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National Institute of Education contract 400-76-0039. ; Distributed to depository libraries in microfiche. ; Series printed on t.p. as Papers in education finance. ; "Presented at the fifty-third Conference of the Western Economic Association, Honolulu and Kona, Hawaii, June 19-26, 1978." ; Bibliography: p. 23. ; Mode of access: Internet.

It is a global trend for nations to set forth various social policies to guide and regulate parents in their parenting practices as a form of family governance. In China, this trend is echoed by a number of 'family education' policies and guidelines. Drawing upon a critical discourse analysis of three family education documents, this article argues that the ideal Chinese parent is one with high suzhi who is responsible, rational and competent in science-based parenting knowledge and skills, conjoining closely with China's nation-building agenda to produce high suzhi citizens who could contribute to the building of a strong nation. In reference to international scholarship, these discourses are understood as a form of family governance through parental responsibilisation and professionalisation. The article also calls for more empirical research to understand the implications of these official discourses for parenting and parent-child relations in diverse socio-economic and cultural contexts around China.

Fighting Academic Repression and Neoliberal Education is a cutting-edge investigation of the alarming state of education today. This practical how-to handbook gives readers tactics and strategies to organize and challenge forces that threaten liberatory critical education. Drawn from scholars and activists from across the world, the fifteen chapters guide readers through a strategic method of understanding the academic industrial complex and corporate education in the twenty-first century. Education is being hijacked by banks and corporations that are tearing apart the foundational fabric of academic freedom, resulting in mass standardized education and debt for all students and furthering racial inequity. This is a must-read for anyone interested in democracy, education, social justice, critical pedagogy, and Black Lives Matter

The analyses presented aim to problematize the discursive nuances (both political and curricular) of the identity constructed for high school education in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. To this end, we examine the 2012 High School Curricular Reference Document (MATO GROSSO DO SUL, 2012) in its primary condition, that is, as an "official" text and, therefore, bearer of authorized language, product, process, and producer of interested power relations. Official discourses have the capacity not only to influence but also to regulate fundamental aspects of education, such as the production and distribution of legitimate pedagogical texts, the social relationships underlying the transmission and acquisition of knowledge, and the organization of educational contexts. In summary, given the complexity that the curriculum presents to the educational field, the analysis of official discourses becomes more than necessary; it becomes urgent. Contrary to what was initially hypothesized, the curricular proposal for the network was made, in the midst of a reform movement, as one of the "innovative" educational actions operationalized by the state agent. The organization of the document, which is part of the efforts to inaugurate and reformulate the curriculum, reaches different levels of power (from national to local) and is guided by principles from the economic field, especially those of a neoliberal matrix, which in the educational field assume specific contours, translated in the incorporation of Competence Theories.

Using the accountability framework developed by the World Development Report 2004: Making Services Work for Poor People, this book analyzes the low-level equilibrium and the numerous reforms attempted in recent decades in Peru, and, based on this analysis, proposes interventions that would facilitate the creation of a new social contract for Peru

Since the late 1980s, Hip-hop music has passed through many stages of development and become an established musical genre of the popular music style in Nigeria. Mainly used for entertainment and satirical purposes against the excesses of the military government at the time, the performance practice, lyrical content, and use of costumes has significantly changed over the years. As a sonic and visual art, music has the ability to influence individuals and exude different emotions in humans. It is in this connection that the paper seeks to investigate and unravel some of these influences and effects that hip hop music has had on undergraduate students in Delta State University, Abraka, and College of Education, Warri. The authors relied on interviews and questionnaires as tools, while observation and analytical methods were applied in data gathering. Findings from the research reveal. The findings of the research work is that the youth are the major consumers of hip-hop music and prevalent contents in the lyrics and video in hip-hop songs have illicit contents with sex, seductive dances and immodest dressings (nudity) being more prevalent most especially the female gender prefers wanting to be famous artist by portraying some immoral attitudes that causes harm to the society which enable the genre gain unprecedented popularity and patronage, some negative impacts are palpable especially on the lifestyle of undergraduates in Delta State. It is true that the reality of modernism has become tangible in various aspects of Nigerian culture. That notwithstanding, unacceptable moral behaviours must not be promoted in the guise of modernism. It is therefore recommended that modernism be embraced but in line with the ethos of decency in language, communication and fashion that are characteristic of Nigerian traditional societies.

Con este trabajo se pretende abordar el indigenismo entendido como un movimiento político y cultural que defiende la identidad sociopolítica y el valor de la cultura de la América india, y que propone, a su vez, una alternativa en busca del bienestar colectivo. Esa alternativa surge del discurso postcolonial, crítico al desarrollo, y de las cosmovisiones de los pueblos originarios. Se denomina El Buen Vivir y se caracteriza por buscar otras vías al desarrollo más acordes con el respeto a la Pachamama, donde el ser humano forma un todo, siendo parte inherente del entorno natural y social que le rodea. De igual manera, se intenta mostrar cómo, a partir de los movimientos indigenistas, los pueblos originarios luchan por una educación propia que les permita mantener sus saberes ancestrales, amenazados en el presente por el neocolonialismo. Este trabajo surge a partir de la inquietud generada por las propias vivencias, resultado de la participación directa e in situ con diferentes comunidades indígenas que se encuentran en Abya Yala, y también a partir del conocimiento de diferentes investigaciones sobre el tema. ; The purpose of this study is to address indigenism as a political and cultural movement which seeks to defend the socio-political identity and the cultural value of Indian Americans. This movement, which arose from post-colonial discourse that is crucial for development, and from the worldviews of indigenous communities, proposes an alternative in the search of collective welfare. This alternative is «El Buen Vivir» (The Good Living) which pursues other ways of development that are more in accordance with the respect for Pachamama (Mother Earth) and where human beings are considered an inherent part of the natural and socio environment that surrounds them. In the same way, this work aims to show how from indigenous movements, natives communities struggle for their own education that allows them to maintain their ancestral knowledge, threatened in the present by the new neo-colonialism. This work emerges from the concerns generated by the authors' own experiences and their knowledge from several research projects that involved direct participation with indigenous communities from Abya Yala.

Governments that want to subsidize goods or services can delegate responsibility for production to a public agency as part of its overall mission, subsidize production of specific outputs, or subsidize specific beneficiaries of excludable goods and services. For public postsecondary education, the corresponding funding mechanisms are operating appropriations that delegate authority to choose outputs and beneficiaries to public colleges and universities, grants and contracts, or student financial aid. Consistent with theories explaining delegation of policymaking authority, I find that the mix of funding mechanisms depends on institutions that affect planning capacity and oversight costs: States with more professional legislatures or statewide coordinating boards delegate less, that is, they spend more on grants and contracts and need-based student aid relative to appropriations. Relative use of grants and contracts decreases as the number of institutional governing boards increases, but use of need-based aid does not.