strategy, regain popular support, especially among younger voters, as they represent the generation who will decide about EU's future. In a first stage, this case will frame the problem by providing a comprehensive contextualization of the situation, by including relevant academic concepts inside the marketing field. Then, the pedagogical objectives and practical questions will be presented, and, in a final stage, a resolution proposal will be provided. Especially focused on the Portuguese situation, in the end, the objective is to have a clear idea of how can political institutions address their current communication challenges in order to better engage with citizens. ; Vivemos hoje numa era desconcertante. Longas décadas de corrupção levaram progressivamente à desconfiança de inúmeras comunidades face aos políticos. Resultado de uma opção extremista, a eleição de Donald Trump é uma das mais evidentes consequências desses sintomas. Desde então, situações semelhantes têm vindo a replicar-se e o mais alarmante é que as populações começam a aceitá-las como o novo status quo. Na Europa, o discurso populista ressurgiu, alimentado pelas consequências da crise económica de 2008 ou pela actual crise dos refugiados. Alimentando-se da xenofobia, as ex-forças extremistas dominam actualmente lugares mais importantes do que há uma década atrás. Neste cenário assustador, a União Europeia, enquanto agente mediador, tem a enorme responsabilidade de traduzir objectivos diversos num objectivo comum. Simultaneamente, precisa de combater a desconfiança instalada no projeto, mobilizando os cidadãos a agir e a decidir o destino do seu país. O desafio aqui reside na comunicação, e em como esta pode ajudar a recuperar o apoio popular, especialmente no eleitorado mais jovem, pois este representa a geração que decidirá o futuro da UE. Numa primeira fase, este caso enquadrará o problema, fornecendo uma contextualização abrangente da situação, incluindo conceitos académicos relevantes dentro do campo do marketing. De seguida, serão apresentados os objetivos pedagógicos e as questões práticas e, subsequentemente, será apresentada uma proposta de resolução. Especialmente focado na situação portuguesa, no final, o objetivo é ter uma ideia clara de como as instituições políticas podem enfrentar os seus actuais desafios de comunicação, a fim de melhor interagirem com os cidadãos.

Stop Desahucios 15M Granada (Andalucía-Estado Español) es un movimiento que nace en 2011 en el Sur de Europa ante la ausencia de alternativas habitacionales para un gran número de personas que hipotecaron sus vidas y ante la incapacidad del Estado de ofrecer soluciones prácticas a dicho problema. A partir de este ecosistema de acción social, compartiremos los pasos que estamos dando para sumergirnos en nuevas formas de hacer-habitar una investigación etnográfica desde "el común", lo colaborativo y la producción colectiva del conocimiento junto al movimiento de lucha por el derecho a la vivienda Stop Desahucios 15-M Granada. Comenzaremos con unas breves coordenadas sobre los lugares desde donde vivimos-investigamos, para después compartir los procesos activados que denominamos dispositivos de escucha (grupos de debate, proyecto transmedia) junto al grupo. Un proceso de coinvestigación atravesado por la voluntad de descolonizar la práctica etnográfica recurriendo al pluriversalismo metodológico y a la centralidad del proceso de subjetivación política. ; Stop Evictions 15M Granada (Andalusia-Spanish State-Southern Europe) is a movement born in 2011 that is facing the lack of housing availability for a large number of people, whose mortgaged homes are growingly being evicted. Therefore, this movement is confronting the State unwillingness to offer practical solutions to the housing problem. Focusing on Stop Evictions's ecosystem of social action, we will share the steps we are taking to immerse ourselves in new ways of doinginhabiting an ethnographic research based on "the common(s)", on collaborative research and on collective knowledge production together with the housing movement. First we will begin by contextualizing the places in which we live and research, then we will discuss the "listening apparatuses" (focusing on "debate forums" and on a transmedia project) that we have set up inside the group. We conceive these experiences as part of our co-research process, in which we are attempting to decolonize the ethnographic practice mostly by: i) adopting a methodological pluriversalism, ii) placing political subjectivation processes at the heart of engaged research. ; Stop Desahucios 15M Granada (Parar Despejos 15M Granada - Andaluzia-Espanha) é um movimento que nasceu em 2011, no sul da Europa, em um contexto marcado pela ausência de alternativas habitacionais para grande número de pessoas que hipotecaram as suas vidas e perante a inaptidão do Estado na oferta de soluções práticas para esse problema. A partir deste ecossistema de ação social é que vamos compartilhar os passos que temos dado para imergir-nos em novas formas de fazer-habitar uma pesquisa etnográfica que parte de "o comum", do colaborativo e da produção coletiva do conhecimento junto ao movimento de luta pelo direito à moradia Stop Desahucios 15-M Granada. Começaremos dando umas breves coordenadas sobre os locais onde moramos-pesquisamos, para compartilhar em seguida os processos ativados que nomeamos de dispositivos de escuta (grupos de debate, projeto trans-mídia) com o grupo. Um processo de co-pesquisa atravessado pelo desejo de descolonizar a prática etnográfica recorrendo ao pluri-versalismo metodológico e à centralidade do processo de subjetivação política.

