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Author's introductionThe article provides an overview of research about social movements targeting and activism within organizations, such as corporations, educational institutions, the military, and religious orders. I begin by discussing older research in the field, then turn to four key questions that social movements scholars tend to ask and present a summary of the answers that scholars focusing on social movements in organizations have provided: what factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations; who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation; what strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices; and when do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have? This field remains underdeveloped, and the article concludes with an overview of potential directions for future research in an area of growing concern as the world population exists more and more under and within the influence of organizations.Author recommendsEisenstein, Hester 1996. Inside Agitators: Australian Femocrats and the State. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Hester Eisenstein's detailed study of the movement of Australian feminists into the state government bureaucracy is one of the first studies in the current wave of research into insider activism. While her case involves governmental agencies rather than non‐state organizations, the research provides a useful overview of how outsider activists become insiders and how their strategic choices are affected by their location with respect to the organization. The research finds that the creation of women's divisions within the state bureaucracy gave women both a seat at the government table and a foothold for the development of an insider consciousness and ultimately insider activism.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod 1998. Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Faithful and Fearless considers campaigns by feminist activists to improve the situation for women in the United States military and the Catholic Church. Katzenstein highlights the personal costs of insider activism, the strategic choices activists make, the particular strengths and vulnerabilities of insider activists, and the way that accountability shapes insider activism. Particularly important is her discussion of the ways that the military and the Church, while both institutions that have stressed obedience and compliance, foster distinctive forms of activism and protest. While women in the military use legal action and lobbying to support their cause, women in the Church tend to turn to what Katzenstein calls 'discursive activism' (writing, workshops, conferences, and discussions reflecting on the meaning of faith and justice in the Church), and these different strategies have important consequences for the different ways that the impacts of these activists have developed.Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador.While Naomi Klein is a journalist rather than a social scientist, No Logo provides a useful overview of the anti‐globalization and anti‐corporate movements written as they were beginning to make a global impression. Eminently readable, this text is a way to highlight the difference between movements targeting organizations from within and without. Klein's main focus is on branding, and she traces the development of branding, the reduction of choice by multinational corporations, and the global movement of manufacturing jobs and concomitant labor issues. In the final section of the book, the part of most use to scholars and students of activism, Klein discusses anti‐globalization movements and other forms of activism targeting corporations from the outside.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press.'Tempered radicals' are individuals who have successful careers within and identify with the organizations they are part of, but who simultaneously occupy marginal spaces in relation to these organizations due to some aspect of their personal identities, politics, practices, or ideals. Meyerson's book, written from a management studies perspective, shows how tempered radicals can create change in the corporate environments in which they work and provides an overview of the non‐disruptive forms of resistance such activists use. She presents many case studies of individuals who have created change in their corporate environments through the use of such non‐disruptive strategies, and structures her book as a guide to engaging in corporate change.Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Raeburn's work provides an excellent way to bridge the discussion of activism within organizations with the discussion of other forms of organizational change. Her research begins with the observation that while the US government has made little progress in extending civil rights to gay and lesbian people, over half of all Fortune 500 corporations offered family leave and domestic partner health coverage by the beginning of the 2000s (up from just three in 1990). She argues that employee activists organized to convince their corporate employers to offer domestic partnership benefits, non‐discrimination policies, and other LGBT workplace rights, and she builds on this analysis to show how changes that originate in a small number of organizations can spread across the organizational field.Rojas, Fabio 2007. From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.Like Raeburn, Rojas's work shows the connection between insider activism and other processes of organizational change, such as foundation‐driven financial support and broad social change. His exploration of the emergence of black studies as an academic discipline in American higher education incorporates significant discussion of strategic choice and its effects on movement impacts. Rojas argues that black studies departments were able to emerge when they resonated with the culture of their college or university, particularly when they developed organizational structures that fit with institutional norms while still staying true to the movement itself. A particular strength of this book is its focus on the institutionalization of social movements and the ways in which institutionalization may actually be co‐evolution and compromise rather than cooptation.Scott, James C. 1990. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Domination and the Arts of Resistance does not focus on insider activism, but in this book, James Scott meticulously documents how resistance can occur beneath the surface and out of sight. It expands the reader's understanding of how insider activists can begin to resist the policies and practices at work in their organizations before they are willing to face repression and other personal costs. Drawing on examples from literature and history around the world, Scott shows how the public expressions of domination and submission differ markedly from the mocking and other forms of resistance that occur backstage – what he calls a 'hidden transcript'.Online materials Social Movements and Culture: A Resource Site http://www.wsu.edu/~amerstu/smc/ Developed by the Department of American Studies at Washington State University, this site contains extensive bibliographies of texts, syllabi, and websites concerning social movements and activism. While the site does not primarily focus on social movements in organizations, it is a useful place to begin investigating social movement campaigns and contains links to the websites of many organizational activists. Confronting Companies Using Shareholder Power http://www.foe.org/international/shareholder/ This primer outlines the history of shareholder activism and provides a detailed overview of how to mount a shareholder campaign. Most useful for teaching purposes, it provides links to primary source documents from a variety of shareholder campaigns in the late 1990s which could serve as the basis for a variety of course projects. Campus Activism http://www.campusactivism.org/ This site provides a directory listing hundreds of activist groups on college campuses across the United States, as well as organizing resources, lists of events and campaigns, and a discussion forum. It would be a great starting place for organizing local participant‐observation projects. Net2 http://www.netsquared.org/ Net2 is a database of projects that utilize social web tools on behalf of both activist and not‐for‐profit groups. The projects highlighted here can provide ideas of Web 2.0 projects for classroom development as well as show the ways that covert or non‐disruptive activism is utilized by those seeking social change.Sample syllabus Week 1. Introduction to Organizations Scott, W. Richard. 2000. 'Institutional Theory and Organizations.' Pp. 21–46 in Institutions and Organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Week 2. Introduction to Social Movements Della Porta, Donatella and Mario Diani. 2006. Social Movements: An Introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Snow, David A., Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi. 2004. 'Mapping the Terrain.' Pp. 3–16 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 3. Schools of Social Movement Theory McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 2002. 'The Enduring Vitality of the Resource Mobilization Theory of Social Movements.' Pp. 533–565 in Jonathan Turner, ed. Handbook of Sociological Theory. New York, NY: Plenum.Melucci, Alberto. 1994. 'A Strange Kind of Newness: What's "New" in New Social Movements?' Pp. 101–130 in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston and Joseph R. Gusfield, eds. New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Kriesi, Hanspeter. 2004. 'Political Context and Opportunity.' Pp. 67–90 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 4. Labor and the Labor Movement Fantasia, Rick and Kim Voss. 2004. Hard Work: Remaking the American Labor Movement. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Week 5. Social Movements Targeting Organizations from the Outside Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador. Week 6. When and Why do Movements Emerge within Organizations? Santoro, Wayne A. and Gail M. McGuire. 1997. 'Social Movement Insiders: The Impact of Institutional Activists on Affirmative Action and Comparable Worth Policies.'Social Problems 44: 503–519.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Protest Moves Inside Institutions.' Pp. 3–22 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Van Dyke, Nella. 1998. 'Hotbeds of Activism: Locations of Student Protest.'Social Problems 45: 205–220. Week 7. Insider Activists Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Legalizing Protest.' Pp. 23–42 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Meyerson, Debra E. and Maureen A. Scully. 1995. 'Tempered Radicalism and the Politics of Ambivalence and Change.'Organization Science 6: 585–600.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'Tempered Radicals.' Pp. 1–34 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 8. Strategies and Tactics in Organizational Activism Rojas, Fabio. 2006. 'Social Movement Tactics, Organizational Change, and the Spread of African‐American Studies.'Social Forces 84: 2147–2166.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'How Tempered Radicals Make a Difference.' Pp. 35–138 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 9. Discursive Activism Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Discursive Activism.' Pp. 107–131 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Scott, James C. 1990. 'Behind the Official Story.' Pp. 1–16 in Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. 2000. 'Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment.'Annual Review of Sociology 26: 611–639. Week 10. Understanding Movement Impacts Amenta, Edwin and Michael P. Young. 1999. 'Making an Impact: Conceptual and Methodological Implications of the Collective Goods Criterion.' Pp. 22–41 in Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, ed. How Movements Matter: Theoretical and Comparative Studies on the Consequences of Social Movements, edited by Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Guigni, Marco. 1998. 'Was It Worth the Effort? The Outcomes and Consequences of Social Movements.'Annual Review of Sociology 24: 371–393.Earl, Jennifer. 2003. 'Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression.'Sociological Theory 21: 45–68. Week 11. Impacts on Organizations Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.The remaining weeks are left open for studies of specific cases, student presentations, or coverage of research techniques in social movements. For a 10‐week trimester course, I would suggest combining weeks 2 and 3 and combining weeks 10 and 11. For those who wish to cover research techniques in social movements, the following selections are useful:Mahoney, James. 2003. 'Strategies for Causal Assessment in Comparative‐Historical Analysis,' pp. 337–371 in James Mahoney and Dietich Rueschemeyer, eds. Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences.Klandermans, Bert and Suzanne Staggenborg, eds. 2002. Methods of Social Movement Research. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Hill, Michael. 1993. Archival Strategies and Techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Focus questions

What factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations?
Who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation?
What strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices?
When do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have?
How are social movements within organizations different from and similar to other types of social movements and from other types of organizational change?

Seminar/project idea Activism in the College/University Context: An Archival Research Project In this project, individual students or small groups of students investigate periods of activism in their own college or university. The project will introduce students to both the promise and the challenge of doing research on movements in the past, and it will help them to see the complexity of processes of change in an organization they are intimately familiar with. While the moments of activism in each college and university are different, some good places to start might be changes in general education requirements or the development of new majors or programs; the end of parietal rules governing cross‐sex visitation in dorms; changes in religious observance, including chapel regulations or religious affiliations; times of social turbulence outside of the college or university, such as the Civil Rights movement, anti‐war movements, or divestment campaigns related to apartheid in South Africa; efforts related to the admission of students of different sex or race from the original student body; and labor movement activity. Instructors may wish to consult with archivists and/or faculty members with a long history at the institution to draw up a list of possible topics in advance, or they may encourage students to locate their own topics. Students will then need to spend time in the archives to develop an understanding of the context of the activist campaign they are studying. Most campaigns will have received coverage in student newspapers and will be documented in the archives to some extent, but some projects may require interviews with activists or observers present at the time. Students will then prepare papers and/or presentations that rely on the theoretical ideas covered in the course to explain the emergence, strategic choices, and impacts of these change campaigns. Corporate Case Study Assignment In this assignment, students conduct a case study of an individual incidence of shareholder activism. Drawing on publicly available documents, such as those that can be located at foe.org, SEC filings, and court cases, students develop an analysis of what lead to movement emergence, how shareholders developed their strategies (including framing), and what factors influenced the eventual impact of the activism. Depending on the case, instructors may also encourage students to locate and interview key activists in the campaign. For graduate courses, final projects on different corporations might be created by individual students or small groups; for undergraduate courses, instructors might choose a single case and have all the students contribute to a joint analysis. This project would be particularly well suited to courses in business or management that take organizational change and insider activism as topics of inquiry.Note
* Correspondence address: Rhode Island College, Department of Sociology, 600 Mount Pleasant Avenue, Providence, RI 02908. E‐mail: marthur@ric.edu.

