Suchergebnisse

AbstractIt is unusual to find a negotiation not linked to at least one other negotiation. In some domains, such as international trade policy, we can identify negotiation networks with parties simultaneously involved in negotiations in global, multilateral, regional, and bilateral trade policy settings. A single party (i.e., a national government) will manage similar issues in all four settings and also manage these same issues with multiple parties in a single setting. International trade policy is one of many "linkage-rich" environments.This study examines the relationship between two discrete but linked treaty negotiations: the Singapore-Australia Free Trade Agreement of 2003 (SAFTA) and the United States-Singapore Free Trade Agreement of 2003 (USSFTA). Case analysis identifies five structural factors that enhance the potential and fundamentally shape the nature of negotiation linkage dynamics. If linkage occurs then role theory can be employed to define two functional role types, a link-pin party (Singapore in this study) and linked parties (Australia and the United States). Such theory and case analysis support the development of propositions and help establish guidance for managing negotiation behavior. Key structural characteristics that appear to create linkage dynamics in this study are used to build a four-part structural framework that maps the universe of negotiation-linkage phenomena and determines the fundamental nature of four discrete linkage conditions. This framework also provides descriptive and prescriptive guidance for managing strategy and power in linked negotiations.

Trade policy has played a larger role in the internal and international relations of Canada than of the United States, certainly in the last half century. There are many reasons for this: The Canadian economy is more open than that of the United States (e.g., merchandise exports as a percentage of gross national product were 30% in Canada and 7% in the United States in 1982); the United States is far more dominant in Canada's trade than any single country or group of countries such as the European Economic Community is in U.S. trade (in recent years about 70% of Canada's exports have been sent to the United States and more than 70% of its imports came from the United States; for the United States, about 15% of its exports in recent years went to Canada, its major trading partner, and between 15% and 20% of its imports have come from Canada); and with this double dependence on trade and on a single market, a selfinterested foreign policy must concentrate on trade policy (Grey, 1981: 3-4).

Este artículo compara tres casos diferentes en los que la política de migración se intersecta con la política de comercio: EE UU y México, la Unión Europea y España, y Cuba y Venezuela. Se esgrime que, mientras EE UU y México construyen un acuerdo de libre comercio diseñado para promover el flujo de capital y bienes, el acuerdo no tuvo en cuenta el desplazamiento producido y la inevitabilidad de la migración; por otro lado, la política de migración se tornó cada vez más restrictiva en ese mismo lapso de tiempo. Por el contrario, la UE se embarcó en una política de integración que demandaba que fondos para el "ajuste estructural" fueran estratégicamente desplegados en España, con el resultado de emigración española reducida. Y finalmente, examinamos brevemente el tratado de comercio inaugural del ALBA entre Cuba y Venezuela, como régimen comercial basado en la solidaridad con un tratamiento marcadamente diferente hacia la mano de obra migratoria. ; This article compares three different cases where migration policy intersects with trade policy: the US and Mexico, the European Union and Spain, and Cuba and Venezuela. It is argued that while the US and Mexico constructed a free trade agreement designed to promote the flow of capital and commodities, the agreement failed to account for the displacement produced and the inevitability of migration; on the other hand, migration policy became increasingly restrictionist in the same time period. In contrast, the EU embarked on a policy of integration that called for "structural adjustment" funds to be strategically deployed in Spain, with the outcome of reduced Spanish emigration. And lastly, we briefly examine ALBA's inaugural trade agreement between Cuba and Venezuela as a solidarity-based trade regime with a markedly different treatment of migrant labor. ; 81-96 ; msafri@drew.edu ; semestral

On the 1st of January 2021, African countries started the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). It is a largely symbolic step toward the long-term goal of economic integration on the African continent. The integration process includes an extensive agenda that requires time and will affect the development in African countries in multiple ways. While studies typically report potential trade and welfare gains, the overall impact of the agreement depends on various factors. In this ÖFSE Briefing Paper, we (i) present the state of play in the AfCFTA negotiations and implementation, (ii) discuss the challenges for the AfCFTA based on the characteristics of African trade, and (iii) offer a critical assessment of economic impact studies. A positive contribution of the AfCFTA to the Agenda 2063 of the African Union requires appropriate policies to overcome the limitations and challenges of the integration process, in particular through coordinated industrial policies. These efforts should be supported by the European Union, including through adjustments to its current trade regime with African partners.

Nachdem der größte Teil der Übergangsperiode, die in GATT für die Einführung der Ergebnisse der Tokio-Runde vereinbart worden war, verstrichen ist, hat sich in Kanada die Diskussion um weitere Handelsliberalisierung durch wirtschaftliche Integration mit den USA intensiviert. Den wichtigsten Beitrag dazu hat der außenpolitische Ausschuß des kanadischen Senats geliefert. In dem Beitrag wird eine industrielle Freihandelszone anvisiert, er ist am meisten durchdacht und wird deshalb einer eingehenden Analyse unterzogen. (AuD-Lut)

Preface -- Part I the pathways toward mega regionalism and the two major players -- 1. Pathways to free trade area in asia pacific: problems and prospects / Peter C.Y. Chow -- 2. The Trans-Pacific Partnership and America's strategic role in Asia / Claude Barfield -- 3. Wrestling over the Trans-Pacific Partnership: US strategic interests, China's responses, and Taiwan's membership options / Tun-Jen Cheng and Wei-Chin Lee -- Part II enlarging the TPP membership as a road map toward mega trade bloc -- 4. Taiwan's TPP accession: impact on the TPP12 and spillovers on third parties / Dan Ciuriak and Jingliang Xiao -- 5. Trade complementarity and natural trading partners between the US and second round of TPP members / Peter C.Y. Chow -- 6. The impact of Taiwan's TPP accession on the United States / Dan Ciuriak and Jingliang Xiao -- 7. TPP as a pathway to APEC-based FTAAP / Peter C.Y. Chow and Bo-Xian Hsu -- Part III sectorial liberalization of trade under TPP -- 8. Agriculture and TPP with or without China - a partial equilibrium analysis / Francis Tuan and Agapi Somwaru -- 9. Pharmaceuticals and traditional medicine in the Asia Pacific amidst TRIPS and TPP / Lee-In Chen Chiu -- 10. Services and income redistribution in specific factor models of the Trans-Pacific Partnership / Henry Thompson -- 11. The case for flexible intellectual property protections in TPP: how can the US do it correctly / Ching-Yi Liu.