Suchergebnisse

Vážení čtenáři,S potěšením vám oznamujeme, že po několika měsících intenzivní práce je první anglické číslo Envigogiky na světě – a může být vypuštěno do světa. Envigogika se od roku 2006 postupně stává důležitou platformou pro komunikaci a šíření znalostí v oblasti environmentálního vzdělávání či vzdělání pro udržitelný rozvoj. Dosud byly publikovány "anglické verze" časopisu formou přehledů anglických abstraktů, samozřejmě s několika výjimkami plně anglických textů.Nyní, v roce 2013, jsme pokročili zásadním způsobem kupředu – začínáme publikovat plně anglická čísla časopisu vedle čísel víceméně pouze českých (a slovenských). To je možné zaprvé díky stále vzrůstajícímu počtu autorů: učitelé různých stupňů, kteří se o naše témata zajímají, se jimi také stále více zabývají v praxi. Mají potřebu reflektovat svou činnost, sdělovat si navzájem své zkušenosti; někteří dokonce plánují svůj výzkum tak, aby se pak o jeho výsledky mohli podělit s našimi čtenáři – to vše samozřejmě podporuje rozvoj této oblasti. Naši autoři tak postupně vytvářejí společnou "zásobárnu vědění", a sdělují si informace potřebné pro spolupráci a společné aktivity. Za druhé, a zde je třeba vyjádřit opravdovou vděčnost, nám pomáhají také četní anonymní recenzenti. V procesu nezávislého posuzování (peer-review) na sebe berou část odpovědnosti za publikované články, a také díky jim pak vidíme, jak celková úroveň našich textů postupně roste. Ochota vést tuto (kritickou) diskusi, a vývoj média, kde probíhá, nám pak nyní umožnily vykročit na mezinárodní scénu.Toto první anglické číslo Envigogiky je zaměřeno na environmentální vzdělávání (EV), vzdělávání pro udržitelný rozvoj (VUR), či vytváření obecného povědomí o environmetálních problémech; týká se i jejich širšího kulturního kontextu a politických podmínek ve specificky českém prostředí. S ohledem na udržitelný rozvoj společnosti se soustavně zabýváme jeho bariérami – které brání hlubším změnám ve společenských zvyklostech a pravidlech, životním stylu, nebo eticky podložených přístupech a způsobech rozhodování; soustřeďujeme se na naši oblast expertizy, kde čerstvé myšlenky, metody výuky/učení, nové postupy hodnocení atd. mohou být inspirací pro kritický pohled na systém vzdělávání jako takový. Snažíme se stát součástí mezinárodního společenství EV i VUR, přičemž současně očekáváme jeho podporu; všechny zásadnější změny či inovace jsou totiž založeny na širších diskusích (v našem případě vedených v evropském měřítku), teoretických úvahách, sdílených strategiích a společných iniciativách. A také doufáme v podíl zahraničních kolegů (z dalších zemí střední a východní Evropy jakož i odjinud) na obsahu i přípravě dalších čísel Envigogiky.Během posledních týdnů jsme také usilovali o zlepšení formy časopisu, a tím i jeho postavení mezi časopisy v mezinárodním měřítku. Součástí tohoto vývoje bylo převedení celého obsahu Envigogiky z původního systému (Joomla) do nového, tzv. Open Journal System (OJS) [1] – "otevřeného" systému pro správu a publikování časopisů. Tento systém pomáhá v každé fázi publikačního procesu: od zasílání/přijímání příspěvků, přes recenzní řízení a publikační proces v elektronickém prostředí, až po indexování.Využití OJS znamená pro Envigogiku kvalitativní krok kupředu – nyní se metadata z jednotlivých článků okamžitě načtou do EndNote, Zotera a dalších systémů správy referencí; časopis je již v tuto chvíli indexoán v Google Scholaru, a v nejbližší budoucnosti jej plánujeme zařadit do dalších důležitých databází jako např. DOAJ atd. Ve spolupráci s vydavatelstvím Karolinum Univerzity Karlovy v Praze bude Envigogika také zařazena do databáze CrossRef a každý článek získá své jedinečné číslo DOI.V následujících letech tak bude připraveno několik anglických čísel časopisu, a ty ponesou v názvu pro snadnou orientaci označení "ENGLISH ISSUE". Na základě zkušeností z tohoto období se pak rozhodneme, zda ve vydávání na jedné straně čistě anglických, na straně druhé českých/slovenských čísel pokračovat, nebo zda se v budoucnu vrátíme k číslům dvojjazyčným, například tematicky zaměřeným.Ale nyní se můžete podívat do obsahu tohoto prvního anglického čísla Envigogiky: V textu Jana Činčery si můžete přečíst o hodnocení interaktivní výstavy určené pro středoškolské studenty, která se zaměřuje na globální problémy a zodpovědnost konzumentů. Autor, který sledoval její působení na třech školách, dochází k zajímavému závěru: i když byla výstava úspěšná z hlediska zaujetí studentů a napomohla zvýšení jejich povědomí o daných problémech, někteří studenti ji hodnotili jako manipulativní, zatímco v jiných vyvolala pocit bezmoci. V článku je navržena změna strategie výuky a provádění aktivit týkajících se globálních problémů. Vzdělávací aspekty kurzu Environmentální ekonomie a politiky vyučovaného na Vysoké škole ekonomické v Praze zkoumal Petr Šauer a Martin Zahradník. Výzkum se zaměřil na postoje studentů vůči životnímu prostředí a na jejich hodnocení různých částí kurzu; snažil se odpovědět na otázku, v čem byl pro studenty kurz přínosný, jaké preferovali informační zdroje a jakou roli v jejich přístupu ke studiu sehrál zájem o stav životního prostředí. Autoři dospěli k závěru, že environmentální ekonomii považují za užitečnou jak studenti klasifikovaní jako "environmentalisté", tak i "ne-environmentalisté" (či dokonce "anti- environmentalisté"). V závěru diskutují klíčové faktory pro udržení zájmu