This thesis contributes to the field of political ecology by presenting an empirically driven analysis of the power dynamics between the state and Sámi reindeer herders and the knowledge systems that inform the governance of reindeer husbandry. The phenomenon studied consists of the actors' competing accounts of what reindeer husbandry is and what it ought to be. This phenomenon is addressed through four research questions: 1. What values and knowledge systems inform the actors' presentations about reindeer husbandry? 2. What are the actors' presentations of the 'proper' management of reindeer, herders and land? 3. How do the actors influence and claim authority in decision-making concerning reindeer husbandry? 4. How does the state's governance of reindeer husbandry affect power relations among the actors? The research was qualitative. The core data have been collected from in-depth interviews and informal conversations with herders and government officials in the 2012–2015 period. One of the case studies of the thesis was based on participatory research. The study has also been informed by direct observations of meetings between the actors and written sources such as government documents, letters between the actors and scientific publications. The study used a grounded theory approach to conceptualise the information that was collected. It engages the concepts of governmentality, weapons of the weak, politics of belonging and political ontology – concepts that were useful in the analysis of how policies meet practice, and how state regulations affect power relations between the state and herders, as well as within the herding community. The geographical scope of the study is West Finnmark, in the far north of Norway. This is the largest reindeer-herding region in terms of numbers of reindeer and herders. For more than a century, the Norwegian state has been concerned that there are 'too many reindeer' and 'too many herders' in West Finnmark. The state has therefore used regulations and incentives since the late 1970s to rationalise reindeer husbandry to make it economically efficient. Since 1992, sustainability has been an added objective. To make decision-making more effective, new policies were introduced in 2007 to strengthen the aspect of self-governance within reindeer husbandry. At the same time, it also increased the state's capacity for sanctioning unwanted herding practices. Although the rationalisation policies have been in place for 40 years, government officials state that this objective has not been met. West Finnmark has specifically been identified as a region where herding practices continue to be irrational. At the same time, the region faces an increasing number of land-use conflicts between reindeer herders and other interests such as mining, wind power and hydropower installations, and roads and other types of urban development. The state's destocking efforts and the land-use conflicts form the backdrop of the study. The thesis is built on four separate, but interrelated papers. They explore the actors' narratives about decision-making related to reindeer husbandry, techniques for governing and being governed. The papers also report on the conflicting knowledge systems and competing worldviews that inform the actors' presentations about 'proper' management of reindeer, herders and the land on which reindeer husbandry depends. Further, the papers explore the power structures that affect the actors' ability to present their accounts and their ability to be understood by society at large. They examine how the actors describe the decision-making processes, explain their own actions, and claim authority. The study shows that the herders and government officials hold different and competing narratives about destocking and land-use decisions. However, one collective actor – the government officials – holds more economic and discursive power to legitimise its presentation. Thus, their narrative is perceived as objective and rational, while the herders' counternarratives are labelled subjective and opportunistic. Further, the actors have unequal access to arenas for promoting their stories. The government officials' narratives are repeated in Parliament and by the media and society; the counternarratives are almost invisible in the public debate. Moreover, the persistent dominant narratives have established an undisputed truth about Sámi reindeer herders – that the herders are overstocking the range to maximise their personal benefits and that reindeer husbandry is a bottleneck for the economic development of Finnmark. The thesis identifies four 'techniques of power' – discipline, neoliberal rationality, sovereign power and truth – used by the state to stimulate 'rational' herding practices, together with the techniques of resistance used by the herders to hamper the implementation of the rationalisation policies in West Finnmark. The analysis reveals the forms of resistance that the herders use daily to maintain control of their own livelihoods and practices. A common strategy is to partly adopt and partly avoid state regulations. Individual responses to the rationalisation are determined by personal desires and capacity, as well as relationships with and the behaviour of fellow herders. The thesis argues that the state governance of reindeer husbandry promotes herding practices that are primarily based on Western knowledge and the Western way of understanding the world. The governance regime is in conflict with traditional Sámi reindeer-herding knowledge and worldviews. Despite 40 years of attempting to transform reindeer husbandry by means of policies, the Sámi worldview continues to influence the herders' understanding of the relationship between humans, reindeer and nature and how this relationship should be governed. The conflicting knowledge systems and competing worldviews about what reindeer husbandry is and ought to be undermine the identity and rights of the herders. The state's attempts to control the Sámi reindeer husbandry skews the power relations between the state and the herders to the benefit of the state, and it creates winners and losers within the Sámi herding community. The Sámi herders' ability to engage in reindeer husbandry and claim the right to land has become dependent on their success in adapting to a Norwegianised form of reindeer husbandry. ; Denne avhandlingen bidrar til feltet politisk økologi ved å presentere en empirisk drevet analyse av maktforhold mellom staten og samiske reineiere, og av kunnskapssystemene som ligger til grunn for reindriftsforvaltning. Fenomenet som undersøkes består av aktørenes (reineierne og staten) motstridende narrativer (fortellinger) om hva reindrift er og hva det burde være. Fenomenet utforskes gjennom fire forskningsspørsmål: 1. Hvilke verdier og kunnskapssystemer ligger til grunn for aktørenes narrativer om reindrift? 2. Hvordan forstår aktørene 'god' forvaltning av rein, reineiere og beiteland? 3. Hvordan påvirker aktørene beslutningsprosesser for reindrift, og hvordan styrker de sin egen legitimitet i prosessene? 4. Hvordan påvirker den statlige styringen av samisk reindrift maktforholdet mellom aktørene? Forskningen var kvalitativ. Dataene kom i hovedsak fra dybdeintervjuer og uformelle samtaler med reineiere og myndigheter i årene 2012–2015. En av casene i avhandlingen var basert på deltakende forskning. Studien bygget også på observasjoner av møter mellom aktørene og skriftlige kilder som offentlige dokumenter, brevkorrespondanse mellom reineiere og myndighetene og vitenskapelige artikler. Studien brukte grounded theory (empiribasert teoriutvikling) som tilnærming for å konseptualisere dataene som ble samlet inn. Forskningen dro veksler på begreper som governmentality (styringsmentalitet), resistence (motstand), politics of belonging (tilhørighet) og political ontology (politisk ontologi) – konsepter som var nyttige i analysen av hvordan politikk møter praksis, og hvordan statlig forvaltning påvirker maktforholdet mellom staten og reineiere, samt maktforholdet innad i reindriften. Det geografiske fokuset for avhandlingen er Vest-Finnmark. Dette er den største reindriftsregionen i Norge i antall rein og reineiere. I mer enn et århundre har den norske staten vært bekymret for at det er 'for mange rein' og 'for mange reineiere' i Vest-Finnmark. Og siden slutten av 1970-tallet har staten brukt ulike forskrifter og subsidieordninger for å rasjonalisere reindriften og gjøre den økonomisk effektivt. Siden 1992 har også bærekraft vært et uttalt politisk mål. For å gjøre beslutninger mer effektive, la reindriftsloven av 2007 til rette for internt selvstyre i reindriften, samtidig som den også innførte nye sanksjonsbestemmelser for å håndtere uønsket praksis blant reineierne. Rasjonaliseringspolitikken har eksistert i 40 år, men ifølge myndighetene har målet om rasjonell reindrift ikke blitt oppfylt. Spesielt Vest-Finnmark blir presentert som en region som forsetter å ha et for høyt reintall. Samtidig står denne regionen overfor et økende antall arealbrukskonflikter mellom reindrift og annen type arealbruk som gruvedrift, vindkraft og vannkraft, veier og andre typer infrastruktur. Statens tiltak for å redusere antall rein og arealkonflikter utgjør bakteppe for denne avhandlingen. Avhandlingen er basert på fire individuelle, men relaterte forskningsartikler. Disse undersøker aktørenes narrativer om beslutningsprosesser knyttet til reindrift, styringsteknikker og teknikker som brukes for å motstå å bli styrt. Artiklene beskriver også de motstridende kunnskapsformene og konkurrerende verdensbildene som ligger til grunn for aktørenes narrativer om 'god' forvaltning av rein, reineiere og beiter. Videre ser artiklene på maktstrukturer som påvirker aktørens evne til å kommunisere sine narrativer og til å bli forstått av storsamfunnet. De undersøker hvordan aktørene beskriver beslutningsprosesser, forklarer sine egne handlinger og hvordan de styrker sin egen legitimitet i prosessene. Studien viser at reineiere og myndighetene har ulike og motstridende narrativer om reintallsreduksjonen og beslutninger om arealbruk. Men én av aktørene – myndighetene – har mer økonomisk og diskursiv makt til å fremme og legitimere sine historier. Således blir deres framstillinger oppfattet som objektive og rasjonelle, mens reineiernes narrativer blir oppfattet som subjektive og opportunistiske. Aktørene har også ulik tilgang til arenaer for å fremme sine historier. Myndighetenes narrativer blir gjentatt i Stortinget, i media og blant folk flest, mens reineiernes narrativer er bortimot usynlig i den offentlige debatten. Seiglivetheten til de dominerende narrativene er med på å etablere disse som ubestridte sannheter om samisk reindrift – nemlig at reineiere bygger opp reinflokken for å maksimere egen profitt og dermed nedbeiter vidda, og at reindriften er en flaskehals for Finnmarks økonomiske utvikling. Denne avhandlingen identifiserer fire 'maktteknikker' – disiplin, økonomiske insentiver, suveren makt og sannhet – som staten bruker for å stimulere til en 'rasjonell' reindrift, samt reineierne motstand mot rasjonaliseringspolitikken i Vest- Finnmark. Analysen viser hvordan reineierne bruker ulike former for motstand for å opprettholde kontroll over sin egen reindriftsutøvelse og levevei. En vanlig strategi er å delvis oppta og delvis unngå statlige beslutninger. Reineieres individuelle respons på rasjonaliseringen er imidlertid avhengig av egne ønsker og behov, samt forhold til andre reineiere og responsen deres. Avhandlingen viser at statens styring av reindriften fremmer en reindriftspraksis basert på vestlig kunnskap og et vestlig verdensbilde. Dette styringsregime er i konflikt med tradisjonell samisk reindriftskunnskap og verdensbilde. Til tross for 40 år med politikk for å endre reindriften, fortsetter likevel et samisk verdensbilde å påvirke reineiernes forståelse av forholdet mellom mennesker, rein og natur, samt hvordan dette forholdet bør styres. Men de motstridende kunnskapssystemene og konkurrerende verdensbildene på hva reindrift er og burde være undergraver reineiernes identitet og rettigheter. Den statlige styringen av samisk reindrift forskyver maktforholdet mellom staten og reineierne til fordel for staten, og den skaper vinnere og tapere i den samiske reindriften. Samiske reineieres mulighet for å drive med rein og hevde en rett til beitearealene er betinget av deres evne til å tilpasse seg en 'fornorsket' reindrift. ; Dát dutkkus lea buvtta politihkalaš ekologiijasuorgái dan bokte ahte ovdanbuktá empiralaš analiisa fápmodilis gaskal stáhta ja sámi boazoeaiggádiid, ja máhttovuogádagain, mat leat vuođđun boazodoallohálddašeamis. Fenomena mii guorahallojuvvo leat gilvaleaddji muitalusat maid aktevrrat (boazoeaiggádat ja stáhta) geavahit go čilgejit mii boazoealáhus lea ja mii dat galggašii leat. Fenomena guorahallojuvvo njeallje dutkangažaldaga bokte: 1. Makkár árvvut ja máhttovuogádagat leat vuođđun aktevrraid muitalusaide boazoealáhusa birra? 2. Movt aktevrrat oidnet mii lea "buorre" hálddašeapmi das mii guoská bohccuide, boazoeaiggádiidda ja guohtuneatnamiidda? 3. Mo váikkuhit aktevrrat mearridanproseassaide boazoealáhusa dáfus ja mo nannejit sii autoritehtaset? 4. Mo váikkuha stáhtalaš boazoealáhusa stivrejupmi fápmodillái aktevrraid gaskka? Dutkan lea kvalitatiivvalaš. Dieđut leat čohkkejuvvon vuosttažettiin čiekŋalis jearahallamiid ja eahpeformálalaš sagastallamiid bokte boazoeaiggádiiguin ja eiseválddiiguin 2012-2015 áigodagas. Okta oassi dutkamis lea vuođđuduvvon oassálasti dutkamuša ala. Dutkosis geavahuvvojit maid observeremet aktevrraid deaivvademiin, almmolaš dokumeanttat, reivvet ja čálašeamit boazoeaiggádiid ja eiseválddiid gaskka, dieđalaš artihkkalat ja eará čálalaš gáldut. Dutkkus geavaha grounded theory (vásáhusvuđot teoriijaovdáneami) lahkonanvuohkin ásahan dihte doahpagiid čohkkejuvvon dieđuin. Dutkan ávkkástallá doahpagiid nugo governmentality (stivrenmentalitehta), resistence (vuosteháhku), politics of belonging (gullevašvuohta) ja political ontology (politihkalaš ontologiija) – doahpagat mat ledje ávkkálačča analyseremis das mo politihkka deaivvada práksisiin, ja mo stáhta hálddašeapmi váikkuha fápmodillái stáhta ja boazoeaiggádiid gaskkas, ja maid boazoealáhusa siskkildas fápmodillái. Dutkosa geográfalaš fokus lea Oarje-Finnmárku. Dát lea stuorámus boazodoalloguovlu boazo- ja boazoeaiggádiid loguid dáfus. Badjel 100 jagi lea norgga stáhta fuolastuvvan ahte Oarje-Finnmárkkus leat "beare ollu bohccot" ja "beare ollu boazoeaiggáda". Ja loahpageahčen 1970-logu rájes lea stáhta geavahan iešguđetlágan láhkaásahusaid ja movttiidandoaimmaid rationaliseret boazoealáhusa ja dahkat dan ekonomalaččat beaktileabbon ja – 1992 rájes – maiddái dahkat ealáhusa bistevažžan. Dahkan dihte politihkalaš mearrádusaid beaktileabbon, heivehuvvui 2007 boazodoallolágas siskkáldas iešmearrideapmi boazoealáhussii, seammás go ásahuvvui ođđa ráŋggáštanmearrádus, mii gieđahallá sávakeahtes práksisiid boazoeaiggádiid gaskka. Rationaliserenpolitihkka lea guston 40 jagi, muhto eiseválddiid mielde eai leat joksan mihttu oažžut rašuvnnalaš boazoealáhusa. Earenoamážit ovdanbukto Oarje- Finnmárku guovlun gos ain leat "beare ollu bohccot". Seammás lassánit dán guovllus eanet ja eanet areálariiddut boazoealáhusa ja eará areálageavaheami gaskka, nugo ruvkedoaimmat, bieggamillot ja čáhcefápmu, luottat ja earálágan infrastruktuvra. Stáhta doaimmat unnidit boazologu ja areálariidduid leatge dutkamuša duogážin. Dutkkus lea vuođđuduvvon njeallje individuála, muhto dutkanguoski artihkkaliid ala, mat dutket aktevrraid muitalusaid mearridanproseassaid birra mat leat čadnon boazoealáhussii, stáhta stivrenvugiid ja boazoeaiggádiid práksisiid birra vuostálastit ahte stáhta sin stivre, vuostálasti máhtuid ja gilvaleaddji máilmmigovaid birra, mat leat vuođđun aktevrraid muitalusaide dasa mii lea "buorre" hálddašeapmi bohccuid, boazoeaiggádiid ja guohtoneatnamiid dáfus. Viidáset guorahallá dutkan fápmovuogádagaid, mat váikkuhit aktevrraid návccaide ovdanbuktit muitalusaideaset, ja návccaide oažžut stuoraservodaga sin ipmirdit. Dutkan guorahallá mo aktevrrat govvidit mearridanproseassaid, čilgejit doaimmaideaset ja mo sii nannejit iežaset autoritehta. Dutkan čájeha ahte boazoeaiggádiin ja eiseválddiin leat goabbatlágan ja gilvaleaddji muitalusat boazologu unnideami ja areálageavaheami mearrádusaid birra. Nuppi aktevrras – eiseválddiin – lea eanet ekonomalaš fápmu ja stuorat vejolašvuohta ovddidit ja duođaštit muitalusaideaset. Dainna lágiin ipmirduvvojit sin muitalusat objektiivvalažžan ja ulbmillažžan, dan ektui go boazoeaiggádiid muitalusat ipmirduvvojit subjektiivvalažžan ja opportunisttalažžan. Aktevrrain leat maiddái goabbatlágan vejolašvuohta beassat arenaide gos sáhttet ovddidit muitalusaideaset. Eiseválddiid muitalusat geardduhuvvojit Stuoradikkis, medias ja eanas olbmuid gaskka, dan ektui go boazoeaiggádiid molssaevttolaš muitalusat eai bálljo oidno almmolaš digaštallamiin. Ráđđedeaddji muitalusat, maid lea váttis jávkadit, leat mielde ásaheamen dáid biehttalkeahtes duohtavuohtan sámi boazoealáhusa birra – namalassii ahte boazoeaiggádat stuoridit ealuideaset oažžun dihte alcces eanemus dietnasa ja danin guorbbadit duoddariid, ja ahte boazoealáhus lea hehttehussan Finnmárkku ekonomalaš ovdáneapmái. Dát dutkkus identifisere njeallje "fápmovuogi" – disipliidna, ekonomalaš movttiidandoaimmat, ollisválddálaš fápmu ja duohtavuohta – maid stáhta geavaha stimuleret "rašuvnnalaš" boazoealáhussii, ja mállet maid boazoeaiggádat geavahit eastadit stáda beaktilis rationaliserenpolitihka čađaheami Oarje-Finnmárkkus. Analiisa čájeha mo boazoeaiggádat geavahit iešguđet vuosttaldanvugiid beassat doalahit kontrolla iežaset boazoealáhuslágis ja eallinvuogis. Dábálaš strategiija lea belohahkii čuovvolit ja belohahkii garvit stáhta mearrádusaid. Boazoeaiggádiid individuála responsa rationaliseremii lea dattege čadnon sin iežaset sávaldagaide ja dárbbuide ja maiddái oktavuođaide eará boazoeaiggádiiguin ja sin responssaide. Dutkkus čájeha ahte stáhta boazodoallostivrejupmi ovddida práksisa man vuođđun lea oarjemáilmmi máhttu ja máilmmigovva. Stáhta stivren- ja ráđđenvuogis lea vuostálasvuohta sámi árbevirolaš boazoealáhusmáhttui ja máilmmigovvii. Vaikko 40 jagi lea leamaš politihkka mii lea geahččalan rievdadit boazoealáhusa, de sámi máilmmigovva joatká váikkuhit boazoeaiggádiid ipmárdusa olbmuid, bohcco ja luonddu gaskavuhtii ja mo dát gaskavuohta berrešii stivrejuvvot. Muhto vuostálasti máhttovuogádagat ja gilvaleaddji máilmmigovat das mii boazoealáhus lea ja galggašii leat, goarida boazoeaiggádiid identitehta ja vuoigatvuođaid. Nu movt stáhta stivre sámi boazoealáhusa, de sirddiha dat fápmogaskavuođa stáhta ja boazoeaiggádiid gaskka ovdamunnin stáhtii, ja dat dagaha sámi boazoealáhussii vuitiid ja vuoittuhálliid. Sámi boazoeaiggádiid vejolašvuođat bargat bohccuiguin ja gáibidit vuoigatvuođaid guohtuneatnamiidda eaktuduvvo dasa movt sii nagodit heivehit iežaset "dáruiduvvan" boazodollui.

Educational Leadership in Independent Muslim Schools: A Methodological Proposal Author(s):Henrik Nilsson (presenting) Conference:ECER 2016, Leading Education: The Distinct Contributions of Educational Research and Researchers Network:26. Educational Leadership Format:01. Continuing Professional Development: Learning for Individuals, Leaders, and Organisations Session Information 26 SES 04 C, Perspectives on Leadership in Denmark, Australia and Swedish Muslim Schools Paper Session Time:2016-08-24 09:00-10:30 Room:OB-H1.12 Chair:David Gurr Contribution Educational Leadership in Independent Muslim Schools: A Methodological Proposal The phenomena of Muslim independent schools in Sweden is mainly discussed as an issue of social and cultural integration. This discourse have to been understood in the light of the transformation of Swedish school system has underwent. Meanings about the necessary of keeping religious influence and secularised education apart (Englund, 1996) are still strong. The state and municipals is looked up as warrants of this divide. At the same time 6 % of 134 000 pupils in independent schools attend confessionals schools in Sweden. The number of Islamic profiled school are increasing as the immigration from countries where the larger part of the population affirm themselves as Muslims. The Central Bureau of Statistics (2014) in Sweden predict that 20 % of the Swedish population either are immigrants or the children of immigrants in year 2020. A larger part of those immigrants will probably be Muslims with a wish to maintain their faith identity and recognized as Muslims (Thobani, 2011). To understand the context of leadership you need to have knowledge about the discourses about Islam and Muslims. The aim of this paper is to discuss methodology to do research on educational leadership in Muslim schools. An empirical touchdown from my dissertation (Nilsson, 2015) will serve as a back-drop to do this. The academic discourse about the outcomes of Muslim profiled schools education is divided (Nilsson, 2015). Either are Muslim Schools comprehended to maintain self-assurance and cultural recognition (Gerle, 1997) or as means of segregating children with different backgrounds from each other (Englund, 2010) and/or to reproduce patriarchy circumscribing democracy (Ali, 2009). The representation of Muslims and Muslim school in mass media and the civil sphere often held the later opinion to be true (Shadid & Koningsveld, 2002). Especially when it comes to the establishment of a new school, prejudice are common among the members of the majority. An increasing Islamophobia in Europe is emerging and parents therefore chose Muslim profiled schools because they think they are safe. However Shah (Shah, 2015, p 140) argues that the interest in Islamic schools is reflecting a desire to make education not just a mean for developing and strengthening their faith identity but also as a vehicle for social mobility". According to Durkheim, education is about transmitting knowledge and values to the next generation (Durkheim, 1956) and this process can in a social perspective bring about reproduction of social position (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990) but also producing cultural meanings and crossing boarders of culture (Giroux, 2005). But how does cultural boarder crossing happens? My suggestion is to look up on educational leadership as a possible cultural boarder crossing. I understand the boarder crossing as a social performance which aims to re-fuse already de-fused meanings (Alexander, 2006). A social performance can be successful if it re-fuses meaning and change the audiences'' landscapes of meaning (Reed, 2011) and change the way of social life in the direction that the actor intend. This direction has in a normative perspective not be wanted. That's why, from a sociological point of view, I suggest that the social performance also is a question about content in aspects about whose cultural meanings getting re-fused or remains de-fused. The different content of the de-fusion/re- fusion is therefore understood as different modes of incorporation: assimilation, hyphenation and multicultural incorporation (Alexander, 2006). Integration in this perspective is about on-going internal social and cultural processes. Method Under scrutinity is social performance and incorporation; ways of managing the future lives of the children. When performed, the curriculum consist of particular values, attitudes and dispositions. The curriculum taught "shapes perceptions of ethnic identity.struggles over ethnicity and curriculum" (Sleeter, 2015, p 231). The action of educational leaders are "set in motion by discursive and organizational conflicts over incorporation" (Alexander, 2001, s. 246) i.e. cultural meanings. The practises are tied to particular times and places located in a web of practice (politic, economic, cultural, language, family.) The educational leader breaks off certain aspects of other practices to motivate and legitimize pedagogies and therefore also construct different discourses of pathways to incorporation. From a sociological point of view the educational outcomes describes modes of incorporaton: i) assimilative ii) hyphenated iii) multicultural (Alexander, 2001). In an assimilative mode of incorporation the particular identity is expected to be hidden in public places. It is not appreciated e.g. if you talk your native language during breaks or wear the hijab in school. This mode of incorporetation reminds of what McLaren (1994, p 49) defines conservative (or corporate) multiculturalism. The goal is to assimilate everyone into the culture of the majority and the coregroup. A prinicipal that perform an assimilative educational leadership tries to persuade and get his audience to embrace standards of achievment that assimalte students of minorities "into skills, concepts, language, and values of the dominant society" (Sleeter, 2015). How and if it happens depends on the success or failure of the performance in a local context. In the hyphenated mode different identities are highlighted when it suits and benefits the majority (Banks, 1999).The third mode of incorporation is understood as multicultural. In this mode the particular identities and the majoritys' is seen as equal good, righteous, democratic and so are the institutions they represent (Alexander, 2006). According to (Banks, 1999, p 31) the mode is a "transformative approach, which changes 'the canon, paradigms, and basic assumptions of the curriculum and enables students to view concepts, issues, themes, and problems from different perspectives and points of view". Expected Outcomes I expect that the theory of social performance and incorporation can add important perspective on leadership, it means social performance and it's ends incorporation. Traditionally, educational leadership in multicultural school is understood as reproducing structures: symbolic, cultural and economic capital which constitute an assimilative mode of incorporation. In control of material elements such as structures and institutions e. g. means of symbolic productions: television and mass media, the chances for a successful assimilation of course increases. But it's not sufficient to re-fuse meanings with those performative elements. Even if you own and/or access means of symbolic production the others elements of the social performance e. g. authenticity of actor, the actual performance on the scene and the script has to be interpreted as true, real and natural. If the actor fails in these regards so does the re-fusion of meanings and it doesn't matter how much material recourses you use. The initial re-analyse of the ethnographic observation indicates that in the particular case the principal have to balance between different modes of incorporation. That's because different social groups have different normative hopes and beliefs about education, both within school and with external stakeholders, such as worried neighbours in connection with the establishment of the school. The principal explain how Islam, and the way Muslims use Islam, and be interpreted. Sometimes he criticises Islam and it's practising representatives, but above all he tries to reshape the characteristics society attributes to Muslim and Islam. The principal dedicates himself to talk about problems and solutions in a way that he identifies as Swedish. In this and other ways he attributes the Swedish society positive values at the same time as he weaves together the picture of himself and his work with a dominant narrative about the Swedish pragmatic society. References Alexander, J. (2006). The civil sphere. New York: Oxford University Press. Ali, A. H. (2009). Därför måste demokratin försvara sig mot islamismen. Banks, J. A. (1999). An Introduction to Multicultural Education: MA: Allyn and Bacon. Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.-C. (1990). Reproduction in education, society and culture (2. ed.). London: Sage. Durkheim, É. (1956). Education and sociology. New York: Free Press. Englund, T. (1996). Utbildningspolitiskt systemskifte? Stockholm: HLS. Englund, T. (2010). The general school system as a universal or a particular institution and its role in the formation of social capital. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 1(53), 17 - 33. Gerle, E. (1997). Muslimska friskolor i Sverige. Pedagogisk Forskning i Sverige, 2 (3), 182-204. Giroux, H. A. (2005). Border crossings : cultural workers and the politics of education (2. ed.). New York: Routledge. Gustafsson, K. (2004). Muslimsk skola, svenska villkor: konflikt, identitet & förhandling. Umeå: Boréa. McLaren, P. (1994). 'White terror and oppositional agency: towards a critical multiculturalism'. In D. T. Goldberg (Ed.), Multiculturalism: A Critical Reader. (pp. 45–74.). Cambridge: MA: Blackwell. Nilsson, H. (2015). Kultur och utbildning – en tolkning av två grundskolors mångkulturella kontexter. Växjö. Reed, I. A. (2011). Interpretation and Social Knowledge. On the use of theory in the human sciences. Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press. Shadid, W., & Koningsveld, P. S. v. (2002). The Negative Image of Islam and Muslims in the West: Causes and Solutions. In W. Shadid & P. S. v. Koningsveld (Eds.), Religious Freedom and the Neutrality of the State: The Position of Islam in the European Union. (pp. 174-196). Leuven: Peeters. Shah, S. (2015). Education, Leadership and Islam: Theories, discourses and practices from an Islamic perspective. . London: Routledge. Sleeter, C. (2015). Ethnicity and the Curriculum. In D. Wyse, L. Hayward, & J. Pandya (Eds.), The Sage handbook of curriculum, pedagogy and assessment SAGE Publications Ltd. Thobani, S. (2011). Pedagogic discourses and imagined communities: knowing Islam and being Muslim. Discourse: Studies In The Cultural Politics Of Education, 32(4), 531-545. Author Information Henrik Nilsson (presenting) Linneaus University Department of Education

