Suchergebnisse

Insists both on the unavoidable interrelation of the disciplines of International Law & International Relations & the problematic nature of combining a critical standpoint with the necessity of decompartmentalizing these fields of study heretofore regarded as separate. The idea of a 'constituent relationship' between the two is presented is presented as the basis of a future reconceptualization for researchers. This new approach would be both critical & holistic. In addition, suggests theories of problem resolution may indicate modes of emancipating these disciplines from familiar restraints, although states an awareness that problem solving techniques themselves are misleadingly presented as simple tools when they involve unexamined assumptions of their own. Due to current statistical methods, the tendency is to do a cost-benefit analysis of the growing institutionalization of international law, focusing on what this or that agent can gain in the way of information or conflict resolution. Some limit this analysis to states; others factor in special interest groups. But the big, unanswered question in research is the two disciplines' interrelation in the problematics of international dynamics. In this regard, a major problem is the predetermined, often binary, rational categories because they make it difficult to deal with the specificity of contemporary problems. Examples given include such oppositions as legal/illegal, stable/anarchic, economic/political, public/private, all categories that do not allow for all possible variables. Two important heuristic dimensions in the future: recognizing that structures & dynamics of international power do not exist apart from the judicial relationships that crystallize & institutionalize them. Law in general & international law in particular cannot be reduced to the 'will' of nations or the idea of 'national interests.' Neither can economics be factored out. Terminology is also an issue because new categories of analysis are needed. References. R. Ruffin

Over the past decade, a small group of economists has challenged traditional wisdom about international trade. Rethinking International Trade provides a coherent account of this research program and traces the key steps in an exciting new trade theory that offers, among other possibilities, new arguments against free trade. Over the past decade a small group of economists has challenged traditional wisdom about international trade. Rethinking International Trade provides a coherent account of this research program and traces the key steps in an exciting new trade theory that offers, among other possibilities, new arguments against free trade. Krugman's introduction is a valuable guide to research that has delved anew into the causes of international trade and reopened basic questions about the international pattern of specialization, the effects of protectionism, and what constitutes an optimal trade policy. In the four sections that follow, he takes a revisionary look at the causes of international trade, and discusses growth and the role of history, technological change and trade, and strategic trade policy.

Ob Welthandelsorganisation, Weltbank, die Vereinten Nationen oder die Europäische Union: Internationale Organisationen haben nicht nur Auswirkungen auf Staaten, sondern zunehmend auch auf die Gesellschaft. Dieses Buch zeigt, wie sich internationale Organisationen als Teil der Weltgesellschaft erforschen lassen, indem zwischen Weltsemantik, Innenwelt, Umweltbeziehung und Weltordnungsgenese unterschieden wird. Dazu geht es insbesondere auf die Dreiecksbeziehungen zwischen politischen Mitgliedern, Verwaltungsstäben und gesellschaftlicher Umwelt ein.

THIS ASSESSMENT OF MITTERAND'S FIRST TERM CONCENTRATES ON THE FIVE YEARS OF THE SOCIALIST MAJORITY AND ON THE GOVERNMENT'S INTERNATIONAL POLICIES. FOCUS IS ALSO ON THE INTERNAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS WHICH SET THE CONTEXT FOR ALL POLICY CHOICES. OVERALL, ONE OF MITTERAND'S MOST LASTING ACHIEVEMENTS IS HIS DEMONSTRATION THROUGH FIVE YEARS OF THE SOCIALIST LEGISLATIVE MAJORITY THAT THE LEFT CAN EXERCISE POLITICAL POWER IN A RESPONSIBLE MANNER.

Introduction --The criterion of an armed attack in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice --The criteria of necessity and proportionality --The trouble with armed attack and the merged conceptions of self-defence --A proposal for redefining armed attack --The ICJ : roles and restrictions --Conclusion.

Gender issues in human rights, international relations theory, political leadership, nationalism, and other areas; 8 articles.

"The third volume in the series examines international criminal procedure as set out in the regulatory provisions and jurisprudence of the international criminal tribunals. It reviews in detail the key areas of international criminal procedure, including the relationship between the international tribunals and national jurisdictions, investigations, pre-trial and trial proceedings, the rules of evidence, representation of accused, the role and status of victims, judgments, and the appeals process. Moreover, the volume also considers the legal foundations and sources of this area of the law, the rule-making and amending powers of the international tribunals, and the structure of the administrative decision-making processes that impact upon crucial areas of the substantive law. In providing a thorough and critical overview of the mechanics of investigating and trying international crimes, International Criminal Procedure will complement the first two volumes in the series, and thus complete a comprehensive work on international criminal law"--

Examines the extent to which arms control measures have been enforced worldwide in recent years; status of international conventions, proliferation of small arms and light weapons, and nuclear testing by India and Pakistan as the latest stage in their dispute over Kashmir; 5 articles. Summaries in English. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1996, which the US Senate has so far refused to ratify; the 1990 Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, of which a revised form was signed by 30 states at the summit meeting of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in Istambul, Turkey, Dec. 1999; the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) to which a compliance protocol is being negotiated.