studentů a možnosti analýzy tzv. přístupů ke studiu (learning strategies). Mezigeneračními rozdíly v osobním vztahu k přírodě se zabývá Markéta Vacínová a Tomáš Matějček . Sledují žáky a jejich rodiče z hlediska jejich vztahu k přírodě a zjišťují určité rozdíly v jejich osobním přístupu: zatímco žáci dávají přednost "moderním" aktivitám, jejich rodiče praktikují spíše více "tradiční" činnosti. Článek Anny Poláškové poskytuje pohled na environmentální gramotnost a postoje mladých technicky orientovaných českých studentů na farmaceutické fakultě, kteří se připravují na profese mimo oblast ekologie. Autorka věří, že environmentální gramotnost a povědomí univerzitních studentů v technických oborech jsou velmi důležité, protože právě na úrovni manažerů a vedoucích pracovníků vznikají politiky, které jsou více, či méně, šetrné k životnímu prostředí. Zjišťuje převážně pozitivní vztah k ochraně přírody a vzdělávání u těchto více techniky orientovaných studentů a studentek; na druhé straně úroveň environmentálních znalostí získaných během středoškolského vzdělání hodnotí jako v mnoha případech nízkou.V rubrice Informace připomínají Andrew Barton a Jan Vávra konferenci "Naše společná přítomnost (Our Common Present) - Jaké jsou současné výzvy Střední Evropy?", která se konala 24. dubna 2013 se na Filozofické fakultě Univerzity Karlovy v Praze; představují hlavní přednášející, jejich příspěvky a závěry z konference. První z autorů píše též o mezinárodní konferenci "Transdisciplinární výzkum udržitelnosti v Evropě" (23.-24. května 2013, UK), kde byl diskutován tento hraniční prostor ve vědě a byla též formulována doporučení pro Evropskou komisi utvářející budoucí vědecké příležitosti v transdisciplinární oblasti.Přejeme vám inspirativní čteníZa redakci EnvigogikyV Praze 28.8.2013Zvláštní poděkování patří všem, kteří přispěli k procesu publikování na straně vydavatele, včetně Univerzity Karlovy, která bude zajišťovat archivaci Envigogiky a vydávání čísel DOI pro texty v dalších číslech. Redakční tým chce také poděkovat těm, kteří pro tento krok poskytli finanční podporu, zvláště projektu Mezioborová síť spolupráce pro policy development v oblasti udržitelného rozvoje (MOSUR) financovanému Evropským sociálním fondem (ESF OPVK), jehož prostřednictvím jsou vydávána čísla od roku 2011, a v jehož rámci bylo též zahájeno vydávání anglické verze časopisu.[1] OJS je systém tzv. open source software vyvinutý v rámci projektu Public Knowledge Project (http://pkp.sfu.ca), který je financován kanadskou vládou, a který je poskytnut celosvětově všem časopisům – umožňuje jim publikovat formou, tzv. open access, tj. přístup k plným verzím článků není nijak omezen . V současné době jej využívá 12 000 vědeckých časopisů po celém světě. ; Dear readers,We are very pleased to announce that after several months of intense work the first fully English issue of the journal Envigogika is ready to be shared with the community of those interested in the field we strive to systematically cultivate! Envigogika has been an important communication and knowledge-sharing platform on educational topics regarding the environment and sustainability in the Czech- and Slovak-speaking professional community since 2006. English abstracts were previously included, but full texts were available predominantly in Czech and Slovak (with a few exceptions in English).Now, in 2013, the journal is taking a big leap forward by starting publication of additional issues in English alongside the Czech/Slovak issues. This is possible thanks to teachers at various educational levels in the Czech Republic involved in environmental education/ESD who are becoming more active and fostering a dialogue in this field that will support its ongoing development.The number of authors from different disciplinary backgrounds that publish their articles in Envigogika is growing, and some of them even plan their research with regard to our readership. We are happy that these authors thus contribute to a common pool of knowledge, share their experiences "from the field" and provide up-to-date information necessary for joint initiatives. We are also grateful to have numerous anonymous reviewers who are willing to undertake the difficult task of contributing to the quality of the published articles. Thus, we feel that the quality of our articles has been consistently improving since the journal's inception, which has also enabled us to step onto the international stage recently.This first English issue is primarily focused on the specific context of the Czech Republic: not only environmental education (EE) and education for sustainable development (ESD), but also awareness raising and the wider cultural context and political conditions necessary to achieve a transition towards sustainability. We are constantly challenging historically constructed and economically justified barriers to this development that also prevent deeper changes to habits, customs, lifestyles and ethical approaches; we concentrate on our field of expertise where fresh new ideas, teaching/learning methods, assessment techniques etc. could provide inspiration for and a critical view into the educational system per se. Thus, we are endeavouring to become a part of the international ESD community while also anticipating its support; any more profound innovation is based upon broader (in our case, European-wide) discussions, theoretical