This thesis is about the metaphors of the rainbow and the fogbow, investigations and evaluations, public Internet monitors, writing women, reflections and discussions about politics, design and democracy. It is also about the ongoing re-structuring of participation in service design within the development of E-Government. The aim behind the drive towards E-Government is to modernise administration and make it more efficient. The transformation and modernisation of public services are proclaimed to bring about a change in services based on a 'citizen-centred approach.' In such a process, communication between citizens and public authorities should play an essential role. Themes such as accountability, accessibility and participation all form part of the reconfiguration and at the same time these themes is shaped by the transformation. The papers in this thesis discuss, in different ways, how this reconfiguration is enacted in practice. Theories and methodologies from feminist theories, participatory design and informatics, are used in order to develop broader and more complex understandings of ongoing development within E-Government. Introduction to the papers Paper I Everyday Dialogue and Design for Co-Operative Use: An Evaluation of the Public Internet Monitor Project Accessibility is a central issue in the achievement of democracy, i.e. with respect to the opportunity for and right to 'access' to new technology and information – an argument also used when justifying the Public Internet Monitor Project. 'Access' in this context refers not only to purely physical access to new technology and information, it is also about the opportunity to take part in community business on several different levels. The present sub-report presents the project and its background. The paper also discusses the way in which the Public Internet Monitor Project as a whole has contributed to the development of a social interface or contact surface between citizens and public authorities, as well as how it has stimulated processes of change within public administration and in contacts between public authorities and citizens. Among the questions raised during the evaluation are; how local networks and activities can be stimulated by the citizen monitor and how the user's ideas and experience can be utilised in local adaptations so that they become an essential part of a continuous development of services and technology. The paper also describes the linked chains of responsibility exemplified in the excerpts from the interviews. These also include final users as a means of creating a personalised service adapted to local praxis and user environments. The question is posed "is it possible to talk in terms of interactivity on several different levels, not only in the sense of transmitting information or communicating, but also as a means of creating a relation-based interactivity?" Paper II Reconfiguration of Citizenship: Rights and Duties in Development of Public Services This paper presents the case of the cleaner in the library and some examples of feedback failures. Access to information, technology, and to some degree, participation in development of new services, is a central issue in the prevailing eGovernment discourse. This vision also comprises the idea of the active, contributing citizen and considers the development of local public participation as a process of co-construction of citizenship and services engaging several actors on different levels. At the same time, access must be seen as a contemporaneous process of inclusion and exclusion, a defining and drawing up of the boundaries of a new electronically mediated membership, where access is becoming a prerequisite for activating citizenship, transforming "the right to have access" into a "duty to participate", not just for citizens but for the employees who must manage the reconfiguration of citizenship and relations. The foundations for participation, however, turn out to be relatively restricted in practice. The original title of the paper was: Co-Construction of Citizenship: Rights and duties in development of public services. Paper III Consulting the Citizens – Relationship-based Interaction in the Development of E-Government This paper investigates current practices for involving citizens in the development of web-based services in public administration and tries to track their motives. With respect to democratisation, I argue that there is a large potential in adopting participatory design methods for establishing relation-based interaction between administration and citizens. The paper presents an analysis of E-Government initiatives. More particularly it explores the discourse of the materials surrounding these initiatives, particularly with respect to value systems derived from the marketing perspective contra democratic values. It demonstrates that conventional images of democracy have only a background role to play in such efforts. Paper IV Mapping Out and Constructing Needs in the Development of Online Public Services This paper is based on a study concerning experiences of, access to and requests for public services on-line, within the RISI+ Project. The paper presents a pilot study of the setting up of public services in the local context of the county of Blekinge, in southeast Sweden. The study was conducted as a peer evaluation of a selection of methods, or types of needs analysis, used by different actors and producers of public services in order to gain a picture of various needs among users. One part of this study focuses on the views expressed by service providers about the dialogue between themselves and citizens on the provision of public services. This is compared with the practical use or, in some cases, lack of use, of explicit techniques, such as questionnaires, larger surveys and work carried out with the help of focus groups. A basic question is, 'what role does citizen involvement play in the analysis of needs and services and in the choice of design?'. Parts of this report were presented in a poster display at the NordiCHI 2000 conference, "Design versus design" in Stockholm in October 2000 and, in a different version, as a work-in-progress report at the PDC 2000 (Participatory Design) Conference "Bringing in more voices" , in New York in November. Paper V Making E-Government Happen : Everyday Co-Development of Services, Citizenship and Technology This paper describes the use of a metaphorical figure used in different contexts as part of a discussion of working relationships of the co-development of services, citizenship and technology change. The paper discusses the challenge of developing a supportive infrastructure for the ongoing local adaptation and development of public services as citizens use them. Developing supportive structures for co-operation in the design task involves incorporating ways of including the general public, mapping out networks, developing tailorable software and cultivating shop-floor management. If continuous joint co-development of services is made a central part of the co-development of services, citizenship and technology, this also blurs the boundaries between governmental and municipal authorities, private sector employees and other actors within, for example, the voluntary sector - but above all, continuous joint co-development blurs the boundary between citizens and local authorities. The citizens become key figures in the 'web of connections' that makes up the design, content and use of new technologies. In the discourse on participation in E-Government, few reflections are made concerning the basic issue of the democratic values that could be gained by early involvement of local employees and citizens in developmental work or technology-based changes. Making more deliberate use of participatory design methods for incorporating multi-perspectives in service design as well as technology production and use could be a way to stimulate a broader, more inclusive and sustainable participation in local development of E-Government. Paper VI Discourses and Cracks - A Case Study of Information Technology and Writing Women in a Regional Context This is the first of the papers I wrote, where empirical material from a local IT project is discussed and mirrored against the dominating discourses of information technology. Paper VI discusses information technology as a political and practical discourse, which is in part shaped by the repetition of an exalted rhetoric. This repetitive discursive model can be distinguished in global, regional and local contexts and reflects an optimistic belief in technology as an independent power that automatically furthers democratic development. The second part of the paper presents empirical material and experiences from the Women Writing on the Net-project (this was included in the framework of the DIALOGUE project, which was partially funded by ISPO/EC). The aim of the project was to create a virtual space for women on the Internet, and to explore the writing process in terms of aims, tool and method. The method of approach incorporates reflections and discussions about empowerment, democracy and representation of women. This contributed to a more complex understanding of the values of the predominant IT discourses, and revealed the "cracks" in, and possibilities of feminist redefinitions of, these values. ; Denna licenciat avhandling diskuterar bland annat regnbågars och dimbågars relevans som metaforer för tillgång till teknik. Vidare presenteras utvärderingar och studier samt reflektioner kring politik, utveckling av e-government och e-demokrati, även benämnd 24-timmarsmyndigheten. Dessa studier av olika praktiker och diskurser relateras till design och utveckling av elektroniska tjänster på lokal, regional och nationell nivå. Syftet bakom den pågående omvandlingsprocessen är en vilja att modernisera och effektivisera offentlig administration. Denna förändring och modernisering av offentlig service är avsedd att få tills tånd förändring inom såväl offentlig administration som vad gäller utformning och erbjudande av offentliga tjänster, och att stimulera verksamhetsutveckling. Tjänster erbjuds elektroniskt och tillskapas utifrån ett medborgarperspektiv (citizen-centered-approach). I en sådan omfattande omvandlingsprocess spelar kommunikationen mellan medborgaren och offentliga myndigheter en väsentlig roll. Teman som ansvarstagande (accountability), tillgänglighet(accessibility) och deltagande (participation), utgör aktiva delar av denna omstrukturering som får effekter för utvecklingen av publika tjänster, verksamheter och utövandet av medborgarskap. Samtidigt gestaltas och omskapas också själva förändringsprocessen utifrån vad som faktiskt sker i olika praktiker. I sammanlagt sex paper diskuteras, med olika utgångspunkt, hur denna omstrukturering tar sig uttryck. Teori- och metodram är hämtade från flera discipliner och tillämpade forskningsområden, några exempel är feministiska teorier, deltagande (participatory, även collaborative) design, samt community informatics med syfte att skapa en holistisk, mångfacetterad förståelse och ge utrymme för den komplexitet som den pågående utvecklingen inom e-government och e-demokrati omfattar.

Cindy Shermans Fotoserie "Disgust Pictures" (1986-90) gehört zu einer Reihe von künstlerischen Arbeiten der späten 1980er und 90er Jahre, die BetrachterInnen unmittelbar mit Ekelgefühlen affizieren. Im Unterschied zu den meisten von ihnen, richten sich Shermans Arbeiten jedoch gleichzeitig mithilfe postmoderner Strategien vielfältiger Bedeutungsüberlagerungen auch dezidiert an den Intellekt ihres Publikums. Die vorliegende Abhandlung geht anhand einer methodischen Vielfalt von gender- und rezeptionsästhetischen Ansätzen, ästhetischen und psychoanalytischen Theorien zur Wirkung von Ekel sowie der Untersuchung des diskursiven Entstehungsumfelds der "Disgust Pictures" der Frage nach der Besonderheit dieser Werkgruppe nach. Sie untersucht dazu exemplarische Arbeiten Shermans eingehend auf Darstellungsweisen und Wirkungsfaktoren, nimmt Vergleiche mit Vor-Bildern und künstlerischen Arbeiten anderer KünstlerInnen vor und zeichnet so ein interpikturales Netz von Bedeutungsstrukturen und Verweisen nach, welche die Arbeiten auszeichnen. Zu Beginn wird das Phänomen Ekel anhand seiner Theoretisierungen ausführlich beleuchtet, wobei ein Schwerpunkt auf den 80er und 90er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts liegt. In dieser Zeit rückte mit dem Aufkommen der Pandemie AIDS der menschliche Körper und seine Vergänglichkeit in den Fokus des gesellschaftlichen Interesses. So haben sich die Widerständigkeit des Körpers und seiner schwer zu kontrollierenden Randzonen und Abfallprodukte als wirkmächtige Impulsgeber für eine Kunst gezeigt, die ihr Publikum mit Gefühlen affizieren und damit teilweise auch gesellschaftlich und politisch wirken wollte. Dabei bestimmte Julia Kristevas Abjekttheorie die Diskussion der Zeit maßgeblich mit und wurde auch politisch gedeutet und instrumentalisiert. Exemplarische Arbeiten der zeitgenössischen KünstlerInnen Kiki Smith, Mike Kelley und Paul McCarthy ergänzen die theoretischen Ausführungen zum Ekel und übersetzen sie in spezifische künstlerische Strategien in Abgrenzung zu Shermans Arbeitsweise. Dann wird die inszenierte Fotografie als postmoderne künstlerische Ausdrucksform vorgestellt, deren Hauptmerkmal darin besteht, dass kein vorgefundenes, sondern ein arrangiertes Geschehen abgelichtet wird. Die Spannung zwischen der Beglaubigung des Dagewesenen durch die Fotografie und damit ihrem 'Wahrheitsanspruch' und der künstlerischen Inszenierung vor der Kamera macht den besonderen Charakter dieser Arbeiten aus und ermöglicht es den KünstlerInnen, die Funktionsweise des Mediums in ihren Bildern erlebbar zu machen und kritisch zu hinterfragen. In einem weiteren Schritt wird gezeigt, wie Sherman dieses medienkritische Potential der inszenierten Fotografie für ihre Arbeiten vor allem nutzt, indem sie medial vermittelte Wirklichkeitskonstruktionen über das Arbeitsmittel der Reinszenierung bewusst macht und ironisch kommentiert. Anhand der detaillierten Analyse einzelner Arbeiten wird darüber hinaus herausgearbeitet, wie Sherman formlose, Ekel auslösende Darstellungsmomente mit strukturierenden, formalästhetischen Elementen verknüpft, mit Konventionen der Körperdarstellung experimentiert und mediale Vor-Bilder 'parasitiert'. So werden beispielsweise ihre "Molding Foods", riesige Tableaux aus scheinbar verschimmelten, ausgespieenen, aber reichfarbigen Lebensmittelpasten, mit barocken Stillleben und mit Arbeiten des Nouveau Réalisme von Daniel Spoerri und Dieter Roth verglichen sowie Jackson Pollocks Drip Paintings als Vor-Bilder diskutiert. Daneben werden in thematischen Kapiteln wie "'Landschaften' des Ekels" und "Das Ekel erregende menschliche Antlitz" eine weitere Auswahl aus den "Disgust Pictures" vorgestellt und vor dem Hindergrund von Tim Heads künstlichen Landschaften, aber auch von Horrorfilmszenarien sowie von Arcimboldos Gemüse-und Marcel Duchamps Süßigkeitenportraits analysiert. Ekel erscheint innerhalb dieser Arbeiten nicht nur als Mittel, die RezipientIn direkt mit unangenehmen Gefühlen zu affizieren, sondern sein Einsatz ist auch thematisch bedingt und weist Bezüge zu aktuellen Ereignissen und gesellschaftlichen Problemen auf. Nicht zuletzt dient der Einsatz von Ekel erregenden Elementen als Form der Kritik an oder als Kommentar zu den verhandelten Themen, führt Sherman doch mittels der Zusammenschau und Verfremdung kultureller Versatzstücke anhand und innerhalb ihrer "Disgust Pictures" eine lustvolle Auseinandersetzung um die Konstruiertheit von Körperrepräsentationen und Geschlecht. Aufgrund ihrer spezifischen Arbeitsweise erhalten Shermans Arbeiten eine Pluriperspektivität, die einen großen Bedeutungsspielraum eröffnet, zu ihrer anhaltenden Aktualität beiträgt und sich als eine Besonderheit innerhalb der Gruppierung der Kunstwerke erweist, in denen Strategien der Ekelerzeugung wirksam werden. ; Cindy Sherman's series of photographs known as the "disgust pictures" (1986-90) belong to those artworks from the late 1980s and 90s that are intended to immediately evoke feelings of disgust in audiences. Unlike the majority of these artworks, however, Sherman's works rely on postmodern strategies such as the overlaying of multiple meanings in order to deliberately appeal to audiences on a cerebral level as well. In this doctoral thesis, I rely on several methodological approaches in gender, reception, aesthetic, and psychoanalytic theory concerning the effects of disgust to investigate the particular characteristics of this group of works while also reflecting on the discursive background of Sherman's "disgust pictures." I explore selected works by Cindy Sherman according to the methods of representation used and the factors determining the resulting effects. By comparing these with the artworks and pictorial models used by other artists, I also trace the intertextual references that characterize the "disgust pictures." In this thesis, I begin with a close examination of different theoretical approaches to disgust, with a focus on the 1980s and 90s. During this time, the emergence of the AIDS pandemic created a renewed public interest in the human body and its transience. The body's resilience, its difficult-to-control penetrable surfaces and excretions, were powerful incentives for a type of art that endeavored to evoke emotions in audiences, while some works also aimed at having a social and political impact. Julia Kristeva's theory of abjection played a major role in discussions at that time, because abjection was interpreted as something political that could be used as a tool. For the purpose of illustrating the different theoretical approaches to disgust, I also refer to a number of key works by contemporary artists such as Kiki Smith, Mike Kelley, and Paul McCarthy, whose specific artistic strategies I compare with Sherman's working method. An important theme is staged photography as a postmodern artistic means of expression. The main feature of staged photography is not taking a picture of something found, but creating the motif through a deliberate arrangement. The resulting tension between using the camera for verification – photography's "truth claim" – and artistic staging is what lends these works their unique character and what enables these particular artists to openly reflect on – and thus critically question – the functional mechanisms of photography as a medium in their pictures. In a second step, I demonstrate how Sherman applies staged photography to question the role of media and how she uses the techniques of restaging and ironic commentary to expose the constructs of reality conveyed by the media. In a detailed analysis of individual works, I examine how Sherman combines formless elements of representation, which evoke disgust, with structuring elements of a formal aesthetics. I also investigate how she experiments with the conventions of representing the body and how she feeds off certain pictorial models from the media. Her "molding foods" pictures – gigantic arrangements of colorful, moldy-looking food pastes that appear to have been regurgitated – are also compared with the pictorial models of Baroque still lifes, works by Nouveau Réalistes like Daniel Spoerri and Dieter Roth, and Jackson Pollock's drip paintings. In more thematic chapters, such as The Landscapes of Disgust and The Disgusting Human Face, I juxtapose Sherman's "disgust pictures" with, among other things, Tim Head's artificial landscapes, scenes from horror movies, Arcimboldo's portraits consisting of vegetables, and Marcel Duchamp's portraits consisting of marzipan vegetables. Disgust functions in these particular artworks not only as a means of directly evoking unpleasant feelings in audiences, but also as a thematic reference to current events and social problems and, not least, as a criticism or commentary. In her "disgust pictures," Sherman sensually investigates the constructedness of representations of bodies and gender by visualizing and defamiliarizing cultural elements. Sherman's unique working method lends her pictures a pluralist perspective that not only opens up the range of meaning in her works, but also contributes to her currency as an artist and is thus arguably a unique quality of her artistic practice in comparison with other artists that also rely on strategies of evoking disgust.