Radon (Rn222) is a radioactive noble gas whose origin is Radium (Ra226) when it emits an alpha particle (two protons and two neutrons) or a helium nucleus. Rn222 transforms in another radioactive element (Po218) when an alpha particle is emitted. Its carcinogenic effect on the lung was discovered various decades ago, first on uranium miners and later on general population exposed at home to residential radon. The main factor influencing radon concentration in dwellings is the uranium content of the subsoil, since uranium is the first element of the radioactive disintegration chain where radon appears. Geological risk areas of Spain due to their granite and therefore uranium content are Galicia, the Northwest and the West of Spain. Numerous countries of Europe and America have enforced legislation focused to protect population and reduce radon concentration in order to prevent lung cancer appearance. These laws comprise public buildings and private homes. Since the late 80s, alpha radiation generated by radon and its short-life descendents has been classified as carcinogenic agents by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (Lyon, 1988) and the National Research Council (BEIR IV, 1988). ; El radón (Rn222) es un gas noble radiactivo que procede directamente del radio (Ra226) cuando este emite una partícula alfa (dos protones y dos neutrones) o núcleo de helio, y que a su vez se transforma en otro elemento radiactivo (Po218) al desprenderse de otra partícula alfa. Desde hace varias décadas se conoce su efecto como factor de riesgo del cáncer primario pulmonar, primero en mineros del uranio y posteriormente en la población general expuesta al radón residencial en hogares construidos sobre suelos de rocas ricas en uranio (U238), elemento inicial de la cadena de degradación radiactiva de la que procede el radón. Áreas geológicamente constituidas por granitos o pizarras, como son las de gran parte de Galicia y todo el noroeste y oeste de la península ibérica, han sido catalogadas como de alto riesgo de exhalación de radón al interior de edificios y domicilios. En numerosos países de América y Europa existen desde hace varios lustros, políticas de prevención del cáncer pulmonar en aquellas zonas de riesgo basadas en programas de reducción de radón en los domicilios y edificios públicos. Desde finales de los años 80, la radiación alfa procedente del radón y sus descen- dientes de vida media corta han sido clasificados como agentes cancerígenos por la Internacional Agency of Research on Cancer (Lyon, 1988) y el Nacional Research Council (BEIR IV, 1988), constituyendo la segunda causa de cáncer pulmonar después del tabaco, y responsable del 10 al 15 % de todas las muertes por esa neoplasia. Estudios realizados en Galicia confirman esta evidencia, con riesgos de 2 a 3 en expuestos a concentraciones del gas en domicilios y la responsabilidad directa del 9% de todos los casos de cáncer pulmonar del área estudiada y una interacción radón/tabaco que multiplica por 45 el riesgo.