considerations, shared strategies, and joint initiatives. And we hope to involve colleagues from abroad (from other Central and East European countries, as well as further afield) in future English issues.During past few weeks, we have been working hard towards strengthening the position of the journal internationally and therefore, as part of further developments, we have transferred the content of Envigogika from the original Joomla system to the new Open Journal System (OJS) [1] – an open source journal management and publishing system. OJS assists with every stage of the refereed publishing process, from submissions through to online publication and indexing.For Envigogika, using OJS means a qualitative step forward – now you can immediately download metadata from articles to EndNote, Zotero and other reference management software, it is already indexed in Google Scholar and, in the near future, we plan to add it to other important databases such as DOAJ, etc. In cooperation with Charles University's publishing house Karolinum, Envigogika will also soon be included in the CrossRef database and each article will have a unique DOI.A number of English-only issues will be prepared in 2013 and 2014 and these will be marked "ENGLISH ISSUE" in the volume name for easy identification. Based on our experience from this period, we will decide whether to publish articles based on language (Czech/Slovak vs. English) or whether to produce bilingual (possibly thematic) issues in the future instead.But for now, in this first 2013 English-only issue, you can read about:1) An evaluation of an interactive exhibition for secondary education students, focusing on global problems and consumer responsibility by Jan Činčera. The author comes to an interesting conclusion: even if the exhibition was successful in terms of involving students and increasing their awareness of the problems, it was evaluated as being manipulative by some students while some of the others experienced a feeling of hopelessness. Modification of the exhibition and related activities is proposed in the article.2) Educational aspects of Environmental Economics – a course taught at the University of Economics in Prague for environmentally as well as non-environmentally oriented specialisations – are explored by Petr Šauer and Martin Zahradník. The focus of attention of their research is especially on what aspects of the course the students valued, what benefits they got from the course, how they managed the information resources and what role this played with regards to students' concern for environmental issues. The authors come to the conclusion that the students clustered as both 'environmentalists' and 'non-environmentalists' (or even 'anti-environmentalists') advocate environmental economics as a beneficial part of the curriculum.3) Intergenerational differences in personal relationships to nature are examined by Markéta Vacínová and Tomáš Matějček. They concentrate their research on pupils and their parents on selected aspects of their personal relationship to nature. They discover certain differences between these two groups of respondents in feeling a need to be in the countryside: while parents prefer more "classic" or "traditional" pursuits, the students practice mainly "modern" activities in the countryside.4) Anna Polášková's article offers an insight into the environmental literacy and attitudes of young technically-oriented Czech university students at a faculty of pharmacy in preparation for non-teaching and non-ecological professional careers. The author believes that environmental literacy and consciousness among university students in technical fields is very important, since it is usually among middle managers and executives with technical education that environmentally friendly policies and strategies more or less begin. She found that positive relationships to environmental protection and education in this faculty prevailed; however, the level of environmental knowledge gained from their secondary education seemed to be low in most cases.5) Information texts: Andrew Barton and Jan Vávra report on the proceedings of an academic conference held in Prague in April 2013 called Our Common Present which focused on the array of current challenges facing Central Europe. In addition, Andrew Barton also writes about a workshop on Transdisciplinary Research on Sustainability held in Prague in May in collaboration with the Schumacher Institute for Sustainable Systems, UK.We wish you inspirational reading,The Envigogika editorial teamIn Prague on 28.8.2013With special thanks to those who contributed to the publication process on the part of publisher, including Charles University which has been supportive in the archiving of Envigogika and providing DOI for future issues. The editorial team would, moreover, like to thank all who made this important step possible with financial support obtained via the project Interdisciplinary Sustainable Development Network (MOSUR, OP VK) for all issues published since 2011, including the current English issue.[1] OJS is open source software development by the Public Knowledge Project (http://pkp.sfu.ca) funded by Canadian Government and made freely available to journals worldwide for the purpose of making open access publishing a viable option for more journals. About 12 000 titles of scientific journals are using this system worldwide.

