Suchergebnisse

The dozen or more GPs who will serve on the new medical parole review board can brace themselves for some seriously hard work, courtesy of a widened definition of qualifying parole conditions, but well-connected convicts hoping for compliant 'tame' medics are in for a shock. Gone is the disproportionate weight given to the initial recommendations of a single medical officer attached to any particular prison, as is the power of any one of the individual 52 general parole boards to release or transfer an inmate on medical grounds. Instead, from 1 March this year, all applications for medical parole (now allowed on grounds of incapacitating disease and not just terminal illness) must go through the new single central medical parole review board. Set up in terms of the Correctional Matters Amendment Bill, the new body is independent of government and may call in as many expert opinions as it pleases. While the 52 general parole boards could in the past call in expert medical opinion, the system was open to abuse and selective bias, as was the influence of each prison district's medical officer. Multiple prisons' inspections by government and South African Medical Association (SAMA) officials over the past few years have also shown that very few prisons have sufficient or appropriate medical facilities for serious conditions. The probes uncovered a chorus of 'cry foul' complaints by prisoners who said politically connected individuals were receiving preferential treatment while large numbers of medical parole applications by seriously ill inmates were being overlooked.

This operative note seeks to highlight a recent judicial decision and the rights at stake in the case we have discussed. This is nothing less than the right of access to higher education, on the one hand, and university autonomy, on the other, both of which are enshrined in our national constitution. In what follows, we will try to take a brief look at the case in question, the judgment of the court of first instance, the prosecutor's appeal, our comments on the point and a preliminary opinion in which we state that the court decision in question is contrary to express provisions of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Faculty of Legal and Social Sciences ; La presente nota a fallo pretende poner de resalto un reciente pronunciamiento judicial y los derechos que están en juego en el caso que comentamos. Se trata, ni más ni menos, que del derecho de acceso a la educación superior, de un lado, y la autonomía universitaria, por el otro, ambos consagrados en nuestra Constitución Nacional. Trataremos, en lo que sigue, de realizar un breve recorrido sobre el caso en cuestión, la sentencia del juez de primera instancia, el recurso del fiscal, nuestras consideraciones sobre el punto y unas conclusiones provisorias en las que afirmamos que la decisión judicial en análisis es contraria a disposiciones expresas del Pacto Internacional de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

Are the identity and interests of the English nation still sufficiently protected by the British state? (the English question). And can the British state still secure sufficient loyalty from all its citizens? (the Britishness question). The omission of England from the programme of devolution implemented by Labour governments since 1999 has not led to a strong demand in England for its inclusion. One reason for this is that most English identities do not need an English parliament for their further articulation. There is an ease of fit between English identity and Britishness as recently reformulated by Gordon Brown and his colleagues. This does not, however, dispose of the English question. England still needs a stronger political voice to protect its interests. The Barnett formula divides annual increases in public spending for a wide range of services between the four parts of the United Kingdom in a way that is unfavourable to England. The British government is unwilling to reform or replace it and, polls suggest, this is widely resented in England. The West Lothian question refers to the anomaly whereby Scottish MPs continue to vote at Westminster on matters pertaining only to England when English MPs cannot vote on equivalent matters pertaining only to Scotland because responsibility for them has been devolved to the Scottish parliament. This, polls suggest, is also widely resented in England, but the British government is disinclined to do anything about it. The only work in hand addressing the Barnett formula and backed by the major British parties (but not the Scottish National Party) is that of the (Calman) Commission on Scottish Devolution set up by the Scottish parliament. Its first report does not anticipate radical change. The only proposal by one of the major parties to answer the West Lothian question is that of the Conservatives' Democracy Task Force for a version of English Votes on English Laws (EVoEL) that meets many of the objections to earlier versions of EVoEL. Adapted from the source document.

JESSE JACKSON IS A MEDIA POLITICIAN, AIMING AT THE MAINSTREAM, MOVING VERY FAST. NO DOUBT HE HAS OPINIONS OF HIS OWN, BUT HIS CAMPAIGN POSITIONS COME FROM HIS ENTOURAGE. AND, AS WITH ALL OTHER MEDIA POLITICIANS, THE MEMBERS OF HIS ENTOURAGE ARE LUCKY IF THEY CAN FIND THE TIME TO EXPLAIN TO HIM WHAT HIS POSITIONS ARE BEFORE THEY ARE MADE PUBLIC.