In this analysis of the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia, the aim is to describe the informants' portrayal of "war violence", "sexual war violence", "victimhood", and "reconciliation" as a social phenomenon as well as analyzing the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the category "victim" and "perpetrator". The violence practice during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. When, after the war, different categories claim a "victim" status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories' victim status are downplayed. The stories of reconciliation are connected to the past; the interactive consequences of war-time violence are intimately linked to the narrator's war experiences. The interviewees distance themselves from some individuals or described situations. It is common that the portrayal of possible reconciliation is transformed into a depicted implacable attitude, thus the interviewees negotiate their stances: they articulate between reconciliation and implacability statements. This study shows that after the war in Bosnia, the interpretations of biographical consequences of violence are intimately connected to previous war experiences. Narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" and "sexual war violence" depict a decay of pre-war social order. The use of violence during the war is described as organized and ritualized, which implies that the use of violence became a norm in society, rather than the exception. The narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" produce and reproduce the image of human suffering and slaughter. Those subjected to violence are portrayed in a de-humanized fashion and branded as suitable to be exposed to it. In these stories, morally correct actions are constructed as a contrast to the narratives on war violence. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is depicted as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal who is said to pose a clear threat to the social order existing before the war. The narratives on wartime violence, war perpetrators, and those subjected to violence during war are enhanced with symbolicism of ritualized ethnic violence ("cockade," "chetnik," "Serb," "Muslim," "warlord"). On one hand, the narrators make an ethnic generalization based on the differences between the ethnic categorizations; on the other hand, they present their own physical existence and ethnic identity and that of those subjected to violence as being threatened by the violent situation. The disintegration of the existing, pre-war social order produces and reproduces a norm resolution that enables the ritualized war-time use of violence. This development allows the normalization of war violence in this time period even though the result, as this study shows, means human suffering and the slaughter of humans. This study presents this development in society ambivalently, as both allowed and normatively correct (during the war) and as prohibited and condemned (primarily in retrospect, in post-war narratives). It seems as if the category "war violence" and "sexual war violence" means different things depending on whether it happened during war or not, whether it is retold or observed, and who is telling the story. For some persons, violence targeting civilians during the war is an act of heroism. The Holocaust during World War Two was in many cases highly efficient and industrialized; the typical goal was to kill from a distance, impersonally. Researchers have noted that those who climbed the ranks to leadership positions or were in charge at concentration camps seemed to have engaged in very personal, sadistic acts in Germany during WWII. Is there an interaction of rank/power in wartime and level of motivation/energy input required for violence (ie, those in charge require less energy input because of the factors that put them in charge in the first place)? The stories and phrasing in this paper emphasize a distant, evil, and/or powerful leader who motivates the crowd (perhaps in part by symbolically reducing an ethnic target to something like a dog or rat) or gives orders, with the distinction from Holocaust violence that the leaders in these stories were neighbors, etc., of those they were harming and killing. In general contrast, the war violence in Bosnia was more broadly characterized by the individualized use of violence, in which the perpetrators often knew those subjected to violence. The stories reveal that firearms were seldom used; instead, the weapons were baseball bats or knives. These features can be compared to examples of violence in Rwanda, where the violence was more similar (and even more "savage") to that in my material than the typical examples of industrialized extermination violence of World War Two. The perpetrators in this study are often portrayed as people who enjoyed humiliating, battering, murdering, and inflicting pain in different ways. This characterization is a contrast to Collins (2008), who suggests that soldiers are not good in acting out close violence and that individuals are mostly inclined to consensus and solidarity. An explanation, in my study, of the soldiers' actions can be that soldiers in a war are pressured into being brave in close combat, the aim being to reign over the Others, the enemy. During war, enemies are targets of violence, to be subjected to it and neutralized. Soldiers and police in northwestern Bosnia were not close to any battlefield, and civilians thus were framed in the enemy role. By exposing civilians to violence, soldiers proved their supremacy over the enemy even when the enemy was an abstract type, unarmed and harmless. Another explanation might be found in the degree of mobilization and emotional charge that occurred before the war, through the demonization of the enemy. People were probably brutalized through this process. Those interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. Individuals who were expelled from northwestern Bosnia during the war in the 1990s are, in a legal sense, in a recognized violence-afflicted victim category. They suffered crimes against humanity, including most types of violent crimes. Several perpetrators were sentenced by the Hague Tribunal and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All of the interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. An analysis of the processing of experienced or described violent situations in a society that exists as a product of a series of violent acts during the war must be conducted in parallel both at the institutional and individual levels. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence," "sexual war violence", "victimhood," and "reconciliation". The existence of Republika Srpska is based on genocide committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide. Another interesting aspect of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation" to be examined in a future analysis, regards the stories of perpetrators describing violent situations. Conversations with these actors and an analysis of their stories might add a nuanced perspective of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation". Another question that emerged during my work on this article is, What importance is given to stories told by the perpetrator of violence and those subjected to violence in the development of a post-war society? I believe it is of great importance to study stories in both categories. By recounting their stories, those subjected to violence could obtain recognition and some degree of self-esteem and the perpetrators be given a chance to explain to themselves and others, display shame over their actions, and possibly restore their social status. Without this type of process, those who are subjected to violence risk a life without recognition, and the perpetrators risk being permanently bound by their war-time actions, a clearly unstable foundation for the future development of a post-war society.

In this analysis of the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia, the aim is to describe the informants' portrayal of "war violence", "sexual war violence", "victimhood", and "reconciliation" as a social phenomenon as well as analyzing the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the category "victim" and "perpetrator". The violence practice during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. When, after the war, different categories claim a "victim" status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories' victim status are downplayed. The stories of reconciliation are connected to the past; the interactive consequences of war-time violence are intimately linked to the narrator's war experiences. The interviewees distance themselves from some individuals or described situations. It is common that the portrayal of possible reconciliation is transformed into a depicted implacable attitude, thus the interviewees negotiate their stances: they articulate between reconciliation and implacability statements. This study shows that after the war in Bosnia, the interpretations of biographical consequences of violence are intimately connected to previous war experiences. Narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" and "sexual war violence" depict a decay of pre-war social order. The use of violence during the war is described as organized and ritualized, which implies that the use of violence became a norm in society, rather than the exception. The narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" produce and reproduce the image of human suffering and slaughter. Those subjected to violence are portrayed in a de-humanized fashion and branded as suitable to be exposed to it. In these stories, morally correct actions are constructed as a contrast to the narratives on war violence. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is depicted as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal who is said to pose a clear threat to the social order existing before the war. The narratives on wartime violence, war perpetrators, and those subjected to violence during war are enhanced with symbolicism of ritualized ethnic violence ("cockade," "chetnik," "Serb," "Muslim," "warlord"). On one hand, the narrators make an ethnic generalization based on the differences between the ethnic categorizations; on the other hand, they present their own physical existence and ethnic identity and that of those subjected to violence as being threatened by the violent situation. The disintegration of the existing, pre-war social order produces and reproduces a norm resolution that enables the ritualized war-time use of violence. This development allows the normalization of war violence in this time period even though the result, as this study shows, means human suffering and the slaughter of humans. This study presents this development in society ambivalently, as both allowed and normatively correct (during the war) and as prohibited and condemned (primarily in retrospect, in post-war narratives). It seems as if the category "war violence" and "sexual war violence" means different things depending on whether it happened during war or not, whether it is retold or observed, and who is telling the story. For some persons, violence targeting civilians during the war is an act of heroism. The Holocaust during World War Two was in many cases highly efficient and industrialized; the typical goal was to kill from a distance, impersonally. Researchers have noted that those who climbed the ranks to leadership positions or were in charge at concentration camps seemed to have engaged in very personal, sadistic acts in Germany during WWII. Is there an interaction of rank/power in wartime and level of motivation/energy input required for violence (ie, those in charge require less energy input because of the factors that put them in charge in the first place)? The stories and phrasing in this paper emphasize a distant, evil, and/or powerful leader who motivates the crowd (perhaps in part by symbolically reducing an ethnic target to something like a dog or rat) or gives orders, with the distinction from Holocaust violence that the leaders in these stories were neighbors, etc., of those they were harming and killing. In general contrast, the war violence in Bosnia was more broadly characterized by the individualized use of violence, in which the perpetrators often knew those subjected to violence. The stories reveal that firearms were seldom used; instead, the weapons were baseball bats or knives. These features can be compared to examples of violence in Rwanda, where the violence was more similar (and even more "savage") to that in my material than the typical examples of industrialized extermination violence of World War Two. The perpetrators in this study are often portrayed as people who enjoyed humiliating, battering, murdering, and inflicting pain in different ways. This characterization is a contrast to Collins (2008), who suggests that soldiers are not good in acting out close violence and that individuals are mostly inclined to consensus and solidarity. An explanation, in my study, of the soldiers' actions can be that soldiers in a war are pressured into being brave in close combat, the aim being to reign over the Others, the enemy. During war, enemies are targets of violence, to be subjected to it and neutralized. Soldiers and police in northwestern Bosnia were not close to any battlefield, and civilians thus were framed in the enemy role. By exposing civilians to violence, soldiers proved their supremacy over the enemy even when the enemy was an abstract type, unarmed and harmless. Another explanation might be found in the degree of mobilization and emotional charge that occurred before the war, through the demonization of the enemy. People were probably brutalized through this process. Those interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. Individuals who were expelled from northwestern Bosnia during the war in the 1990s are, in a legal sense, in a recognized violence-afflicted victim category. They suffered crimes against humanity, including most types of violent crimes. Several perpetrators were sentenced by the Hague Tribunal and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All of the interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. An analysis of the processing of experienced or described violent situations in a society that exists as a product of a series of violent acts during the war must be conducted in parallel both at the institutional and individual levels. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence," "sexual war violence", "victimhood," and "reconciliation". The existence of Republika Srpska is based on genocide committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide. Another interesting aspect of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation" to be examined in a future analysis, regards the stories of perpetrators describing violent situations. Conversations with these actors and an analysis of their stories might add a nuanced perspective of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation". Another question that emerged during my work on this article is, What importance is given to stories told by the perpetrator of violence and those subjected to violence in the development of a post-war society? I believe it is of great importance to study stories in both categories. By recounting their stories, those subjected to violence could obtain recognition and some degree of self-esteem and the perpetrators be given a chance to explain to themselves and others, display shame over their actions, and possibly restore their social status. Without this type of process, those who are subjected to violence risk a life without recognition, and the perpetrators risk being permanently bound by their war-time actions, a clearly unstable foundation for the future development of a post-war society. ; Panel with Presenters