This guide accompanies the following article: Daniel H. Nickolai, Steve G. Hoffman, and Mary Nell Trautner. 2012. 'Can a Knowledge Sanctuary also be an Economic Engine? The Marketing of Higher Education as Institutional Boundary Work', Sociology Compass 6(3):205–18.Authors' introductionThe marketing of higher education refers to a structural trend towards the adoption of market‐oriented practices by colleges and universities. These organizational practices blur the boundary between knowledge‐driven and profit‐driven institutions, and create tensions and contradictions among the three missions of the 21st‐century university: knowledge production, student learning, and satisfying the social charter. In this article, we highlight the historical contexts that nurtured the marketing of higher education in the US and Europe and explore the dilemmas that arise when market logics and business‐oriented practices contradict traditional academic values. We demonstrate that managing these dilemmas is a contested process of policing borders as institutional actors struggle to delineate the proper role of the university in a shifting organizational climate.Authors recommendArum, Richard and Josipa Roksa. 2011. Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.A book that asks a fundamental question in higher education: "How much are students actually learning?" The results do not reflect well on the institution. Arum and Roksa conduct longitudinal tests of critical thinking and analytic reasoning skills on a cohort of students at a variety of universities and colleges. They find that a majority of respondents demonstrate little to no improvement in learning outcomes. Even students who improve show modest gains. The authors' analysis of student surveys suggests that a major culprit is a combination of low rigor in the curriculum, a lack of effort among students, and the overly modest expectations of instructors.Barnett, Ronald. 2010. 'The Marketised University: Defending the Indefensible.' Pp. 39–51 in The Marketisation of Higher Education and the Student as Consumer, edited by M. Molesworth, R. Scullion and E. Nixon. New York: Routledge.Barnett suggests that debates about the effects of marketization on higher education often reflect pre‐existing ideologies about the nature of markets in general. He presents numerous arguments in favor of the conception of students as consumers. For example, the increased power students receive in choosing where and from who to take classes may encourage accountability and actually improve the learning experience as students take a more active role in charting their own course through their education. Barnett also reminds readers that different institutions create different contexts and the extent to which market models of higher education are applicable are largely dependent on these different contexts.Berman, Elizabeth Popp. 2012. Creating the Market University: How Academic Science Became an Economic Engine. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.An in‐depth historical sociology of the entrepreneurial university, this book explores when and why academic science become increasingly tethered to commercial interests over the last four decades. Berman focuses primarily on patenting trends and the political history of patenting law, as well as the development of biotech entrepreneurship and the emergence of university‐industry incubators. She argues that the trend toward an entrepreneurial model were largely driven by the ideals of government officials about the importance of translating scientific and technological innovation into economic growth, along the way creating the organizational environment necessary to enable market‐oriented research to flourish.Kleinman, Daniel Lee. 2003. Impure Cultures: University Biology and the World of Commerce. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.Kleinman provides an in‐depth look into the daily work culture of a plant pathology lab at the University of Wisconsin. This participant observation study includes ambitious critiques of the dominant agency‐oriented approaches within science and technology studies by focusing on issues of structural constraint and institutional power. This study is especially good at demonstrating how university biologists are deeply, athough indirectly, constrained by commercial interests. The influence is not easily found in conflicts of interest or day‐by‐day decision making of scientists, who by and large conduct themselves ethically and in the fashion predicted by Mertonian norms of science. Instead, the culture of commerce impacts an array of daily lab practices, including the baseline epistemological assumptions around what is a "significant" finding. In the world of plant pathology, a successful trial is determined in relation to the metrics established by the field's resource dependency on the agro‐chemical industry.Leslie, Larry L. and Gary P. Johnson. 1974. 'The Market Model and Higher Education.'The Journal of Higher Education 45:1–20.This landmark article is among the first to interrogate the use of a market model as it applies to higher education. The authors trace several key legislative measures that altered federal funding practices and gave students discretion in choosing which schools would receive the most funding. While the authors draw similarities between market practices and the process of funding higher education through students, they also question the extent to which a market model of higher education is applicable. Drawing a contrast between higher education funding practices and a perfectly competitive market model, they provide an important critique of a funding system still in use today.McMillan, Jill J. and George Cheney. 1996. 'The Student as Consumer: The Implications and Limitations of a Metaphor.'Communication Education 45:1–15.This article warns of the dangers involved in recasting students as consumers. McMillan and Cheney synthesize arguments about the traditional goals of education and how treating students as consumers can threaten traditional classroom relations and alienate students from the learning process. Implicit in their discussion is an argument for more traditional classroom approaches to fostering democratic citizenship skills through critical analysis and communal sharing of ideas. They explicitly reject the notion of education as a product (rather than a process) and the demand for professors to deliver the product in the most entertaining and efficient manner.Owen‐Smith, Jason and Walter W. Powell. 