The objective of the work is to investigate the relationship between social trust and social indifference of citizens. The sample of study is students of the Islamic Azad University of Kerman. In this research, the opinions of Fukuyama, Giddens and Hirschi have been used. The statistical population of research consists of all students of Islamic Azad University of Kerman in 2017 and the sample of the research has been estimated at 400. The research sampling method is a kind of probabilistic methods and has been sorted by clustering method. The results of multivariate regression analysis indicate: cultural trust variable had the most significant effect on the social indifference. This coefficient has been reported negative to be -0.274. After that, the social class has the greatest effect on the social indifference. This is a negative coefficient of -0.230. On the other hand, the relationship between public trust and political trust with social indifference has also been reported significant and negative.

This study seeks to explore the relation between the elusive scholarly concept and the media framing of the role and practice of lobbying. The longitudinal study analyses a time period of 10 years in Sweden when lobbying has taken on an increasingly influential role in the political system. The results, based on a content analysis of news articles and opinion editorials in five national newspapers and trade media, illustrate that the perception of lobbying is without nuance and a common negative frame is present and continues to be reproduced. Furthermore, a clear contradiction is evident in the relation between the scholarly debate and the mediated debate of the practice. The article discusses what this setting and inconsistency implies for current society and democracy, and the citizen trust in political representatives and institutions.

Our climate is changing. Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) has been identified as an important technology to reduce CO2 emissions in order to avoid dangerous climate change. The implementation of CCS is however slow and CCS is publicly contested. This thesis focuses on the debate on this technology. In fact CCS is not just one technology, but a set of several hundred different CCS chains, having their own advantages and drawbacks. Some consider CCS therefore as a multi tool that can be used in all kind of different applications. For opponents it resembles more a multi-headed dragon, since each time one chain is eliminated, a new configuration arises. This thesis examines how CCS is perceived by the general public, politicians and scientists and unravels the underlying considerations on which their opinions are based.

The Internet holds endless opportunities for exchange and dialogue and the promise of developing a better democratic model. Day-to-day politics are largely driven by economic lobbies in the interest of what Habermas calls their "generalised particularism," the threat to take jobs and tax revenues elsewhere. Citizens' influence over politicians is twofold: they are asked for their input in elections, referenda, online consultations and surveys, and citizens can initiate issues where they see political action needed. Yet these "participative forces," including NGOs, street rallies and charities, regularly fail to reach the ears of elected politicians as effectively as those of well-funded corporate lobbies. Also, this type of voluntary engagement often falls short of presenting the kind of reasoned challenges to the incumbents - by the electorate - that Habermas' communicative action aimed at. A more powerful model would therefore organise the efforts of the electorate in a way that both generates those reasoned arguments, which, as Habermas quite correctly pointed out differ from mere opinions, and delivers them to the elected politicians in a manner they can neither refuse nor ignore. This is what the Citizen Lobby intends to do.