The atrocities associated with the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s and the Rwandan genocide represent a critical period leading to the questioning of the relevance of Conflict Early Warning Systems (CEWS), which purpose consists in preventing violent conflicts. On the one hand, the supporters of these mechanisms are enthusiatic about the invaluable contributions of CEWS and the notion that these mechanisms are crucial in understanding the underlying causes and dynamics of violent conflicts in order to enable their prevention, resolution and peaceful transformation. The critics, on the other hand, believe that these mechanisms are incapable of fulfilling their assigned mission. Thus, in order to fully understand these mechanisms and to verify the validity of the argument supporting their modest contribution in the process of preventing violent conflicts, a large-scale literature review was undertaken. With regards to all generations of CEWS, from 1990 to 2016, the main objective consisted in identifying difficulties in the literature and recommendations for the improvement of these mechanisms. Considering that CEWS and response mechanisms interact constantly, identifying difficulties and recommendations related to response mechanisms for the same time period in the relevant literature was also a focus. In order to strengthen our investigation, a focus-group with CEWS practitioners was held in March 2018 in Senegal. With regard to the online literature review, a search strategy was set up. It allowed the exploration of several documents from a variety of sources. As for the focus-group, inclusion criteria for participant's selection were also defined. On the one hand, 14504 documents were explored, of which 259 thoroughly reviewed, of which 153 were selected. In addition, 20 other so-called mixed documents, focusing on the main concepts of the thesis (5 documents per concept) were selected. On the other hand, 5 participants took part in the focus-group. As for the online literature review's results, several types of difficulties and recommendations related to CEWS and response mechanisms were identified and divided into categories and sub-categories. Similarly, with regard to the focus-group's results, several types of difficulties and recommendations related to CEWS and response mechanisms were identified and dispatched into the corresponding categories and sub-categories. Consequently, a compendium of difficulties and recommendations related to CEWS and response mechanisms from 1990 to 2016 was established. By associating the Maxqda software to the document and content analysis methods, the two types of data (review and empirical) were valorized through the principal of inference. A cross-analysis of these two types of data made it possible to invalidate and confirm the existence of certain failures, but also to confirm the persistence of several difficulties that CEWS and response mechanisms face. A critical analysis of these mechanisms has demonstrated that, despite their contributions and progress, much work is still to be done, especially when it comes to the collection and management of information for early warning purposes. Indeed, the failure to take into account a number of technical issues could have negative effects on the whole Collection-Verification-Transmission-Analysis-Referal process (CVTAR) and on the management of intra- or inter-state conflicts. Thus, with regard to the later, the geopolitical and geostrategic game dictating the outcome of international mediation degrades its image by promoting a distorted and selfish culture of violent conflicts prevention. As a result, such flaws have prompted the formulation of alternative and relevant strategies with the aim of optimazing the effectiveness of violent conflict prevention and management. In addition to theoretical and practical contributions, the provision of a product, currently under conceptualization, to a federal structure of CEWS and response mechanisms at the national level, promises an invaluable contribution to social unrests and/ or violent conflicts prevention, but also a transparent management of public affairs and the promotion of good governance.

В статье рассмотрена проблема сохранения и более эффективного использования земель сельскохозяйственного назначения и пути ее решения на основе совершенствования контрольно-регулирующей функции управления в сфере землепользования. Дается оценка процессу земельного реформирования и отмечается, что ни один из созданных законов не решил основную задачу рационального, социально-ориентируемого, распределения земельной собственности, учитывающего интересы государства, агропредпринимательства и населения сельских территорий. Происходит концентрация земель сельскохозяйственного назначения в собственности крупных агрохолдингов, процветает коррупция при распределении муниципалитетами изъятых в их распоряжении из-за неиспользования земель. Также действия осуществлялись за счет перевода сельскохозяйственных земель в другие категории. Крайне медленно идет процесс переоформления земельных долей в участки, что сдерживает процесс агрокооперирования их владельцев и хозяйств населения. В среднем по Уральскому Федеральному округу (УрФО) в год переоформляется 88 тыс. долей, а востребовано более 800 тыс. Излагаются меры по коррекции земельного реформирования, позволяющие обеспечить сохранность сельскохозяйственных земель. В частности выкуп государством их у агрохолдингов с последующей передачей аграриям, при условии их ускоренного мотивационного кооперирования. Предлагается приоритетный вариант многоцелевого использования сельскохозяйственных земель различного плодородия: более плодородные земли, при необходимой господдержке, используются только для производства агропродукции, а на менее плодородных и заброшенных выращивается хвойный строительный лес, который, как и земля, является богатством и достоянием нации. Учитывая, что низкоплодородные участки не востребованы агропредпринимательскими структурами для производства сельскохозяйственной продукции, то на них могут быть размещены и различные инфраструктурные объекты, необходимые для развития сельских территорий. К ним можно отнести различные виды диверсификационного агропредпринимательства (производство стройматериалов, строительство сельских дорог и объектов социальной инфраструктуры). Очевидно, окончательное решение по целевому использованию низкоплодородных земель будут принимать властные госструктуры на уровне муниципалитетов (сельских регионов). Предлагаются и другие меры: повышение ответственности властных органов управления за результаты земельных преобразований; кооперирование собственников земельных долей (участков) и хозяйств населения с последующим подключением их к интеграционным агроформированиям кластерного типа; тройственная система контроля за многоцелевым использованием земель. ; Article considered the problem of preservation and more effective use lands of agricultural purpose and solution on the basis of improvement control regulating function of management in the land use sphere. Given assessment to process of land reforming and it's noted that any of the created laws didn't solve the main problem of the rational, socially oriented, distribution of land ownership, considering interests of agrobusiness and the population of rural territories. There is a concentration land of agricultural purpose in property of large agroholdings, corruption at distribution by municipalities withdrawn at their order prospers because of non-uses lands. Also actions were carried out due to transfer of farmlands to other categories. Process of renewal of land shares to sites that constrains process of agrocooperation of their owners and population farms is extremely slow. On the average across Ural federal district (URFO) in a year 88 thousand shares are renewed and more than 800 thousand are demanded. Outlines steps to correct the land reform, allowing ensuring the safety of agricultural land. In particular was showed delivery by their state at agroholdings and the subsequent transfer to landowners, on condition of their accelerated motivational cooperation. Offered priority option of multi-purpose use farmlands of various fertility: more fertile lands, at necessary state support, are used only for productions of agroproduction, and on less fertile and thrown the coniferous construction forest which, as well as the earth, is wealth and property of the nation is grown up. Considering that low-fertile sites are unclaimed by agroenterprise structures for production of agricultural production, on them can be placed and various infrastructure objects necessary for development of rural territories. It is possible to carry different types of diversification agrobusiness to them (production of building materials, construction rural roads and objects of a social infrastructure). Obviously, the final decision on target use of low-fertile lands will be made by power state structures at the level of municipalities (rural regions). Other measures are offered also: increasing the responsibility of government authorities for results of land transformations; cooperation of owners of land shares (sections) and population farms with the subsequent connection them to integration agroformations of cluster type; the triple monitoring system behind multi-purpose use of lands.