2002. 'Standing on Shifting Terrain: Faculty Responses to the Transformation of Knowledge and Its Uses in the Life Sciences.'Science Studies 15:3–28.An interview‐based study of 80 scientists from two university campuses, this paper provides a typology of faculty identities and research strategies at the nexus of academic and commercial research within the life sciences. The typology includes "old" and "new school" orientations to commercial research as well as hybrid categories somewhere between these two extremes, such as "engaged traditionalists" and "reluctant entrepreneurs." Eschewing simplistic analyses that either condemn or glorify the commercial engagements of academics, Owen‐Smith and Powell point out that these various positions have created both novel fault lines and innovative research within the life sciences.Radder, Hans. 2010. The Commodification of Academic Research: Science and the Modern University. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.This book is an edited collection of essays on the history, extent, and contemporary impacts of commodification on academic research in the US and Europe. Most of the essays converge at the intersection of science studies and research policy, but are written by an impressively eclectic group of authors pulled from philosophy, sociology, government studies, epidemiology, genomics, and bioethics.Vallas, Steven Peter and Daniel Lee Kleinman. 2008. 'Contradiction, Convergence and the Knowledge Economy: The Confluence of Academic and Commercial Biotechnology.'Socio‐Economic Review 6:283–311.This is an interview‐based study of biotech science that develops a theory of the "asymmetrical convergence" that characterizes the two sides of the university‐industry relation. Vallas and Kleinman describe the work situations of university and commercial scientists to show that there has been a convergence of norms and practices across academic and corporate institutional domains. The authors show that the open discovery ideals of academic science have been increasingly integrated the entrepreneurial values and practices imported from the private sector. Simultaneously, commercial laboratories brought scientific practices and concepts into their workplaces. However, the convergence is asymmetrical, in the sense that both fields of practice are dominated by the profit motive and bottom‐line economic development rather than the communal norms of public science.Online materialsResearch Commercialization and SBIR Centerhttp://center.ncet2.org/This web‐based organization provides an online venue for faculty and students to take virtual workshops and webinars on how to engage in research capitalization and entrepreneurial training. The site includes a variety of resources for faculty and graduate students looking to transition into industry jobs. This site also provides researchers interested in the marketization of higher education a glimpse into a cottage industry that has emerged to provide training services for academics looking to capitalize their research and pedagogy.The Institute for Triple Helix Innovationhttp://www.triplehelixinstitute.org/thi/ithi_drupal/An organization focused on facilitating cross‐sector (academia, industry, and government) collaborations in the production and dissemination of scientific research aimed at economic growth. Another example of a cottage industry established to promote research capitalization and professional networks aimed at knowledge transfer and research capitalization.Documentary, "College Inc." (2010)http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/collegeinc/This 55‐minute video from PBS' Frontline series examines the emergence of, demand for, and debates surrounding the consequences of for‐profit universities such as the University of Phoenix. Available streaming online until October 19, 2012, thereafter only as DVD purchase. Supplemental materials on the College, Inc. webpage include: (1) a teaching guide with lesson plans, discussion questions, student handouts, and lesson extensions; (2) responses from the colleges and universities highlighted in the video; (3) articles, reports, and documents related to for‐profit education; (4) transcripts of interviews conducted with numerous investors, reporters, lobbyists, and college presidents; and (5) a transcript and audiocast of the full program.Documentary, "Declining by Degrees: Higher Education at Risk" (2005)http://www.decliningbydegrees.org/This 120‐minute video from PBS examines the impact of market forces in higher education, specifically discussing factors such as declining government support for public education, changes to student loan programs, the pressure to attract students, college rankings, and college sports. The documentary shows viewpoints from administrators, students, and faculty. A companion book is available for purchase through the program's webpage.Sample syllabusThe "Marketization of Higher Education" article can be successfully incorporated in several types of undergraduate and graduate courses, including Introductory Sociology, Sociology of Education, Organizations and Institutional Change, and Science and Technology.For introductory or education‐focused courses, the article provides a succinct history of the relationship between higher education and the broader society while demonstrating how social institutions respond to social and cultural expectations/needs in different historical and national contexts. The article includes a short summary of the historical and contextual differences in the European and American models of higher education.For more advanced students of organizations, the article provides a case study demonstrating how macro level institutional changes influence organizational climate and social actors' perceptions of their own work. Further, advanced or graduate seminars in education may choose to highlight the various debates about the role of (higher) education in an increasingly knowledge‐based economy.Focus questions
 Discuss examples of how market logics may have influenced your coursework, choice of classes, or commitment to a class.