Work shown as part of 'Mind Rhymes', curated by Tom Benson at Hidde van Seggelen Gallery, London Mind Rhymes Curated by Tom Benson 24 July – 31 August 2013 This show is about ideas, likes and dislikes. And as far as we can know anything about anyone else, it's dependant on how much we can put ourselves in the place of the other, of their likes and dislikes. It's more or less a form of collaboration. Tom Benson: So, two characters in the background would be Marcel Duchamp and John Cage. John Cage having written a piece of music called Music for Marcel Duchamp for a film by Hans Richter, with a little excerpt in it on Duchamp. It was one of the very, very early prepared piano pieces by Cage and it's a relatively short piece, but in it. I've thought for a long time that it encapsulates a particular quality, which is a quality of thought happening rather than having happened. There are points, in the way that the rhythm is built up and held, where it hovers before some sort of direction is taken. I didn't think to look up very much about the piece when I first heard it, but when I finally did, years later, I was surprised to discover that it was one of the first pieces that Cage had written where he deliberately tried to explore silence in a structured way. So there are bars of silence and bars of sound. These gaps, or these spaces, were spaces that I felt somehow offered me the ability to enter into the piece with my own thinking. Spaces for thought, if you will, within the music, rather than a wall of sound that is all-invading. And also with Cage, as we know, there is an interest in the I Ching and various strategies that were used to generate musical compositions that would remove him to some extent from a more authoritative position of his own subjectivity. The idea of the grid—I was struggling with how to bring a number of disparate works together into a space and give them the same space. It was a question of how to address the space as well as the works within it, in a subtle but determined way. I was thinking about devising a band system, so there would be three bands, a tripartite division running horizontally around the space. It could be black, white, grey, whatever. It would give me different tiers to include works that could exist above, along side, in parallel, askance from other works. But I thought that that would almost be too crude. A much, much simpler way was just a very lightly drawn, using a 4H pencil, linear grid that would run across all the wall surfaces from floor to ceiling, that would give a more planular space, a more extensive space, so that it didn't feel—because of the proportion, because it's 50 centimetres across every facet of the space—it wouldn't feel like, 'that's at the top, and that's at the bottom'. Just, 'it's located on the grid'. It equalises the space. For the name of the show, I was first thinking along the lines of 'rhyme and reason', rather than 'rhyme or reason', to include the analytic and conceptual as well as the emotive and the subjective. Because it seems to me that some of the most interesting works do that - however obdurate they might be, there is a sort of feeling of a mind at work, the mind that brought that thing into existence. But in having a dialogue with so many artists about their work and realising that I was being shown things I wouldn't have thought about otherwise, and also in being slightly worried that 'rhyme and reason' sounded almost too clear and understandable. to come across this term 'mind rhyme'—which does exist—I thought was fantastic, because it included both the conceptual and the poetic, the rhyme and the reason, but in a much more interesting way. A mind rhyme is a situation set up through language, poetry, rhyming, where the mind will anticipate the word that's coming next. So it's possible to have a joke, a pun, an innuendo. A lot of these things revolve around a mind rhyme. But I was more thinking about, if you like, a visual mind rhyme, where you are presented with one artist's work, and you might begin to develop an understanding of that work, but because of what else is situated with it, you are somewhat confounded, or are lead to a point where there's a kind of bifurcation, or split, and the directions are unpredictable. It creates another type of gap for the mind to work with, a space between what might have been anticipated and all kinds of unexpected associations. In thinking about another person's work, it enters into my frame of reference and it becomes sort of a touchstone, and an important thing. It influences my own thinking. It's a form of collaboration. — As told to Kyra Kordoski Jenna Bliss uses video, performance, sound and text, to navigate public spheres intimately through letter writing and ambivalent fandom. Dreaming of singularity and collectivity simultaneously, she creates and then destroys her singular voice. Much of this work began by performing at pub open mic nights in London. Bliss recently exhibited at Woburn Slade Research Centre, London (2012); White Building [SPACE], London (2012); Piet Zwart Institute, NL (2012); and Camden Arts Centre, London (2012). She was born in Yonkers, New York, USA and currently lives and works in London. Joey Bryniarska's practice is concerned with technology, ornament, subjection, power, vitality. Within the self-reflexivity of reprographic mediums, she creates parallels between this technological food-chain and a larger system of parasitical dependency, reproduction, ornamental deceit and conditions of spectatorship. Bryniarska has exhibited at Post Box Gallery, London (2012); Collective Gallery, Edinburgh (2010); Complesso Monumentale Santo Spirito, Rome, IT (2010); and Royal Academy of Arts, London (2008). Born in Swindon, she currently lives and works in London. Céline Condorelli works, broadly speaking, with art and architecture, combining a number of approaches such as developing possibilities for 'supporting' the work of others, resulting in projects merging exhibition, politics, fiction, public space and whatever else feels urgent at the time. One of her long-term projects, Support Structure (in collaboration with Gavin Wade), has been exhibited at the Institute of Contemporary Arts, London (2008); GIL, Guangzhou, Beijing, CN (2007); and Chisenhale Gallery, London (2003). Other recent exhibitions include: Centre d'Art Contemporain de Brétigny, FR (2013); Nottingham Contemporary (2012); Victoria & Albert Museum, London (2011); Tate Modern, London (2011); and Centre Pompidou, Paris, FR (2010). Condorelli lives and works in London. Claudia Doms runs a graphic design studio and frequently collaborates with artists and editors from the UK and abroad. Since 2010 she has made a drawing a day and uses these as formal spurs for her songs, music, videos and paintings. Her work has been shown at: London Design Week (2011); Cream Espai Creatiu, Barcelona, ES (2011); Bulthaup Gallery, St. Petersburg, RU (2010); Witzenhausen Gallery, New York, USA (2010); Red October, Moscow, RU (2010); City Gallery, Tallinn, EE (2010); Meneer de Wit Gallery, Amsterdam, NL (2009); and Fondazione Sandretto Re Rebaudengo, Turin, IT (2007). Born in Germany, Doms currently lives and works in London. Kati Kärki's explorations in art have taken her through a combination of media, encompassing photography, printmaking, sculptural furniture, writing and spoken word. She has arranged discursive events, providing intimate settings for discussions about and around art. Recently she performed at Art13 London (2013), and organized a daylong event at Whitechapel Gallery, London (2013). Kärki was born in Finland and currently lives and works in London. Elizabeth McAlpine works with video, film, installation and photography. Her work often engages with ideas of temporality, the passage of time, its tones and textures, and various ways of registering it. Recent solo exhibitions include: Laura Bartlett Gallery, London (2012); Laurel Gitlen, New York, USA (2012); Eastside Projects, Birmingham (2010); and Ballina Arts Centre, IE (2007). Her work is currently on view at The Metropolitan Museum, New York, USA. Recent group exhibitions include: Royal Standard, Liverpool (2013); Perth Institute of Contemporary Arts, AU (2013); deCordova Sculpture Park and Museum, Lincoln, USA (2012); and Barbican Centre, London (2010). Born in London, McAlpine currently lives and works in London. Fay Nicolson's practice spans a set of associations around educational structures, material understanding and knowledge while approaching the difficulties of recording, coding and distributing presence and experience as information. Recent solo exhibitions include: Künstlerhaus Wien, Vienna, AT(2013); and PLAZAPLAZA, London (2012). Current group exhibitions include White Cube, Masons Yard, London (2013); and The Newbridge Project, Newcastle (2013). Other group exhibitions in 2013 include: Overgaden Institute of Contemporary Art, Copenhagen; Limoncello; and The London Art Fair, Art Projects. Born in Derby, Nicolson currently lives and works in London. Philomene Pirecki works across painting, photography, drawing, sculpture, projected image and language. Her work addresses memory, time, perception, and their representations. Pirecki often physically and conceptually references her existing works and considers how they can adapt and respond to new conditions and change over time. Recent solo exhibitions include: Green on Red Gallery, Dublin, IE (2013); MOTInternational, Brussels, BE (2012); Clockwork Gallery, Berlin, DE (2012); and Laure Genillard, London (2011). Selected group exhibitions include: Wilfried Lentz Gallery, Rotterdam, NL (2013); Wysing Art Centre, Cambridge, (2013); Supplement, London (2012); Cristina Guerra Gallery, Lisbon, PT (2012); Chelsea Space, London (2011); and The Barbican Art Gallery, London, (2010). Born in Jersey, and currently living and working in London, Pirecki founded the curatorial platform, Occassionals, a peripatetic project for artists, writers and curators to make their work public, usually over a single day or an evening. Laure Prouvost's approach to filmmaking, often situated within atmospheric installations, employs story-telling, quick cuts, montage and deliberate misuse of language to create surprising and unpredictable work. Recent solo exhibitions include the Max Mara Prize for Women at Whitechapel Gallery, London (2013); and Collezione Maramotti, Reggio Emilia, IT (2013). Her works have also been on view at Morra Greco Foundation, Naples, IT (2013); Tate Britain, London (2013); MOTInternational, London (2012); Sculpture Center, New York, USA (2011); and The Serpentine Gallery, London (2010). Born in Lille, France, and currently living and working in London, she is a Turner Prize 2013 nominee and was the winner of the Max Mara Prize for Women in 2011. Chooc Ly Tan's practice is multi-disciplinary and incorporates sculpture, video, installations and performances. Through her work she attempts to see beyond the physical constants that govern people's lives, their significance, and to make the possibility of their subjugation all the more fantastic. She asks, "what would a world devoid of physical laws, such as gravity and frames of references, geometry and time, be like"? Selected solo and group exhibitions include: Circa Projects, Newcastle (2012); Carlos/Ishikawa Gallery, London, (2012); Drawing Room, London (2012); Transmission Gallery, Glasgow (2011); and The Royal Society, London (2011). Tan was born in La Roche sur Yon, France and currently lives and works in London.

Vuosina 2007-2008 Suomessa uutisoitiin yksityisten hoiva- ja rekrytointiyritysten hankkeista rekrytoida filippiiniläisiä sairaanhoitajia suomalaiseen vanhustyöhön. Toiminta esitettiin ratkaisuna hoito- ja hoiva-alan työvoimapulaan. Vuoteen 2017 mennessä Suomeen on rekrytoitu arviolta 400–500 korkeakoulutettua filippiiniläistä sairaanhoitajaa, pääosin hoiva-avustajiksi tai lähihoitajiksi. Suorarekrytoitujen hoitajien lisäksi pieni ryhmä filippiiniläisiä sairaanhoitajia on muuttanut maahan opiskellakseen suomalaisen lähihoitajan tutkinnon, ja päästäkseen sitä kautta Suomeen töihin. Tässä Rauhan- ja konfliktintutkimuksen tieteenalaan kuuluvassa, neljästä artikkelista ja niiden yhteenvedosta koostuvassa väitöskirjassa kysytään, miten ikääntyvä Suomi kietoutuu yhteen globaalisti hyödynnettävän filippiiniläiseen hoitajareservin kanssa. Ovatko paraikaa syntyvät kietoumat oikeudenmukaisia? Ovatko ne rauhanomaista politiikkaa? Filippiiniläisten sairaanhoitajien Suomeen suuntautuvat muuttoliikkeet vihjaavat siitä, että suomalainen vanhus on ruumillisesti verrattain vahva toimija globaalitalouden poliittisissa rakenteissa: Vielä silloinkin, kun suomalainen on täysin riippuvainen toisen ihmisen tarjoamasta hoivasta, hänen ruumiilliset tarpeensa voivat laittaa liikkeelle poliittisia ja taloudellisia prosesseja, joiden seurauksena hoiva liikkuu globaalisti, aina Filippiineiltä Suomeen saakka. Tällaista hoivaa tarvitsevien ruumiiden synnyttämää maailmanpolitiikkaa väitöskirja pyrkii ymmärtämään. Menetelmällisesti väitöskirja on etnografinen tutkimus filippiiniläisten sairaanhoitajien Suomeen suuntautuvista muuttoliikkeistä, ja niiden ylikansallisesta hallinnasta. Suomessa ja Filippiineillä kerättyjä empiirisiä aineistoja luetaan dekonstruktiivisesti, eli "vinosti" ja "vastakarvaan". Näin syntyvä analyysi osoittaa, kuinka Suomi ei toistaiseksi suhtaudu vakavasti rooliinsa hoitoalan maahanmuuton kohdemaana. Hoitoalan ammattilaisten maahanmuuton hallinnassa valtion vasen käsi ei tiedä mitä oikea tekee. Tieto on sirpaloitunut lukuiselle eri hallinnonalalle ja hallintoelimille siten, ettei valtiotoimijalla ole selkeää kokonaiskuvaa rekrytointikäytännöistä ja niiden seurauksista. Tämä on eettisesti ongelmallista, sillä valtio ei kykene tarttumaan rakenteelliseen väkivaltaan ja epäoikeudenmukaisuuksiin, mikäli se ei tiedä, minkälaisista rakenteista on kyse ja kuinka epäoikeudenmukaisuudet syntyvät. Väitöskirja osoittaa, kuinka Suomen valtio jättää hoitoalan ammattilaisten maahanmuuttoon liittyvää toimintaa osin hallinnoimatta. Samanaikaisesti hoitoalan työmarkkinoita ja maahanmuuttoa säätelevien lakien yhteen kietoutuminen tuottaa rakenteellista syrjintää. Tällaiset hallinnolliset kietoutumat – tai kieroutumat – avaavat vanhushoivan kentälle tilan, jota suuret rekrytointi- ja hoivayritykset voivat hyödyntää toiminnassaan. Ylikansalliset markkinatoimijat kykenevätkin nyt tekemään voittoa samanaikaisesti kahdesta ruumiillisesta hoivamarkkinatuotteesta: globaalisti liikkuvasta (ja liikuteltavasta) työvoimasta sekä ikääntyvästä väestöstä, joka laittaa hoivan liikkeelle. Filippiiniläisten sairaanhoitajien Suomeen suuntautuva muuttoliike toimii esimerkkinä siitä, kuinka väestöjä, niiden liikettä ja hoivaa hallitaan ylikansallisesti, monien eri toimijoiden taholta ja useimmiten niin, että ylikansallisen pääoman etu ajaa väestöjen hoivatarpeiden edelle. Näin tapahtuu sekä Suomessa että Filippiineillä, joskin hallinnan muodot ovat erilaisia, ja kohdistuvat eri väestöihin. Kun nämä hallinnan prosessit kietoutuvat toisiinsa, kaikenlaiset ruumiit hyödyttävät pääoman kasautumista – eivät enää vain ne, joita voidaan hyödyntää työvoimana vaan myös ne, joiden hoivatarpeet voidaan muuttaa voitoiksi. Tällöin erityisesti ikääntynyt elämä altistuu heitteillejätölle. Politiikan keskittyessä taloudelliseen tuottavuuteen, hoivasta täysin riippuvaisilla ruumiilla – joilta dementia on voinut viedä muistin ja minuuden – ei ole ääntä. Jotta olisi mahdollista kuulla myös heitä, joiden hoivatarpeet jäävät politiikan jalkoihin, väitöskirja kehittää uuden tavan tarkastella maailmaa hoivatarpeen globaalina biopoliittisena taloutena. Näkökulma pyrkii lukemaan niitä hoivan ja heitteillejätön ylikansallisia suhteita, joita hoivasta riippuvaiset ruumiit kirjoittavat maailmaan, vaiettuina ja vaiennettuinakin. Samalla avautuu mahdollisuus rauhanomaiselle ylikansalliselle biopolitiikalle, jonka keskiössä ei ole elämä sinänsä, vaan hoivatarpeiden elämä. ; Over the last ten years, some 400-500 Filipino Registered Nurses (RNs) have been recruited to work in Finland, mostly as nursing assistants and practical nurses (PNs) for transnationally owned private care companies, which sell services to the public sector. In addition, a smaller group of university educated Filipino RNs have relocated to pursue a degree in Finnish practical nursing, so as to be able to work in Finland. Drawing on multi-sited and non-local ethnography on Filipino nurse migration to Finland, this thesis asks how the ageing of the Finnish welfare state entangles with the transnational care economy in general, and the Philippine nurse reserve in particular, as Filipino nurses migrate for Finnish elderly care. Are the entanglements that are presently in the making just and peaceful? When an ageing population demands care in a welfare state, and when the responses to these demands cross national boundaries, various processes of transnational biopolitics are elicited. Addressing the discipline of Peace and Conflict Research, this article-based thesis examines such transnational politics of life, through the entanglements of ageing Finland and the global nurse reserve of the Philippines. Drawing on ethnographic research and deconstructive methods of analysis, the thesis shows that Finland has not yet taken seriously its international responsibilities as a receiving state of professional nurse migration. Metaphorically put, the left hand of the state does not know what the right hand is doing. Instead, knowledge is scattered across various regimes of governance, without a single state body possessing a holistic view of the recruitment practices and their consequences. This is ethically problematic, since the state cannot tackle structural violence and injustices, if it does not know what those structures are, and how they emerge. The case of Filipino nurse migration to ageing Finland shows how populations, their mobility, and care are transnationally governmentalized, by various actors and often with the priority placed on the needs of transnational capital rather than on the needs of the populations in question. This occurs at both ends of the migrant trajectories, in Finland as well as in the Philippines, albeit through the governance of different bodies and populations. As the governmentalities entangle in the transnational care markets, all kinds of bodies now benefit the accumulation of capital – this time not only the bodies that operate as living labour, but also those whose care needs can be turned into profits. The risk here is that only needs that elicit profitable relations of care matter, whereas the bodies that cannot be capitalised are reduced into 'bare life': life that can be killed (or left to die) without sacrifice. In such an order, aged life is particularly vulnerable to abandonment, and neglect. The thesis shows, for instance, how the Finnish state leaves the immigration routes of skilled health care professionals partly unmanaged, while the law simultaneously reproduces institutional discrimination of non-EU nurses in the national labour markets. When such processes take place in the context of an increasingly marketized welfare state, it becomes possible for transnational market actors to make profit simultaneously from two embodied commodities of care: the globally mobile care labour and the needs of the ageing bodies that demand care to move. In the era of neoliberal capitalism, the body in need of care is the subaltern that cannot speak. Nevertheless, even without a voice, bodies in need of care constantly write the world through the relations they enact. To understand such silent and silenced body writing, the thesis develops a new perspective for Peace and Conflict Research, entitled the global biopolitical economy of needs. The suggested perspective demands a recurrent deconstruction of the prevailing material-discursive episteme(s), with a focus on the bodies whose needs cannot speak. This reading operates on another level than the traditionally written and spoken language of speaking subjects. Here, the body in need of care is différance: a bundle of relatedness that (re)writes the world, and its political economies, with the corporeal relations of care and neglect that the needs enact. The suggested perspective also paves way for a more peaceful transnational biopolitics. Namely, the biopolitics of needs is not just about the politics of life. It is the politics of life of needs, which has the capacity to engage ethically with not only the care needs of the living and the productive, but also with those of the dying and the non-profitable.