Dottorato di ricerca in Società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei (XIX-XX secolo) ; Il soggetto di questa tesi, che riguarda la storia tedesca contemporanea, è il dibattito sul rapporto tra coscienza nazionale e identità europea, che si sviluppa nella Repubblica federale tedesca tra l'estate e l'autunno 1989 e la primavera 1990. In particolare, il tema è la percezione che l'opinione pubblica tedesca ebbe dell'istituzione e dei partner comunitari nel periodo compreso tra la caduta del Muro e l'adesione della Germania, ormai sulla strada della riunificazione, al progetto di rafforzamento dell'integrazione europea che condurrà al Trattato di Maastricht. Più nel dettaglio, leitmotiv della ricerca è il modo nel quale si esprimono nella dialettica 'domestica' il dualismo tra coscienza nazionale e identità europea e quello tra unificazione nazionale e integrazione europea, quando si fa più vivo il dibattito sulla ricostituzione dello stato unitario e sulla futura collocazione internazionale del paese. Il tema scelto non è certo nuovo, ma l'intento è di proporne l'analisi dal punto di vista dell'opinione pubblica tedesca, analizzando i pareri e le reazioni domestiche alle obiezioni provenienti dallo spazio europeo e in particolare da quello comunitario. Per raggiungere questo scopo, e dovendo necessariamente restringere il campo dell'indagine, si è deciso di ricorrere, come fonte principale primaria di riferimento, agli articoli dei due più importanti settimanali politici della Repubblica federale, «Der Spiegel» e «Die Zeit», anche se, per ampliare l'orizzonte di questa ricerca, l'analisi dei circa 100 articoli dei due periodici è supportata e integrata da quella dei commenti del più autorevole quotidiano tedesco la «Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung». Per quel che riguarda invece la letteratura secondaria, essa è utilizzata sia per inquadrare preventivamente l'evoluzione dei concetti di nazione e di Europa fino al 1989, sia per approfondire i temi principali del dibattito pubblico. Infatti, il primo capitolo individua i termini del problema, si propone cioè l'analisi dello sviluppo dei concetti di nazione e di Europa e il ruolo della Germania nella loro contrapposizione. Si illustrano, quindi le difficoltà di coesistenza dei due concetti e delle realtà alle quali si riferiscono e quelle di affermazione del concetto e dei progetti di Europa, anche per la presenza della apparentemente irrisolvibile ostilità franco-tedesca. Si sintetizzano quindi le condizioni, che permettono il superamento di questa ostilità tramite il primo progetto comunitario e il ruolo della collaborazione franco-tedesca nel favorirne l'affermazione e l'approfondimento fino ai grandi mutamenti dell'estate e dell'autunno 1989, che sembrano mettere in dubbio i risultati fino ad allora raggiunti. Il secondo capitolo si occupa, invece, dopo una breve presentazione delle caratteristiche principali dei due settimanali politici, di come, i tedeschi nel corso del tempo si erano abituati alla divisione, e di come la riunificazione tedesca torna a essere argomento di confronto pubblico, prima ancora che il Muro cada, suscitando un grande dibattito sul passato e sul futuro della Germania. Il terzo capitolo propone, invece, una breve analisi storica delle diverse forme lessicali usate nello spazio pubblico per definire la riconquista dell'unità da parte della Germania, una sintesi ragionata dell'eco che sui due settimanali hanno le reazioni esterne alla possibilità della riunificazione tedesca e un esame delle argomentazioni con le quali tedeschi rispondono alle obiezioni dei partner europei, con particolare attenzione a quelle dei vicini francesi. Il quarto capitolo si occupa, infine, di analizzare i più importanti interventi, sia tedeschi sia stranieri, sulle pagine sulle di «Die Zeit» e «Der Spiegel» riguardo la riunificazione, con la presentazione di quelli favorevoli e di quelle contrarie e si conclude con l'analisi delle motivazioni che inducono la Germania ad appoggiare l'approfondimento dell'integrazione economica e monetaria europea in cambio del sostegno dei partner comunitari alla riunificazione. Lo scopo di questa ricerca è dunque, nel suo complesso, di indagare le reazioni dell'opinione pubblica tedesca ai timori espressi dai partner comunitari di fronte alla riunificazione tedesca e di analizzare come i tedeschi si propongono di evitare il ritorno al passato, cogliendo la possibilità di coniugare pacificamente la nazione e l'Europa, permettendo all'identità nazionale e alla coscienza europea di integrarsi, e arricchirsi reciprocamente, aiutando a esorcizzare una volta per tutte dai pericoli del passato. ; The subject of this research on German contemporary history is the analysis of the debate about the relations between national consciousness and European perspective, which develops in West Germany between summer-autumn 1989 and spring 1990, based on articles from «Die Zeit» and «Der Spiegel». In particular, this work is focused on the perception the German public opinion had of the institution and of the EC partners from the fall of the Berlin wall to the Germany's commitment to increase the European integration, opening the way to the Maastricht Treaty. Strictly speaking, leitmotif of this research is how the dualism between national consciousness and European identity and between national reunification and European integration comes out in the 'domestic' dialectic, when the debate on the reconstitution and the future international position of a German unified state becomes livelier. The subject is not new, but new is the point of view from which it is analysed: the German public opinion, its remarks and reactions to the objections coming from Europe and particularly from the EC partners. To achieve this aim it has been decided to refer, as primary sources, to several articles on this subject from the most important German political magazines, «Die Zeit» and «Der Spiegel». However, in order to broaden out the horizont of this work, the analysis of the articles from the magazines is supported and integrated with some references to one of the most influential German newspaper, the «Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung». As for the secondary literature, it has been used both to outline the evolution of the idea of nation and Europe from the Illuminism to 1989 and to investigate the main subjects in public debate. Indeed, Chapter one is dedicated to a short analysis of the main points of this question: nation, Europe, and European integration. The chapter illustrates both the difficult coexistence of these ideas and of the realities they refer to and the difficult success of the European projects partly because of the seemingly insurmountable Franco-German hostility. Therefore, it is presented a synthesis of the conditions, which help to overcome this historical hostility trough the European Community, and the role played from the Franco-German collaboration in order to support and to strengthen it, at least until the great changes of 1989 which seems to question the obtained achievements. After a short presentation of the main features of both political magazines, chapter two is dedicated to investigate how, over the years, West Germans became inured to the division and how, still before the Berlin Wall falls, German reunification comes back as subject of a public debate, kindling a wide discussion about Germany's past and future. Chapter three proposes, instead, a short historical analysis of the terms used in the public space to define the regaining of the German national unity, a critical summary of the comments in «Die Zeit» and «Der Spiegel» to the foreign articles containing foreign reactions to a possible German reunification and an analysis of the German replies to the objections of the EC partners, with a particular attention for the French neighbour. Finally chapter four of this research deals with the most important foreign and German comments against and for the reunification, published in both magazines and ends with an analysis of the reasons leading Germany to a stronger engagement in favour of an increasing European economic integration and of a single European currency in order to get the support of the EC partner for the reunification. In broader terms, the aim of this research is to investigate the reactions of the German public opinion to the fears of the EC partners when they confronted with a possible German reunification and to analyse how Germans decide to avoid a dangerous return to past national experiences, taking instead the opportunity to join friendly nation and Europe, national consciousness and European identity.