Race Across Borders: Transnationalism and Racial Identity in African-American Fiction, 1929-1945, examines four African-American literary texts that employ transnational themes and aesthetics as a means of resisting a logic of racial essentialism that governed the production and reception of black literature in the United States during the early 20th century. I examine the ways in which Dark Princess by W. E. B. Du Bois, Their Eyes Were Watching God by Zora Neale Hurston, Banjo: A Story Without a Plot by Claude McKay, and If He Hollers Let Him Go by Chester Himes employ various formal and stylistic techniques to critique and reconfigure the dominant codes of racial identity that shaped their context. I argue that each of these texts exemplifies a conflict between a nationalist mode of racial representation and a transnational orientation that destabilizes received notions of race. Whereas the cultural field in which interwar African-American novels were situated involved a manifest nationalist topography which reproduced a racially divided polity, these texts inscribe transnational forces that disrupt the racial underpinnings of the 20th-century American national narrative. Because of the hegemonic status of the nationalist framework, the critique of that framework tends to appear in the formal aspects of the novels rather than their explicit contents. The first chapter considers how Dark Princess explores the intersections between African-American and anti-colonial politics by way of the story of a romantic relationship between an African American man involved in local politics and an Indian woman involved in an international Third World liberation movement. I consider how the juxtaposition of national and transnational forms of solidarity within the text is paralleled by a tension between naturalism and romance in its formal economy. While the techniques of naturalism tend to characterize the parts of the novel that represent national and racial politics, the parts that imagine a transnational anti-colonial movement draw on the codes of literary romance. Through this utopian gesture, the novel gives shape to the conflict between national and transnational perspectives on minority politics without offering a clear resolution to that conflict. The second chapter challenges dominant critical interpretations of Their Eyes Were Watching God, which construe the novel as a written representation of African American oral tradition. While such readings are illuminating, they overlook significant aspects of the text's racial thematic by emphasizing how it presupposes racial forms of identity. Although the novel does reproduce such forms, I argue that it simultaneously resists them, particularly in some of its more marginal characters and moments, and that it is precisely through the representation of dialect speech that these hidden resistances become visible. The third chapter examines McKay's use of the aesthetic concept of the sublime in articulating the problematic gulf separating modern Blacks from metropolitan culture and society. In Banjo the sublime mediates between these terms rather than the rationally free subject and a causally determined Nature. Banjo differs from the mainstream European realist novel by denying the teleological narrative of reconciliation as unsuitable to the concerns of a radically excluded black collective. By taking as his protagonists an international band of black vagabonds based in the cosmopolitan French port city Marseilles, McKay imagines an alternative to the grand narrative of national identity. The final chapter focuses on notions of embodiment and psychological affect within Himes's narrative of thwarted integration. Simultaneously foreclosing on both a successful outcome for such a project and the death of the protagonist, the novel moves towards an ambivalent and open-ended reflection on the possibilities of social transformation. In light of this ambivalence, I view the brief but frequent points at which the protagonist identifies with marginalized Mexican-Americans and Japanese-American internment-camp prisoners as moments that both disrupt the received black/white binary as a schema for American social reality and contrasts a trans-national anti-colonial solidarity with racial nationalism as an alternative mode of political agency.