Boundary works of Grindr research: Sociological and queer perspectives on shame and intimacy As a newly minted PhD student I am eager to explain to my colleagues what hook-up apps are and why we should care to look at them. One day at the University campus talking to a colleague I find myself out of words that satisfactorily describes the feeling of navigating the grid of Grindr, the hook-up app that my sexual biography as a gay man is inseparable of. I decide to "show don't tell'. In powering up the app on my iPad I get a sinking feeling. Perhaps this isn't right? Who will pop up in the grid of pictures, maybe in "challenging" positions? Students, staff, colleagues? As these thoughts make their way through my head the app has loaded and I find myself anxiously explaining the basic affordances in a swift, matter of fact style, and soon closing down the app, doing my best to move on. Introduction The issues at play in the above vignette (Humphreys 2005) represent at least two familiar issues: The media scholar working ethnographically finding that there seems to be "two there's there" (Schegloff 2002); and the queer, insider researcher coming into academia and moving back into the queer cultural spaces that they are emotional invested in and have privileged access to. Ethnography has a long tradition for using and thinking about the slipping and sliding of identities into cultural spaces. Due to the mediatization (Lundby 2014, Hepp 2015) of intimate encounters (Linke 2011, Peil 2014) media ethnographers face both a quantitative increase and a qualitatively changed situation. In the vignette, the fact that the Grindr app, by way of its locative abilities, displays users nearby ties directly into the felt discomfort: The fact that the community that is "exposed" comprises of students and faculty members that might not have attuned their sexualised self-presentations to such a gaze. Here the public-private expectations come into play, tying into established Internet scholarly debates on the ethical issues regarding these distinctions (Markham 2012, Marwick 2014). The paper argues that developments within queer, affective theory, as well as sociological and critical notions of intimacy, can shed new light on the challenges that media ethnographers encounter. It builds on the work done by queer ethnographic scholars, in that it interrogates not only the actions in fieldwork but also the distinctions and value hierarchies at play, and through that, the norms that put them in place. Further I take on the notion of intimacy to asses its analytical and critical potentials for unraveling the chronicled experience of shame. Shameful transgression The issues at play in the vignette attain to the feeling of shame in the face of what is perceived as a lacklustre negotiation of the classical ethnographical divide of insider and outsider knowledge, positioning, and identity. The vignette as well as the following general hesitancy to bring forward the field memo shows, that a researcher's affective investment in a given subject swiftly and determinately propels actions seeking to annul the experienced boundary transgression. Adding to the immediate implies for "damage control" shame both reveals taboos and seeks to erase actions that reveals the researcher as a transgressor. This is in line with queer and feminist works on affect (Ahmed 2004, Munt 2007, Bissenbakker 2013) that interrogates shame as moments that both reveal the investments that in turn produce and is produced by the affective response. These questions are critically discussed by way of the concept of 'safe space' and feminist ethics of care. Intimate boundary works There are phycological and sociological approaches that use it to describe types of interpersonal relationships (Giddens 1992, Baumeister 2007, Stempfhuber 2011, Nordqvist 2013). Related to this approach is the understanding that intimacy is something that is done, that is practiced. It can be understood as arising from boundary works (Jamieson 2005, [Auhor of this paper] forthcoming) and thus be ontologically entangled with the meeting of the prospect of boundary transgression that marks the end of intimacy. Lauren Berlant on the other hand sees intimacy as: …the processes by which intimate lives absorb and repel the rhetorics, laws, ethics, and ideologies of the hegemonic public sphere, but also personalize the effects of the public sphere and reproduce a fantasy that private life is the real in contrast to collective life: the surreal, the elsewhere, the fallen, the irrelevant. (Berlant 1998) The production of a public/private divide serves to orient subject attention towards interpersonal matters, making invisible the forces that define which exact distinctions to police. This paper argues for an integrative approach, an amalgamation of sociological and critical intimacy theory. The paper argues that intimacy understood as boundary work between individuals is valuable in its bringing out the mechanics of being in public or private. It is also the level in which affective investments operate, which promotes critical methodological and ethical reflection. The critical perspective is also important in that it targets the very establishment of public and private realms, something that multilayered media practice complicates. It is argued that a critical approach to intimacy must take into account the ways that seemingly public, online visibilities and actions through discursive and affective work become intimate encounters. References Ahmed, S. (2004): The Cultural Politics of Emotion. Routledge. Baumeister, R. F., & Vohs, K. (2007). Encyclopedia of social psychology, 498–499. Berlant, L. (2016). Intimacy : A Special Issue, 24(2), 281–288. Bissenbakker, Mons. (2013). Krumme tæer: Skam i krydsfeltet mellem queer, feministiske og postkoloniale teorier. Kvinder, Køn & Forskning, (1), 25–36. Jørgensen, K. M. (in review). Grænsekrydser, backstabber og opportunist: Praksisbaseret etik som intimt grænsearbejde. Giddens, A. (1992). The transformation of intimacy: Sexuality, love and eroticism in modern societies. Oxford: Polity press. Hepp, A., Hjarvard, S., & Lundby, K. (2015). Mediatization: theorizing the interplay between media, culture and society. Media, Culture & Society, 37(2). Humphreys, M. (2005). Getting Personal: Reflexivity and Autoethnographic Vignettes. Qualitative Inquiry, 11(6), 840–860. Jamieson, L. (2005). Boundaries of Intimacy. In S. Cunningham-Burley (Ed.), Families in Society. Boundaries and relationships (pp. 189–205). Polity press. Linke, C. (2011). Being a couple in a media world: The mediatization of everyday communication in couple relationships. Communications, 36(1), 91–111. Lundby, K. (ed.) (2014). Mediatization of Communication: Handbooks of Communication Science, vol. 21. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Marwick, A., & Boyd, D. (2014). Networked privacy: How teenagers negotiate context in social media. New Media & Society. Markham, A., & Buchanan, E. (2012). Ethical Decision-Making and Internet Research Recommendations from the AoIR Ethics Working Committee. Recommendations from the AoIR Ethics Working Committee (Version 2.0), 19. Munt, S. R. (2007) Queer Attachments. The Cultural Politics of Shame. Ashgate. Nordqvist, P. (2013): Lesbian love and the troublesome sperm donor: intimacy, normality and morality in new stories about conception. In: Sanger, T., Taylor, Y. (ed.): Mapping Intimacies: relations, exchanges, affects. Palgrave Macmillan. Peil, C. & Röser, J. (2014). The Meaning of Home in the Context of Digitization, Mobilization and Mediatization. In: Hepp, A., & Krotz, F. (Eds.). Mediatized Worlds. Palgrave Macmillan. Schegloff, E. (2002). Beginnings in the Telephone. In J. Katz & M. Aakhus (Eds.), Perpetual Contact: Mobile Communication, Private Talk, Public Performance (pp. 284–300). Cambridge University Press. Stychin, C. (1998). A nation by rights: National cultures, sexual identity politics and the discourse of rights. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

For over a decade Pushpamala N has used photography both as a medium and as a way to explore a socio-political context for her work. She has done this by questioning photography's symbolic role as well as its construction of female identities from The British Raj to India's thriving commercial media today. Pushpamala retraces and reevaluates the function of female representation in India, be it for male imperialistic and domineering eyes or modern consumers and in doing so, she reconstructs and then intelligently reimagines it Pushpamala's genius is that she presents an alternative narrative to India's historical and present day records of women representation that make the viewer question the image's veracity. While drawing on the conventions of self-portraiture, the Bangalore-based artist inserts herself into the frame as the subject What stands out from Pushpamala's work is the use of photography to critique photography. Her work is an unending engagement with mimesis and masquerade, as both foci of revelation and concealment As can be seen in Pushpamala's continuous juggling of vantage positions, -from mimicking a Toda woman, or Bharat Mata (Mother India) to an image of actress-turned politician Jayalalitha with a whip in hand and a rather rebellious appearance -- ideological fancies gradually arise only to reveal their hidden awkward truths, as is discussed in my paper in regard to some of the artist's seminal photo-performances from the series The Native Women of South India (2000-2004) completed in collaboration with British photographer, Clare Arni. While critiquing the pretense of the camera, Pushpamala N projects ironic makeovers of the mythological, religious, celebratory and ordinary women of India. Through this she explores and implodes Indian national identity as well as female stereotyping that has grown out of the colonial identity of the Other over the years. She mines several photographic histories to understand the "construction of the self, and perhaps more broadly, a construction of national identity."i She effortlessly draws upon a range of cultural markers to perform and exhibit different personas through which she is able to reveal the artifice and restrictions of photography itself that have helped create national identity and stereotypes over the years. I talk in detail, in addition to a few other works, about her mimesis of colonial anthropometric photography of Andamanese people (see fig.l) by Maurice Vidal Portman (c. 1890) by the artist in the short series titled The Ethnographic Series from the 'Native Women' project. Pushpamala restores the Indian woman to her historicity, unquestionably marked by decades of colonial submission. In Pushpamala's revisit to these anthropometrical photographs and colonial ethnography, she constructs a "candid critique of anthropology as a colonial discipline that intrumentalizes colonial bodies."ii The rather hypnotic checkered backdrop imitates the backdrop in Portman's photographs as a dystopic tool while Pushpamala mimics the "native" as a pinned-up specimen -- an "object" of scientific investigation. The checkered background measures the subject's height and span. Two hands extend from beyond the frame of the image that support the backdrop from either side, just as they are seen in Portman's photograph. The subject faces forward, like she does in Portman's image, with the right arm extended outward, perpendicular to the frame, resting on a stand. In The Ethnographic Series, Pushpamala borrows the "native" characters from colonial anthropometric photographs and renders them as "samples" of her own mock anthropological study. Though photography goes as far back as the 16th century's camera obscura projects, it was not until British colonialism that photographers introduced their technology to the Indian subcontinent. Camera became an authoritative tool to record and document people, events and landscapes. "While the first commercial photographers set out as early as the 1840s, most explorers travelled with a camera from the 1870s [ . ] These photographs did not so much represent the experienced reality as they reflected the Western views of the colonial world, which was often shaped by travel writers and artists. To fulfill audience expectations of the exotic, photographers would hire actors to create idealized, romanticized photographs."iii Pushpamala refers to the colonial British obsession with ethnographic documentation, vividly bringing to mind Portman's infamous ethnographic series of photographs of the aboriginal people in Andaman Islands and further challenges its authenticity. Pushpamala's series on the 'Native Women' comprise of 250 photographs; the series centers on representations of women in historical and contemporary visual culture, while noticeably imitating the style of 19th century compilations. These imitations directly and indirectly reference colonial ethnographic photography, "colonial" paintings by Indian artist Raja Ravi Varma (1848-1906), a 16th century Deccani miniature and images of women in popular culture. "Placing herself in the role of subject, Pushpamala recreates the colonial sepia-toned gaze and its power relations while looking back at a viewer who must acknowledge that such photography cannot ultimately lead to knowledge of the subject or even a "type" she is meant to represent."iv Pushpamala's reiterations of canonical images place brackets around their source images, highlighting both the source images and their photographic imitations as fundamentally performative actions. The stereotypes these images reference are drained of static value and substance and in its place, become discursive and loose products, with specific histories. Nevertheless, given the use of decoratively painted backdrops, costumes and props, the artist also evokes the "practice of small town studio photography, wherein the photograph functions less as the indexical trace of a stable presence than as an occasion for playful and imaginative self-realization and transformation."v As Pushpamala executes her photo-performances, it is such that she makes available her performed photographs to the viewer but not available as a 'photographer.' She performs in it but not available as a performer outside of that position. She explores "types" and identities but she is not an anthropologist. And she takes indefinite advantage of her position as the artist to surface questions and concerns that are not necessarily talked about in India but that call for urgent attention. Notes: i "Performance Photographer Pushpamala N Speaks on "Pseudo-Archive" October 27", Watkins College of Art, Design & Film Nashville TN, October 13, 2014, accessed December 20, 2014 http:/ fwww.watkins.edufperformance-photographer-pushpamala-n/ ii Gayatri Sinha and Parul Dave Mukherji, "PUSHPAMALA N.- Self in Stills, Conflict within the Frame," In Voices of Change: 20 Indian Artists, New Delhi: Marg Foundation, 2011 iii Ulrike Bessel, 2015 "Seeing Colonialism through Photographs" Royal Engineers Museum Blog, accessed March 29 http:/ fwww.re-museum.co.uk/blogfseeing-colonialism-through-photographs/ iv "Gund Gallery 1 Kenyon College" 2015, accessed March 29 http:/ fwww.thegundgallery.org/2013/04/do-it/ v Murtaza Vali, "ELUDING PRESENCE: PORTRAITURE IN CONTEMPORARY SOUTH ASIAN PHOTOGRAPHY", Eluding Presence: Portraiture in South Asian Photography, http:/ I quod.lib.umich.edu/tftap /79 77 5 73.0002.109 I --eluding-presence-portraiture-insouth- Asian photography?rgn=main;view=fulltext (accessed October 18, 2014)

En esta Tesis Doctoral se ha investigado la facultad didáctica que proporciona la dramatización para la formación en competencias para la vida. Es por ello que en ella se ha propuesto un modelo didáctico al respecto dirigido a la formación inicial del profesorado que es consecuente con el sentido de calidad imprescindible que a tales competencias le otorgan las instituciones promotoras de las mismas a escala internacional (OCDE y Comisión Europea) con la finalidad de transformar y mejorar las condiciones de sostenibilidad social tanto laborales como personales. El carácter innovador de esta investigación reside precisamente en su enfoque competencial, pues promueve la educación de la dramatización desde tareas didácticas auténticas, contextualizadas e imprevisibles que permiten afrontar estratégicamente y con éxito la compleja dinámica sociocultural del siglo XXI. Es por ello que el modelo, atento a una proyección científica interdisciplinar de la pedagogía teatral convergente en la semiótica de la comunicación, combina los aprendizajes formales o escolares con los informales o cotidianos y trata así de contribuir a la superación del problemático hábito academicista que reduce la dramatización a una práctica especializada por medio de ciertas técnicas conductistas. Antes bien, esta procura experiencias creativas propicias a la comunicación donde saber, saber hacer y saber ser se enmadejan para el autoconocimiento, la comprensión del otro y la transformación de la realidad. Por tanto, el objetivo general ha sido diseñar, aplicar y evaluar un modelo didáctico de la dramatización destinado al desarrollo de competencias para la vida en la formación del profesorado en educación. Y para hacer factible su consecución, los objetivos específicos han sido: primero, investigar las aportaciones científicas interdisciplinares incidentes en el cultivo de la dramatización desde un enfoque educativo basado en competencias; segundo, delimitar la operatividad conceptual y legal del teatro y la dramatización para su trasposición didáctica en la profesionalización docente; tercero, diseñar un modelo didáctico sobre la dramatización desde una metodología dialógica de aprendizaje cooperativo basado en tareas y proyectos destinados al desarrollo integrado de competencias para la vida en entornos formales e informales; cuarto, desarrollar una intervención didáctica en tres ciclos de investigación-acción con alumnado de Magisterio y de Grado en Educación donde se aplica el modelo didáctico competencial sobre la comunicación dramática: quinto, evaluar procesualmente los logros educativos de las producciones discentes y la calidad del modelo didáctico aplicado en el aula en atención a las competencias para la vida diseñadas en el mismo. La metodología empleada ha seguido, desde un enfoque cualitativo-interpretativo, el modelo procesual de la investigación-acción en el aula desarrollada en tres ciclos y ha escogido el aprendizaje cooperativo como dinámica apropiada para la práctica dramática así como la modalidad didáctica idónea para la educación basada en competencias, a saber: las tareas complejas y los proyectos compartidos. Consecuentemente, en el desarrollo de la investigación se refleja el proceso de investigación-acción efectuado durante el primer cuatrimestre de los cursos 2010-2011, 2011-2012 y 2012-2013 con estudiantes de Grado en Educación y egresados de Magisterio en la Facultad de Educación de la Universidad de Murcia dentro del marco institucional de tres cursos de Promoción Educativa auspiciados por Estudios Propios de esta Universidad. En estos cursos, tras un cuestionario inicial de detección de conocimientos previos y expectativas personales de los participantes, se han trabajado improvisaciones imaginativas sobre la vida cotidiana desde juegos dramáticos en los que ha existido introspección, socialización, fabricación de materiales didácticos, e invención discursiva de proyectos dramatúrgicos y didácticos atenta a las confluencias de diversas disciplinas en la puesta en escena. Esta última corona cada la intervención, en compañía del cuestionario final de valoración de los aprendizajes logrados. Los resultados de la investigación revelan que con el logro eficaz de los objetivos formulados se ha cumplido la hipótesis contributiva a la superación del problema considerado con el análisis de pruebas procesuales en las que han logrado resultados positivos las 9 competencias para la vida estipuladas por la OCDE de acuerdo con las macrocategorías instrumental, interpersonal, y sistémica del proyecto TUNING. Y afirman la viabilidad didáctica de la tesis original de esta investigación: la condición transversal de la dramatización para formar al profesorado de Lengua y Literatura y de cualquier otra disciplina en competencias para la vida. Ello se ha logrado porque el trabajo en el aula se ha desenvuelto en contextos de aprendizaje situado próximos a la pedagogía de la situación empleada en las prácticas dramáticas donde la improvisación ha dado rienda suelta a la singular acción personal en actos de convivencia democrática donde la imaginación ha gestionado la incertidumbre con sentido humano. ABSTRACT This PhD thesis has focused its research on the didactic values that drama provides for day to day life skills. For the aforementioned, a didactic model has been proposed, mainly aimed to early teacher training, being consequent with the essential quality sense, which was granted internationally by the promoting institutions (OECD and the European Commission) with the main target of transforming and improving both labour and personal social sustainability. The innovative nature of this research emerges from its competence focus, as it encourages drama education on real didactic tasks, happening in their context and being totally unforeseeable, which allows to strategically confront the sociocultural complex dynamic typical from the 21st century. This is the reason why the model of drama pedagogy focused on a scientific interdisciplinar approach, verging on communication semiotic, combines formal school learning and knowledge with daily and informal learning, and doing so, it attempts to contribute to the current type of academic learning, which reduces drama to a specialized practice through certain conductist techniques. Likewise, it provides creative experiences that lead to communication, in which knowing, knowing how to do, and knowing how to be, combine to reach self knowledge, understanding of others and reality transformation. Therefore, the general target has been designing, applying and assessing a didactic dramatization model, destined to life skill development through educational teacher training. In order to do so, the specific goals have been: firstly, to research the scientific interdisciplinar inputs, that have provided to drama from an educational skill approach; secondly, to delimit the conceptual and legal effectiveness in drama and acting, towards its didactic promotion to the teaching curriculum; thirdly, to design a didactic method about drama from a leaning cooperative dialogue, based on tasks and projects, destined to an integrated development of like skills in formal and informal environments; fourthly, to develop a didactic intervention in three cycles of investigation-action, with alumni from Education Degrees (old plan and Bolonia plan) where the competence didactic model is applied over dramatic communication; fifthly, to asses the process of the educational milestones through drama production results and the quality of the didactic method applied in the classrooms, to improve and work on the model proposed like skills. The implied method has followed, from a qualitative - interpretative focus, the process method of investigation - action in the classroom, developed in three cycles, and the cooperative learning has been chosen as an appropriate dynamic for the drama practice and as the ideal didactic method for education based on these competences: complex tasks and shared projects. Consequently, in the research progress, the process investigation - action can be seen happening during the first quarter of the years 2010 - 2011, 2011 - 2012 and 2012 - 2013 with students from an Education Degree and coming from the old three year plan degree in Murcia university, funded by the department of exclusive degrees in Murcia university. Throughout these terms, after giving the participants an initial questionnaire to detect previous knowledge and personal expectations, the concepts that were mainly practiced were imaginative improvisation about daily life, such as drama games using introspection, socialization, crafting didactic materials and discursive invention of drama and didactic projects that focused on paying attention to the different disciplines during the performance. This last activity happened alongside the final questionnaire to asses the achieved knowledge. The research results reveal that with the effective achievement of the presented targets, the hypothesis has been proven as positively contributing to overcoming the problem considered in the process proof analysis, in which positive results have been obtained from the 9 like skills presented by the OECD, according to the TUNING project's macrocategories: instrumental, interpersonal and systemic. They also confirm the didactic viability of the original thesis of this investigation: transversal condition of drama to train Spanish and Literature teachers and teachers of any other disciplines, in life competences and skills. This achievement took place thanks to the work in the classroom, that happened in learning contexts that are close enough to the pedagogy of the situations used in drama performances, where improvisation sets personal actions free in a democratic cohabitation in which, at the same time, imagination manages uncertainty with a human approach. TERMINOS CONCEPTOS TESAURO 570107 LENGUA Y LITERATURA 580300 FORMACION Y EMPLEO DE PROFESORES 580100 TEORIA Y METODOS EDUCATIVOS 620310 TEATRO