 What do you think about the informal economy and buying and selling course notes and study materials?
 Discuss examples in which you put more or less effort into a class based on your perception of the course's bottom‐line benefit to your post‐graduation career and/or income.
 How might the pressures faced by professors to bring in research funds from industry or venture capital influence their work and commitment to the classroom? In your experience, does this seem to be more common within those subject areas where knowledge capitalization is fairly common, such as biotech or computer science? Or, can we see the influence of knowledge capitalization in humanities or social sciences too?
 To the extent that students have adopted an understanding of higher education as a commercial exchange, in which they are customers who pay for grades, etc., what might be some ways in which we could change that perception? What changes would faculty need to make in order to change student attitudes? Administrators? Students themselves?
Seminar/Project ideasExploring Institutional BoundariesInterview a few other undergraduate students plus at least one faculty. Ask students questions such as why they decided to come to college, how they decided which college to attend, what they like and do not like about their college education, and what they hope to get out of their college experience. Ask faculty to provide their perspective on why they became a professor, what they like about their job and what they dislike, and what they see as the purpose of college and what students should get out of the college experience. In what ways do faculty and student perspectives converge, and how do they differ? Do any of the differences suggest blurring boundaries between missions of the university (knowledge production, student learning, and satisfying the social charter)?Marketization in Your College/UniversityDo a content analysis of official university admissions brochures, websites, and videos. What messages does the college want you to get from these materials? In what ways might the marketization of higher education be evident in such materials? If the university makes historical materials available, ask students to compare such materials over time to discern an increase in marketization, and how such processes are manifested. Do admissions materials for undergraduates and graduate students emphasize the same things? What differences do you note? Why do you think such differences do or do not exist?

Para la comprensión de la importancia que ha poseído y posee la interacción entre historia y economía podemos introducir a un gran economista nacido en Turquía, que ha estudiado en Inglaterra y que enseña en EE.UU. El genial Daron Acemoglu muy posiblemente reciba el Premio Nobel de Economía en algún momento de los próximos 30 años. Acemoglu nació en 1967 (cumplirá apenas 45 años el próximo 3 de septiembre), obtuvo su grado en economía (1989) en la Universidad de York (Inglaterra), su master (1990) y doctorado (1992) en el London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Su tesis doctoral se tituló "Essays in Microfoundations of Macroeconomics: Contracts and Economic Performance". En LSE fue lecturer en Economía en 1992 y 1993 y desde entonces enseña en el prestigioso Massachusetts Institute of Technology (M.I.T)El programa de investigación del profesor Acemoglu tiene un hito en dos influyentes artículos: "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation", escrito en co-autoría con los profesores Simon Johnson y James A. Robinson en 2001 (1) y "Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution", escrito también con Johnson y Robinson, en el año 2002 (2). Estos dos trabajos tienen una clara vinculación con su último libro, "Why Nations fails, the origins of power, prosperity and poverty" (3) (http://whynationsfail.com/). En ese lapso el autor ha desarrollado un notable programa de investigación donde ha logrado articular una hipótesis principal: ni la geografía ni el clima ni la raza ni la religión explican la prosperidad y la pobreza. En cambio, ellas se explican por las instituciones o reglas de juego.La relevancia que ha tenido "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development" en su carrera académica queda reflejada en las sucesivas respuestas a críticas recibidas tanto en notas de opinión como en otros artículos académicos. En su CV aparece como último trabajo una de estas respuestas ("Hither Thou Shalt Come, But No Further - Reply to The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development - An Empirical Investigation" - Comment, forthcoming American Economic Review. Nuevamente, en coautoría con Simon Johnson y James Robinson). Allí es posible ver la variedad de temas y enfoques del autor. También es posible ver en su CV que dentro de sus campos de interés o "Fields of interest" no hay menciones a la disciplina de la historia, ciencia política o análisis institucional. Acemoglu sostiene que sus campos de interés son "Political Economy, Economic Development, Economic Growth, Economic Theory, Technology, Income and Wage Inequality, Human Capital and Training, Labor Economics, Network Economics". Notablemente, uno de los mas importantes historiadores económicos contemporáneos no menciona este área como parte de su carrera académica.La singularidad de su programa de investigación es que para articular la hipótesis sobre el papel de las instituciones en la prosperidad, que en si misma no es particularmente original, recorre un camino analítico donde conjuga historia y economía. Allí radica la novedad de un programa de investigación que en su esencia alcanza conclusiones mayormente conocidas. Como mencionamos, se puede prosperar en sociedades católicas, budistas o protestantes y se