The concept of e-government in the first decade of the 21st century in Bulgaria aims to improve the quality of administrative services and the business environment - with expectations to be achieved by the end of 2010. From the beginning of the third decade of the century, the EU's digital strategy aims to make administrative transformation effective for people and businesses across Europe by 2050. In view of the Coronavirus crisis, the digital single market strategy in the European public administration, based on the implementation of digital governance solutions in support of political and administrative processes, is becoming increasingly important. Whether the mistakes of the first decade will be repeated in the third, called the Digital Decade (Digital), whether the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI) will be improved through the introduction of the EU-wide Joinup Platform - These are the questions to which the article seeks answers through research, systematization and critical analysis of author's opinions in the field of e- government in public organizations, through research, systematization and critical analysis of author's opinions in the field of e-government in public organizations.

INTRODUCTION: Expert knowledge is critical to fight dementia in inequitable regions like Latin American and Caribbean countries (LACs). However, the opinions of aging experts on public policies' accessibility and transmission, stigma, diagnostic manuals, data‐sharing platforms, and use of behavioral insights (BIs) are not well known. METHODS: We investigated opinions among health professionals working on aging in LACs (N = 3365) with regression models including expertise‐related information (public policies, BI), individual differences (work, age, academic degree), and location. RESULTS: Experts specified low public policy knowledge (X(2) = 41.27, P < .001), high levels of stigma (X(2) = 2636.37, P < .001), almost absent BI knowledge (X(2) = 56.58, P < .001), and needs for regional diagnostic manuals (X(2) = 2893.63, df = 3, P < .001) and data‐sharing platforms (X(2) = 1267.5, df = 3, P < .001). Lack of dementia knowledge was modulated by different factors. An implemented BI‐based treatment for a proposed prevention program improved perception across experts. DISCUSSION: Our findings help to prioritize future potential actions of governmental agencies and non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) to improve LACs' dementia knowledge.

Intellectual freedom according to Article 19 of United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the right to freedom of thought and of expression of thought. Intellectual freedom guarantees everyone the right to freedom of opinion and expression. This right includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impact information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Thus intellectual freedom encompasses the freedom to hold, receive and disseminate ideas. Whereas censorship is the suppression of ideas and information that individuals, groups or government officials find objectionable or dangerous. Censors usually achieve this through state powers via public institutions such as schools, libraries, information centres among others. Through the instrumentality of the law, such public institutions are prohibited from making censored materials easily accessible to the public or to targeted audience. This paper x-rayed those international and Nigerian laws that encourage or impinge access to information for one and all in Nigeria. It also made recommendations that will enhance easy flow of information to all information seekers in Nigeria.

Argues that the transformation of American common law that began around 1850 restructured the basic reasoning process underlying the logic of the law. The common-law system inherited from the English was replaced by a unified system built around a model of American citizenship that centered on public duties rather than private rights. Data were obtained from legal cases involving railroads that were brought before the IL supreme court in 1850-1861. They included claims of both damage to property & harm to persons. Characteristics of the justices are described, noting that the same three justices wrote the opinions for all important cases that affected IL common law. Their opinions usually departed sharply from the analytical suggestions of the competing lawyers, demonstrating the justices' determination to use the language of the law to express a wider political conception of citizenship. The focus on public duties that served the national public interest raised "negligence" from being a descriptive term to one encompassing a broad category of actions. Excerpts from specific cases are included. 1 Appendix, 163 References. J. Lindroth

Investigates the views of 108 appellate court judges & their role in policy making in the legal culture of Canada, drawing on 1993/94 personal interviews & civil & criminal files. It is found that the 1982 Chart of Rights has precipitated most of the respondents' (Rs') concerns regarding their judicial independence in that it has exposed their policy-making role, making them public figures in political controversies. The consensus of the Supreme Court judges, however, was that their new policy-making role was generally accepted by the public. In their newly public role, Rs expressed a decided preference for avoiding concurring opinions in their decisions, indicating that consensus was an important part of the collegial decision-making process in the lower appellate courts. This preference was not shared by the Supreme Court, which has been criticized in recent years for offering too many concurring opinions. It is suggested that the appellate courts' role in policy making is not inherently antidemocratic, but can foster basic democratic principles (eg, upholding the rule of law & minority rights protection). 1 Photograph, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.