Fragestellung In zahlreichen, sowohl wissenschaftlichen als auch politischen Veröffentlichungen, wird die "Energiewende" als Transformationsprojekt eingeordnet. Zweifelsohne birgt eine Umstellung auf ein erneuerbares Energiesystem transformative Potenziale. Die Bedeutungsbestimmung von "Energiewende" oder auch Transformation bleibt in Politik und Forschung aber häufig unklar. Um dem zu begegnen, wird in der vorliegenden Studie die Bedeutung von "Energiewende", wie sie im Bundestag verhandelt wird, untersucht. Darauf aufbauend wird analysiert, ob und inwiefern die "Energiewende" einem Anspruch als Transformationsprojekt gerecht werden kann, bzw. wie sich die Wirkrichtung der mit "Energiewende" verbundenen Politiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verorten lässt. Forschungsgegenstand Die besondere gesellschaftliche Bedeutung der Bundestags-Debatten um "Energiewende" leitet sich diskurstheoretisch unter anderem aus der ihnen zukommenden' Schaufensterfunktion' ab, wonach die Debatten strategisch auf eine außerparlamentarische Öffentlichkeit ausgerichtet sind. Hinzu kommt, dass sich der hier stattfindende Diskurs, bspw. in Gesetzen, unmittelbar materialisiert. Als Startpunkt der Untersuchung wird der Beginn der rot-grünen Regierungszeit gewählt (1998), da diese – u.a. wegen der Verabschiedung des Erneuerbaren-Energien-Gesetzes (EEG) und dem politischen Beschluss zum Atomausstieg – in besonderer Weise mit der "Energiewende" in Verbindung gebracht wird. Als Endpunkt dient die letzte vollständige Wahlperiode zum Zeitpunkt der Untersuchung. Die Diskursanalyse bezieht sich demnach auf die Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" zwischen der 14. und 18. Legislaturperiode (1998-2017). Theorie Die Studie basiert auf einer Verknüpfung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) mit dem Konzept des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens, das die transformationstheoretische Positionierung der Arbeit konkretisiert. Die Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zeichnet sich insbesondere durch ihre Bedeutung als politische Theorie und Hegemonietheorie sowie durch ihren Diskursbegriff aus, der die Dichotomie zwischen sprachlich/geistig versus nicht-sprachlich/materiell subvertiert, indem er die materielle Welt als Teil des Diskurses betrachtet – ohne deren Materialität zu bestreiten. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften versteht sich als "kritischer Ansatz", der die herrschaftliche Prägung gesellschaftlicher Natur- und Geschlechterverhältnisse zu einem Ausgangspunkt der eigenen Arbeit macht (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). Es basiert auf drei Handlungsprinzipien: Vorsorge, Kooperation und Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen. Mit der Verknüpfung von Diskurs- und Transformationstheorie leistet die Studie einen Beitrag zu deren gemeinsamer theoretischer und methodischer Weiterentwicklung. So gelingt mit dem Vorsorgenden Wirtschaften eine normative Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie, welche die politische Ökonomie in den Blick holt. Gleichzeitig wird das Potenzial des materiellen Diskursbegriffes nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) für die sozial-ökologische Forschung deutlich. Ausgehend von der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens ist die Studie innerhalb einer kritischen, feministischen Nachhaltigkeits- und Transformationsforschung zu verorten. Methodik Das methodische Innovationspotenzial der Arbeit liegt insbesondere in der Verbindung aus einem Verfahren quantitativer, computerbasierter Diskursanalyse mit einer qualitativen Analyse. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Diskursanalyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. Zunächst erfolgt eine Operationalisierung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) in einem quantitativ und zwei qualitativ ausgerichteten Verfahrensschritten. Die quantitative Auswertung aller Plenarprotokolle im Betrachtungszeitraum erfolgt mit PolmineR, einem Tool zur Analyse von Plenarprotokollen in der Programmiersprache R (www.polmine.github.io). Auf der obersten Dekonstruktions-Ebene der lexikalischen Elemente werden so zeitliche Entwicklungen des Diskurses (z.B.: Häufigkeitsentwicklungen) um "Energiewende" nachvollzogen und regelmäßige Differenzbeziehungen (Kollokationen) herausgearbeitet. Die 30 Plenarprotokolle und Dokumente, die sich dabei als besonders relevant für den Diskurs erweisen, werden im nächsten Schritt qualitativ analysiert und der Diskurs wird somit auf zwei weiteren Dekonstruktions-Ebenen analysiert. In einem kodierenden Verfahren werden zunächst komplexitätsreduzierende Erzählungen, sogenannte Story-Lines, identifiziert. Daraufhin werden den Erzählungen zugrundeliegende fantasmatische Narrative herausgearbeitet. Die diskurstheoretische Analyse auf diesen drei Dekonstruktions-Ebenen wird schließlich in einer hegemonietheoretisch fundierten Diskussion zusammengeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Diskursanalyse werden anschließend auf einer vierten Dekonstruktions-Ebene aus der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens reflektiert. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften wird dabei anhand seiner Handlungsprinzipien (Vorsorge, Kooperation, Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen) sowie der aus der Literatur entnommenen Kriterien "Externalisierung als Prinzip" und "Potenziale für eine herrschaftsärmere Zukunftsgestaltung" (vgl. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015) operationalisiert. Es wird eine Analyseheuristik generiert, mit Hilfe derer schließlich die Wirkrichtung von mit "Energiewende" verbundenen politischen Praktiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verortet wird. Die Grundlage dieser Klassifikation leitet sich aus der im Theorieteil erfolgten Verortung in der kritisch-feministischen Transformationsforschung ab. Im Sinne des retroduktiven Forschungsdesigns dieser Studie nach Glynos/Howarth (2007) wird die empirische Anwendbarkeit des Konzeptes Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften gegenstandsbezogen entwickelt und erweitert. Beispielsweise zeigen sich in der Analyse der Debatten zur Energiepolitik in einem deutlichen Umfang neokoloniale Artikulationsmuster und nationale Erzählungen, weshalb das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften hier im Hinblick auf nationale und neokoloniale Machtstrukturen analytisch konkretisiert wird. Ergebnisteil Die Ergebnisse der Dekonstruktion des "Energiewende"-Diskurses werden in zwei Teilen präsentiert. Der erste bezieht sich auf die Diskursanalyse der Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" nach der Diskurstheorie von Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Hier verweisen die Ergebnisse darauf, dass sich in den Bundestagsdebatten nach der Reaktorkatastrophe von Fukushima ein Post-Politisierungsprozess identifizieren lässt. Dieser manifestiert sich in einer überwiegend marktökonomischen Einordnung von "Energiewende" sowie einer diskursiven Loslösung von sozial-ökologischen Problemlagen. Im zweiten Teil der Dekonstruktion liegt der Fokus auf dem Sichtbarmachen von hierarchischen Externalisierungsstrukturen unter Anwendung einer kritisch-emanzipatorischen Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens. Materielle Wirkweisen politischer Praktiken in Verbindung mit "Energiewende" werden ebenso wie die damit verbundenen Machtverhältnisse entschlüsselt. Die feministische Perspektive der Arbeit leistet einen innovativen und in bisherigen Forschungsarbeiten marginalisierten Einblick in die Debatten um "Energiewende" im Bundestag. Die (geschlechtshierarchische) Strukturierung dieser Debatten manifestiert sich zum einen darin worüber überhaupt diskutiert wird, nämlich überwiegend über ökonomische und technologische Fragen, die dem Öffentlichen zugewiesen werden, während soziale Themen dem Privaten zugeordnet bleiben und kaum vorkommen. Zum anderen werden gegenhegemoniale Forderungen über die Abwertung des sozial Weiblichen (z.B.: als "hysterisch" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)) delegitimiert und aus dem politischen Raum gedrängt. Fazit In den Bedeutungskämpfen um "Energiewende" ist im zeitlichen Ablauf mit "Fukushima" ein Bruch festzustellen. Vor "Fukushima" wird "Energiewende" im Bundestag – auch unter rot-grün – nur selten artikuliert und kann in der Diskursbewertung nicht als Transformationsprojekt bundespolitischer Gesetzgebung klassifiziert werden. Nach "Fukushima" lassen sich in der Analyse überwiegend energiepolitische Praktiken identifizieren, die vor dem Hintergrund einer Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens in ihrer Wirkrichtung im Spannungsfeld reformistisch-beharrend zu verorten sind, bzw. in einigen Fällen sogar reaktionäre Elemente aufweisen. So lässt sich insbesondere nach "Fukushima" eine Reduktion von "Energiewende" auf verfahrenspolitische, technokratische sowie managementorientierte politische Praktiken nachzeichnen, die auf einer Naturalisierung marktwirtschaftlicher Strukturen basieren und gesellschaftliche Naturverhältnisse nicht adressieren. Es wird zudem aufgezeigt, wie vor "Fukushima" marginalisierte energiepolitische Forderungen danach von einer hegemonialen Diskursformation angeeignet werden. Das Narrativ, das sich in diesem Zusammenhang etabliert, wird hier als 'technokratisch-managementorientierter Ökokonsens'bezeichnet. Die zentralen Ergebnisse der Arbeit verweisen darauf, dass mit der "Energiewende" ein großes, potenziell auf Transformation ausgerichtetes Projekt, aus sozial-ökologisch orientierten zivilgesellschaftlichen Bewegungen für verfahrenspolitische Prozesse im Bundestag mobilisiert und gleichzeitig sozial-ökologisch und politisch an Bedeutung entleert wurde. Reflexion und Ausblick Der "Energiewende"-Diskurs konnte gerade durch die Kombination von Diskurstheorie mit einer Perspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens umfangreich dekonstruiert werden. Die Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie um ein normatives Konzept, welches wie das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften, den Blick auf politisch ökonomische Strukturen richtet, leistet einen Beitrag dazu den materiellen Diskursbegriff nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zu operationalisieren und die Diskurstheorie somit für die sozial-ökologische Transformationsforschung empirisch noch stärker zu öffnen. Das Instrument der computerbasierten Datenerhebung hat sich insbesondere als Vorstrukturierung für die folgenden qualitativen Analyseschritte als wirksam erwiesen und dazu beigetragen, dass das Forschungsdesign im Sinne des retroduktiven Ansatzes angepasst werden konnte. Nach dem der Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Theorieverständnis ist das Erkennen von Externalisierungsstrukturen und Naturalisierungen eine Voraussetzung für eine emanzipatorische Politik und Praxis. Kritik erfüllt dabei keinen Selbstzweck, sondern aus ihr heraus scheinen immer wieder emanzipatorische, nicht-externalisierende Gestaltungsperspektiven auf. In diesem Sinne werden am Ende der Arbeit als Ausblick Strategien einer Repolitisierung von "Energiewende" genannt. ; Research question In numerous publications, both scientific and political, the "Energiewende" is classified as a transformation project. Undoubtedly, the change to a renewable energy system has transformative potential. However, the meaning of "Energiewende" or transformation in politics and research mostly remains vague. Therefore, the present study examines the meaning of "Energiewende", as negotiated in the federal German parliament (German: Bundestag). On this basis, it is analyzed whether and to what extent the "Energiewende" complies with the claim of being a transformation project – or rather where the associated policies can be placed within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. Object of research The particular social significance of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" derives, among other things, from their so-called 'showcase function', according to which the debates are strategically oriented towards an extra-parliamentary public. In addition, the discourse taking place here materializes directly, e.g. in laws. The starting point of the investigation is the beginning of the legislative period led by a coalition of the SPD (German Democratic Party) and the Green Party (1998). This government is generally associated with the "Energiewende" due to the adoption of the Renewable Energy Sources Act (German: Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG) and the political decision to phase out nuclear power. The discourse analysis therefore is applied to the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" of the 14th until the 18th legislative period (1998-2017), which is the last complete legislative period by the time of the study. Theoretical background The study is based on a combination of the discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) with the concept of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', which specifies the position of the present study within transformation theory. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is characterized in particular by its significance as a political theory and a theory of hegemony. Its concept of discourse 1 Energy transition is not a precise translation of "Energiewende", which is why the German word is used in the following. 2 As there is no precise translation of 'Vorsorge' into English, the word formation 'pre-caring', which has already been used in earlier translations of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', is used here. subverts the dichotomy between linguistic/spiritual versus non-linguistic/material by considering the material world as part of the discourse – without denying its materiality. 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is defined as a "critical approach" that takes the domination-shaped character of societal relations to nature and gender as a starting point for analysis and intervention (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). It is based on three principles: pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life. By linking discourse and transformation theory, the study contributes to their common theoretical and methodical development. Thus, by the combination with 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', a normative expansion of the discourse theory becomes possible, which brings political economy into view. At the same time, the potential of the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) for social-ecological research becomes explicit. Based on the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', the study is considered in the context of critical, feminist sustainability and transformation research. Methodology The innovative methodological potential of the study lies particularly in the mixed methods approach, combining a method of quantitative, computer assisted discourse analysis with a qualitative analysis. The link between transformation and discourse theory methodically results in a complex research design, which could also be valuable for other fields of political transformation research. The basis of this research design is an analysis of the "Energiewende" discourse over four levels of deconstruction. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Analyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is operationalized in one quantitative and two qualitative steps. Quantitative evaluation of all plenary protocols during the periods under review is carried out using PolmineR, a tool for analyzing plenary protocols in the programming language R (www.polmine.github.io). At the first level of deconstruction of the lexical elements, temporal developments in the discourse (e.g. frequency) are traced around "Energiewende" and regular difference-relations (collocations) are examined. 30 plenary protocols and documents, which prove to be particularly relevant for the discourse, are qualitatively analyzed in the next step. In doing so, the discourse is analyzed on two further levels of deconstruction. By means of a coding method, complexity-reducing narratives, so-called story lines, are identified. Thereupon, underlying fantasmatic narratives are explicated. The discourse-theoretical analysis on these three levels of deconstruction is finally brought together in a discussion based on theory of hegemony. As a next step, the results of the discourse analysis are reflected on a fourth level of deconstruction using the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften'. The concept is operationalized on the basis of its principles (pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life) and supplemented by two additional criteria from the literature – "externalization as a principle" and "potentials for shaping the future, less characterized by domination" (cf. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015). A heuristic for analysis is generated, with the help of which the effects of the policies associated with the "Energiewende" are classified within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. The basis of this classification derives from the positioning of the study in critical feminist transformation research, which is explicated in the theory part. As defined by the retroductive research design of this study according to Glynos/Howarth (2007), the empirical applicability of the concept 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is developed in a subject-related way and expanded. For example, the analysis of debates on energy policy clearly shows neocolonial articulation patterns and national narratives, which is why 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is analytically specified here in terms of national and neocolonial power structures. Results The results of the deconstruction of the "Energiewende" discourse are presented in two parts. The first part refers to the discourse analysis of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" according to the discourse theory by Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Here, results indicate that a post-politicization process has taken place in the debates after the reactor disaster of Fukushima. This becomes apparent through a predominantly market-economic integration of "Energiewende" as well as a discursive dissociation from social-ecological problems. In the second part of the deconstruction, the focus is on the elaboration of hierarchical externalization structures using a critical-emancipatory research perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirschaften'. Thus, material effects of political practices in connection with "Energiewende" and the associated power relations are decoded. The feminist perspective of the study provides an innovative insight into the debates, which has been marginalized in previous research. On the one hand, the (gender-hierarchical) structure of these debates manifests itself in what is being discussed – mainly economic and technological questions, which are assigned to the public sphere – while social issues remain assigned to the private sphere and hardly occur. On the other hand, counter-hegemonic demands are delegitimized and forced out of the political sphere by depreciating the socially feminine (e.g. as "hysterical" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)). Conclusion The analysis of the discourse on "Energiewende" shows a significant turning point with "Fukushima". Before "Fukushima" "Energiewende" is rarely articulated in the Bundestag – even under the red-green government – and thus cannot be classified as a transformation project of federal legislation. After "Fukushima", energy policy practices are identified, which – on the basis of the research perspective "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften" – can be classified between reform and persistence, regarding their effects; in some cases they even show reactionary elements. Thus, especially after "Fukushima", a reduction of "Energiewende" to procedural, technocratic and management-oriented political practices can be illustrated, which are based on a naturalization of market-economic structures and do not address societal relations to nature. Moreover, it is shown that energy policy demands, that were marginalized before "Fukushima" are appropriated by a hegemonic discourse formation afterwards. The study identifies the narrative that is established in this context as 'technocratic-management-oriented ecoconsensus'. The central results of the study point out that with the "Energiewende" a large, potentially transformation-oriented project, which was originally promoted by social-ecologically oriented civil societal movements, is mobilized for procedural oriented political processes in the Bundestag and at the same time emptied of social-ecological and political meaning. Reflection and outlook The discourse on "Energiewende" was deconstructed extensively with the help of the combination of discourse theory with a perspective of "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften". The extension of the discourse theory by integrating a normative concept focusing on political economic structures contributes to operationalizing the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) and thus opens discourse theory empirically for social-ecological transformation research. In particular, the computer assisted data analysis tool has proven to be effective in pre-structuring the material for the following qualitative analytical steps and has helped to adapt the research design to the retroductive research approach. The underlying theory of this study implies that understanding and recognizing externalization structures and naturalizations is necessary for an emancipatory policy and practice. However, critique does not fulfill an end in itself, but can open up emancipatory, non-externalizing perspectives. In this sense, at the end of the study, some strategies for a re-politicization of "Energiewende" are outlined.