puede sucumbir en sociedades situadas geográficamente sobre el Ecuador, cercanas o lejanas al mismo. Sin embargo, es difícil prosperar con instituciones o reglas de juego que, en el largo plazo, consoliden una dinámica extractiva, donde los actores principales sean ineficientes para innovar y eficientes en la captura de recursos.Un punto central en su programa de investigación lo termina de definir en el mencionado último trabajo, "Why Nations Fail". Allí Acemoglu hace hincapié en la existencia en la historia de sociedades que pueden prosperar por un lapso de tiempo a pesar de la aparición y consolidación de instituciones extractivas. Menciona ejemplos tan diversos como las sociedades mayas y el proceso que lleva de la República al Imperio en Roma. Contemporáneamente, introduce como ejemplo a la Unión Soviética y remarca que la experiencia de la China comunista se asienta sobre una lógica extractiva que, en algún momento, la llevará al estancamiento.¿Cuáles son las instituciones extractivas? Aquellas que establecen reglas de juego donde un pequeño grupo de personas logra distribuir los recursos existentes desde otros hacia ellos y, mas importante aún, logra hacerlo eficientemente. La eficiencia en la captura es clave para generar un escenario con cierto grado de estabilidad en el mediano plazo.Sin embargo, es necesario marcar un punto central donde el corto-medio y medio-largo plazo se tocan y generan una tensión analítica relevante para el estudio de la historia económica y de los procesos políticos: las instituciones extractivas pueden permanecer mas allá del corto-mediano plazo cuanto mas alto sea el stock inicial de capital acumulado por la sociedad en cuestión, tanto en los procesos inclusivos pasados (capital humano) como en los procesos inclusivos contemporáneos. Es decir, la diferencia principal entre la estabilidad en el tiempo de la experiencia maya y la experiencia de la china comunista contemporánea podría ser que el stock de recursos acumulado por la sociedad china a partir, básicamente, de la importación desde occidente de bienes y servicios inclusivos, genera un colchón lo suficientemente amplio como para sostener sus instituciones extractivas.En este sentido, la notable hipótesis de Acemoglu podría enfrentar una anomalía: a la par de las instituciones extractivas que ha desarrollado el opaco régimen comunista chino han convivido instituciones inclusivas tácitas que son, básicamente, aquellas que informalmente ha importado el nuevo modelo chino desde su apertura en 1978. A diferencia de los mayas y romanos, que no importaban instituciones del resto del mundo o lo hacían en menor medida, la china comunista ha incorporado tácita y espontáneamente instituciones inclusivas de occidente que hacen posible mantener en el tiempo las complejas instituciones extractivas que ha desarrollado y consolidado desde mediados del siglo XX.Desde otra perspectiva, podemos desarrollar el mismo argumento: el crecimiento en la productividad que ha mostrado la economía contemporánea (desde la revolución industrial en adelante y, mas particularmente, desde el fin de la segunda guerra) supone la existencia de un nuevo ciclo económico que ha hecho posible que los procesos puramente redistributivos o extractivos sean mas estables en el mediano plazo. Es decir, siguiendo la hipótesis de Acemoglu, es posible pensar un escenario en el mediano plazo donde la creciente prosperidad contribuya, ceteris paribus, a un creciente debilitamiento de los derechos de propiedad. En el extremo, en un mundo donde la escasez tendiera a cero, la correcta delimitación de derechos de propiedad tendría una importancia decreciente. Si fuera cierto que nos encontramos en una inédita era de la abundancia, podríamos sospechar que enfrentaremos en el corto-mediano plazo un escenario donde los derechos de propiedad "clásicos" pierdan relativamente su influencia o valor económico, ya que la mencionada abundancia haría que la aparición de una crisis (que en parte son una consecuencia (tautológica) de alguna forma de escasez) se retardara en el tiempo. Paso seguido, es necesario preguntarse si la llegada de esa inédita abundancia con la subsiguiente aparición de un ciclo económico mas largo no tendrá como contraparte la aparición de una crisis mas profunda. Es decir, si es que la abundancia ha disimulado ineficiencias, la pregunta relevante sería si, en cambio, esas ineficiencias no se han meramente acumuladoEl papel de las instituciones "extractivas" versus las inclusivas es clave en el programa de investigación que lleva a cabo Acemoglu. El concepto supone en si mismo un profundo conocimiento histórico y económico y, por otro lado, un particular interés en entender qué aportes podemos encontrar cuando sistematizamos ambas corrientes en lo que hoy denominamos "Historia Económica". Para Acemoglu, determinados conceptos, como el de "instituciones extractivas", suponen un punto de encuentro entre historia y economía porque la relación entre ambas deviene "análisis institucional". Siguiendo la noble tradición de Douglas North, Acemoglu ha enriquecido una corriente de pensamiento donde el estudio de la historia económica no busca claves ni históricas ni económicas sino claves institucionales. En esta escuela de pensamiento, el estudio de la historia económica deviene, por un lado, estudio de la historia de la evolución de las instituciones y, por otro lado, supone el estudio de la relación entre economía y derechos de propiedad.Sostiene Acemoglu que "extractive institutions are so common in history because they have a powerful logic: they can generate some limited prosperity while at the same time distributing it into the hands of a small elite. For this growth to happen, there must be political centralization. Once this is in place, the state-typically has