Author's introductionAlthough criminologists have long dominated the field of school violence research, there has been a growing body of research by cultural sociologists in this area as well. In many ways, a cultural approach to understanding school violence has taken school violence beyond the realm of just criminal and physical acts of violence. These scholars have begun to examine verbal, emotional, sexual, and racial expressions violence, as well as violence that is perpetuated by institutions, what Bourdieu has called symbolic violence. Courses that take this perspective explore how cultural concepts, or what Swidler calls a 'cultural toolkit', can be used as a lens for analyzing the experiences and practices of school violence. This can include, for example, an examination of how the dominant American ideology of meritocracy and competition can foster fights between middle school students, or how a feminine identity might push girls to be relationally aggressive towards each other rather than physically aggressive. In this regard, cultural sociology broadens our understanding of what constitutes school violence to uncover a wide spectrum of behaviors, attitudes and beliefs that may indeed lead to more overt expressions of violence. In doing so, a cultural approach can also help educators rethink discipline policies that have been created to resolve this social problem.Author recommendsSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review51: 273–86.Swidler's concept of a cultural toolkit provides a strong foundation for any cultural sociology course. Swidler defines a cultural toolkit as the symbols, stories, rituals, beliefs, ideologies and practices of daily life through which people use to shape their behavior. This paper presents a broad understanding of culture, which Swidler argues is not a unified system, but rather a set of complex and changing concepts from which we select different pieces from in order to construct different strategies of actions. When considering cultural approaches to school violence, it is useful to consider this broad definition of culture.Henry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.'Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science567: 16–30.Henry provides a definition of school violence that transcends physical violence and interpersonal violence between students to include psychological, emotional, ethical and moral violence that occurs not only between students, but also includes harm committed by teachers and organizations against students. This latter form of harm can include tracking, school security, sexual harassment, or essentially anything that hinders the creativity, learning and academic success of a student. Henry argues that school violence must include symbolic violence, which he defines as the use of authority, power, and coercion to dominate an individual or group of people.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Ferguson builds on Bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence and Foucault's theory of disciplinary power to examine an intervention program for 'at‐risk' students, which was comprised of mainly 5th and 6th grade African‐American males. Her ethnography provides a great example of the benefit of using a cultural approach to studying violence, discipline and punishment in schools. For example, Ferguson argues that fighting among boys should be seen as a symbolic expression of masculinity and a space for boys to do emotional work, as well as a site for the production of power and a form of resistance to authority. Her work also explores how teachers and administrators can enact a form of symbolic violence onto students. She observed how the cultural behaviors of African‐American boys, for example, their use of Black English, was often translated by the teachers as 'problem behavior' and resulted in their label of 'Troublemaker'. Such labels often condemned the boys to the bottom rung of the social order and negatively impacted their academic success.Spina, Stephanie Urso, ed. 2000. Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.This edited collection examines school violence as a complicated and multi‐faceted phenomenon, exploring how political, economic, ideological and discursive practices contribute to school violence. This interdisciplinary book includes chapters from Donna Gaines, Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren, Stanley Aronowitz, and Paulo Freire and Donald Macedo. The authors expand the definition of violence by arguing that youth violence, adult violence and societal violence are all intricately connected, and therefore prevention of school violence would requires educators to move beyond reform that only takes place in the school system. Instead, violence prevention needs to implore a broader strategy for change that includes schools, families, communities, and beyond.Brown, Lyn Mikel 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. New York, NY: New York University Press.Mikel Brown conducted qualitative interviews with more than 400 girls from first grade through high school who were from different economic, racial and geographic backgrounds. She begins the book by analyzing the cultural messages that girls receive in the media; messages and images that she argues provide girls with a context for fighting among their peers. She draws on Paulo Freire's notion of horizontal violence to look at how girls' meanness to other girls is a result of their struggle to make sense of gender‐saturated images of beauty and heterosexuality that often reinforce their subordinate status in the world. Girlfighting then becomes an avenue to power for young girls in a culture that is rife with sexism. Unlike many other recent books on relational aggression among girls, Mikel Brown interrogates the complicated intersections of race, ethnicity, and class as it relates to girlfighting.Casella, Ronnie 2001. 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.Casella's ethnography of Brandon High School, a small city school in a diverse neighborhood in upstate New York, takes a cultural‐ecological approach to school violence, capturing systemic, interpersonal and hidden forms of violence. He provides a thoughtful critique of intervention strategies that have been created to deal with school violence, such as peer mediation programs, the use of police officers in the hallways, and D.A.R.E. programs, because these programs only address individual acts of violence and do not account for the realities of urban environments, prejudice, economic injustice and poverty that underlie and contribute to school violence.Merten, Don E. 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly25(1): 29–43.Don Merten has published several articles that provide a useful framework for examining aggressive behavior from a cultural standpoint. The data from this article come from a larger ethnographic project of predominantly middle class students in a suburban area who recently transitioned from elementary to junior high school. Merten argues that middle class culture promotes and celebrates individualism, success and hierarchy, which in turn creates a culture that promotes aggressive behavior among students, because students learn that meanness can be an easy avenue for gaining power and status in the hierarchy of cliques in schools.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives48(1): 25–48.Morris draws on Bourdieu's classic reproduction theory to look at the relationship between cultural capital and bodily discipline as it relates specifically to clothing styles and manners. This article is based on an ethnographic study of an urban middle school in Texas that recently enlisted a 'Standard Mode of Dress' uniform policy. The regulation of dress became a constant source of conflict between the students and staff at the school, but had the most punitive effect on poor and racially ethnic minority students, whose cultural styles tended to be negatively stereotyped by the teachers. These students were more likely to punished for violating the policy, even though all social class and racial groups, to some degree, violated the policy. This harsher punishment engendered resistance and alienation among the minority students, which Morris argues had the potential of pushing these students away from school, further reproducing the very inequalities that the school was trying to change.Online materials http://nces.ed.gov/programs/crimeindicators/crimeindicators2008/ The National Center for Education Statistics puts out an annual report on indicators of School Crime and Safety. The indicators in this report are based on information drawn from a variety of data sources, including national surveys of students, teachers, and principals. The report covers not just overt forms of school violence, such as bringing a weapon to school, fighting, and teacher injuries, but also covers bullying, victimization, student perceptions of school safety, and availability and use of drugs and alcohol. http://www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/yrbs/index.htm The Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance System is a school‐based survey conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The survey is conducted every 2 years and provides a representative sample of 9th through 12th graders in public and private schools in the United States. The YRBSS asks a wide variety of questions, but most relevant to school violence include self‐reported responses about behaviors that might lead to unintentional injuries and violence, such as carrying a weapon to school, being threatened by a weapon or being in a fight on school grounds. These data serve a useful comparison between student self‐reporting of violent behavior and school reporting of incidents of school violence. http://www.sshs.samhsa.gov/default.aspx The Safe Schools/Healthy Students website is a federal initiative by the U.S. Departments of Education, Justice, and Health and Human Services. It provides many useful resources, including links federal reports on school safety, a list of related websites, and video podcast discussions of school violence that can be used in the classroom. http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2001/uslgbt/toc.htm 'Hatred in the Hallways: Violence and Discrimination against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Students in U.S. Schools' is a report conducted by the Human Rights Watch. Data consists of interviews with 140 students, ages 12–21, and 130 parents, teachers, administrators and counselors across seven states, in every region of the U.S. The findings discuss a broad spectrum of violent behavior, including verbal harassment, homophobia, and physical violence. It can be useful for classroom discussion because each finding section of the report includes a 'case study' of one of the participants with direct quotes from their interview. http://www.aauw.org/research/hostile.cfm 'Hostile Hallways: Bullying, Teasing and Sexual Harassment in School' is a national report conducted by American Association of University Women on 8th to 11th grade students. The study found that 8 in 10 students experienced some form of harassment during their time in school. Both the executive summary and entire report are available to download on the website.Sample syllabusCourse outline and selected reading assignmentsSection 1: Introduction to cultural sociologyDefining CultureSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review 51: 273–86.Jepperson, Ronald and Ann Swidler 1994. 'What Properties of Culture Should We Measure?'Poetics 22: 359–71.Cultural Capital and Symbolic ViolenceBourdieu, Pierre and Jean‐Claude Passeron 1977. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage.Lareau, Annette, and Elliott B. Weininger 2003. 'Cultural Capital in Educational Research: A Critical Assessment.'Theory and Society 32: 567–606.Reproduction TheoryMacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 2, 'Social Reproduction in Theoretical Perspective.' Pp. 11–24 and Chapter 8, 'Reproduction Theory Reconsidered,' pp. 135–54.Cultural PedagogyGiroux, Henry 2000. 'Representations of Violence, Popular Culture and Demonization of Youth.' Pp. 93–105 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. Edited by Stephanie Urso Spina. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 2: Broadening the definition of school violenceHenry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.' Annals of the American Academy of Political and social Science 567: 16–30.Watkinson, Ailsa 1997. 'Administrative Complicity and Systemic Violence in Education.' Pp. 3–24 in Systemic Violence in Education: Promise Broken. Edited by Juanita Ross Epp and Ailsa M. Watkinson. Albany, NY: State University of NY Press.Urso Spina, Stephanie 2000. 'Violence in Schools: Expanding the Dialogue.' Pp. 1–40 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and LittlefieldCasella, Ronnie 2001. 'What is Violent about School Violence? The Nature of Violence in a City School.' Pp. 15–46 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Edited by Joan Burstyn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Elliott, Delbert S., Beatrix Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams 1998. 'Violence in American Schools: An Overview.' Pp. 3–30 in Violence in American Schools. Edited by Delbert S. Elliott, Beatrix A. Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part I, Chapters 1–3, pp. 3–76.Section 3: Ideology and aggressionMerten, Don 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly, v. 25 (1): 29–43.Willis, Paul 1977. Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. Farnborough, England: Saxon House.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part II, Chapters 4–7, pp. 77–178.MacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 6, 'School: Preparing for Competition,' pp. 83–111.Devine, John 1997. Maximum Security: The Culture of Violence in Inner‐City Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Read Chapter 1, 'Schools or 'Schools'? Competing Discourses on Violence,' pp. 19–46.Section 4: Cultural scripts – masculinityKimmel, Michael S. and Matthew Mahler 2003. 'Adolescent Masculinity, Homophobia, and Violence.'The American Behavioral Scientist 46(10): 1439–58.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 4, 'Naughty by Nature,' pp. 77–99 and Chapter 6, 'Getting into Trouble,' pp. 163–96.Bender, Geoff 2001. 'Resisting Dominance? The Study of a Marginalized Masculinity and its Construction within High School Walls.' Pp. 61–78 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Klein, Jessi and Lynn S. Chancer 2000. 'Masculinity Matters: The Omission of Gender from High‐Profile School Violence Cases.' Pp. 129–62 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 5: Cultural scripts – femininityEder, Donna 1985. 'The Cycle of Popularity: Interpersonal Relations among Female Adolescents.'Sociology of Education 58(3): 154–65.Merten, Don 1997. 'The Meaning of Meanness: Popularity, Competition, and Conflict Among Junior High School Girls.'Sociology of Education 70(3): 175–91.Merten, Don 2005. 'Transitions and 'Trouble': Rites of Passage for Suburban Girls.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 36(2): 132–48.Artz, Sibylle 2004. 'Violence in the Schoolyard: School Girls' Use of Violence.' Pp. 167–90 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities, edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Morris, Edward W. 2007. ''Ladies' or 'Loudies'? Perceptions and Experiences of Black Girls in Classrooms.'Youth & Society 38: 490–515.Mikel Brown, Lyn 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. NY: New York University Press.Section 6: Culture resources and school violence – languageLanguage and Symbolic ViolenceFerguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 7, 'Unreasonable Circumstances,' pp. 197–226.Youth Talk about ViolenceDiket, Read M. and Linda G. Mucha 2002. 'Talking about Violent Images.'Art Education March: 11–7.Morrill, Calvin, Christine Yalds, Madelaine Adelman, Michael Musheno, and Cindy Bejarano 2000. 'Telling Tales in School: Youth Culture and Conflict Narratives.'Law & Society Review 34(3): 521–65.Burman, Michele 2004. 'Turbulent Talk: Girls Making Sense of Violence.' Pp. 81–103 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities. Edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Obidah, Jennifer 2000. 'On Living (and Dying) with Violence: Entering Young Voices in the Discourse.' Pp. 49–66 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 7: Culture resources and school violence – clothingClothing and School Safety DebatesHolloman, Lillian and Velma LaPoint, Sylvan I. Alleyne, Ruth J. Palmer, and Kathy Sanders‐Phillips 1996. 'Dress‐Related Behavioral Problems and Violence in Public School Settings: Prevention, Intervention, and Policy—A Holistic Approach.'The Journal of Negro Education 65(3): 267–281.Stanley, M. Sue 1996. 'School Uniforms and Safety.'Education and Urban Society 28(4): 424–35.Gereluk, Dianne 2008. 'Limiting Free Speech in the United States.' Pp. 41–64 in Symbolic Clothing in Schools: What Should Be Worn and Why. New York, NY: Continuum.Brunsma, David L., ed. 2006. Uniforms in Public Schools: A Decade of Research and Debate. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education.Clothing, School Policies and Symbolic ViolenceHorvat, Erin McNamara 1999. '"Hey, Those Shoes are Out of Uniform": African American Girls in an Elite High School and the Importance of Habitus.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 30(3): 317–42.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives 48(1): 25–48.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 3, 'School Rules,' pp. 49–73.FilmsTough guise: violence, media, and the crisis in masculinity (2002)This Media Education Foundation film explores the relationship between popular culture and the construction of violent masculinity. Of particular relevance to this class, the film examines how the construction of masculinity relates to school shootings. The film is directed by Sut Jhally and narrated by Jackson Katz. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.Wrestling with manhood: boys, bullying and battering (2004)This Media Education Foundation film, written and directed by Sut Jhally, examines the relationship between professional wrestling and the construction of masculinity. The film looks at how wrestling contributes to homophobia, violence against women and bullying in school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.School violence: answers from the inside (2000)This film originally aired on PBS''In the Mix,' a television series created by and for teens. The film examines stereotyping and conflict in schools through the eyes and voices of teenagers attending a diverse suburban high school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Resources – Language.The killer at Thurston high (2000)This PBS Frontline film focuses on Kip Kinkel, who in 1998, at the age of 15, shot his mother and father, and then opened fire at his school in Springfield, Oregon, killing two and injuring 25. He is currently serving 111 years in prison. The film provides an understanding of the tragedy through multiple viewpoints, including interviews with Kip's sister, teachers and psychiatrists. This film could be used in the section Broadening the Definition of School Violence.Mean girls (2004)Written by Tina Fey and based on Rosalind Wiseman's book, Queen Bees and Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boyfriends, and Other Realities of Adolescence, this fictional account of 'mean girls' is a film that most college students will be familiar with. Clips from the film can be used in the section Cultural Scripts—Femininity to begin a discussion about relational aggression between girls in schools. It can also be used to examine the role that racism and classism play in our public perception of violent behavior, particularly since 'mean girls' in this film tend to be constructed as white and upper class, whereas in contrast, 'violent girls' in film have historically been constructed as poor, young women of color.Project ideas1. Social Policy and Intervention. This assignment is intended to get students critically thinking about how educators approach school violence. Have students pick either a national intervention program, such as D.A.R.E., or a local school policy created to deal with school violence. Begin by analyzing how school violence is defined and what type of intervention/prevention is being proposed. Require students to use a cultural approach to understand and critique the policy. In writing the paper, students should consider the following questions. How would a cultural sociologist define violence? What types of violence are missing from this policy? How would this policy be different if it took into account a cultural approach? The book, 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools (2001) by Ronnie Casella provides a good background resource for completing this assignment.2. Observation Project: Clothing and School Safety. Students will begin by gaining permission to observe at a local middle school or high school. Begin by analyzing the school policy towards clothing. Some schools might have an official uniform policy, whereas others might have policies regarding certain types of clothing (i.e. gang clothing, clothing with profanity, etc.) Next, spend several days observing students in non‐classroom settings, like the hallways, cafeteria, bus or playground. Take detailed fieldnotes. Pay particular attention to the clothing that students wear, any discussion made about clothing by either students or teachers, the relationship between clothing and identity, how clothes are used as a site of resistance, and how clothes might cause conflict between students, or between students and teachers. (You may also want to informally interview students about their perception of the school's policy on clothing, how they negotiate rules about clothing, and how they see clothing policies as contributing to conflict and violence, as well as school safety.) As a class, develop a coding scheme for the fieldnotes. Each student will then individually write an analysis paper on the relationship between clothing, conflict, discipline policies, and school violence.3. Mean Girls: Examining Relational Aggression in Schools. There has been much public attention in recent years to 'mean girls.' As a class, view the film Mean Girls during the course section, Cultural Scripts – Femininity. As a class, develop an interview guide with about six open‐ended questions (i.e. What were your experiences with 'mean girls' in high school? How did you or a close friend deal with being the victim of relational aggression? To what extent did you ever participate in being a 'mean girl'? How did teachers at your school respond to relational aggression between girls?) Next, have students interview six female students using the class interview guide. Students can work individually or in groups to write a paper that compares and contrasts the social construction of mean girls in the film with the actual perceptions of mean girls from their research participants. The analysis should be grounded in the social science research that students are reading on relational aggression.

This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault's discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas's theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu's field theory, Jacques Derrida's hauntology and Ernesto Laclau's concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff's interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice. ; Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas "hauntology" och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp "empty signifier". Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt. ; Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев'яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв'ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П'єра Бурдьє, "hauntology" Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об'єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.