incentives to invest and generate wealth, encourage others to invest so that the state can extract resources from them, and even mimic some of the processes that would normally be set in motion by inclusive eonomic institutions and markets. In the Caribbean plantation economies, extractive institutions took the form of the elite using coerción to forcé slaves to produce sugar. In the Soviet Union, they took of the comunist party reallocating resources from agricultura to industry and structuring some sort of incentives for managers and workers…" (4)Acemoglu, continuando la noble tradición de North, re-significa la historia económica para interpretarla en clave del papel de las instituciones en la prosperidad de las naciones. Es decir, para el autor determinadas series históricas brindarían mas rigurosidad a la comprensión del pasado porque nos ayudarían a entender mejor las instituciones o reglas de juego que permitieron la prosperidad o colapso de distintas sociedades. El papel de la moderna historia económica ha sido principalmente brindarle rigurosidad al estudio de las instituciones y solo secundariamente brindarle rigurosidad a la economía y sus diferentes ramas, como la econometría y estadística.La economía extractiva posee una dimensión institucional que puede ser pensada a partir del clásico concepto de "destrucción creativa", enunciado por el economista austríaco Joseph Schumpeter. Acemoglu hace sistemático hincapié en la oposición entre instituciones extractivas y destrucción creativa porque aquella genera reglas de juego que castigan el riesgo. La destrucción creativa schumpeteriana está inexorablemente ligada a la posibilidad de asumir un riesgo y privatizar tanto la hipotética ganancia como la hipotética pérdida. La lógica de las instituciones extractivas hacen que el riesgo que posee todo intento de innovación suponga para el innovador la privatización ante un posible fracaso y la colectivización ante el eventual éxito. El punto es relevante, y Acemoglu lo desarrolla brillantemente, porque aparece claro que en ese escenario es difícil incluso que intenten innovar aquellos que saben que, como en ellos reside el poder, serán capaces de apropiarse de las innovaciones exitosas y desprenderse de las innovaciones fracasadas. Es necesario aquí intentar profundizar al argumento de Acemoglu, incorporando para ello el rol comparativo que juegan las instituciones inclusivas que, como mencionamos, las economías extractivas pueden importar del resto del mundo. Este punto lo desarrollaremos en la tercera parte. Es possible acceder a una presentación de Acemoglu sobre su último libro en la Universidad de Scranton, en https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IRAkz13cpsk . Jared Diamond realiza una reseña del libro en el New York Reviews of Books (http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/jun/07/what-makes-countries-rich-or-poor/?pagination=false). Acemoglu y Robinson envían una carta de lectores en respuesta a la reseña y Diamond responde la carta en http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/aug/16/why-nations-fail/Referencias: (1) "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation", Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson y James A. Robinson The American Economic Review Vol. 91, No. 5 (Dec., 2001), pp. 1369-1401 (2)"Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution", Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson y James A. Robinson. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 117, No. 4 (Nov., 2002), pp. 1231-1294. Podemos citar el abstract de este trabajo : "Among countries colonized by European powers during the past 500 years, those that were relatively rich in 1500 are now relatively poor. We document this reversal using data on urbanization patterns and population density, which, we argue, proxy for economic prosperity. This reversal weighs against a view that links economic development to geographic factors. Instead, we argue that the reversal reflects changes in the institutions resulting from European colonialism. The European intervention appears to have created an "institutional reversal" among these societies, meaning that Europeans were more likely to introduce institutions encouraging investment in regions that were previously poor. This institutional reversal accounts for the reversal in relative incomes. We provide further support for this view by documenting that the reversal in relative incomes took place during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and resulted from societies with good institutions taking advantage of the opportunity to industrialize". Este notable trabajo puede leerse en parte como una respuesta crítica a la clásica tesis defendida por el profesor Jared Diamond en "Guns, germs and steel: the fates of human society" quién es el defensor mas prominente de la tesis que liga desarrollo y geografía. (3)Why Nations fails, the origins of power, prosperity and poverty", Crown Bussiness, 2012. En coautoria con James Robinson. (4)Acemoglu y Robinson, "Why Nations Fail", obra citada. Página 114. Sobre los autores Cristina Edbrook es Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina) y maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Pedro Isern es Profesor Depto. de Estudios Internacionales.FACS. Universidad ORT Uruguay.

One of the political goals of the EU is to develop 'the most competitive knowledge-based economy in the world by 2010'. The Dutch knowledge economy faces an increased demand for highly-educated inhabitants, and more graduates from Higher Education are needed. Dutch Universities of Applied Sciences (UAS) have experienced a considerable growth in enrolment, resulting into a mixed variety of students. Former education of the students forms one of the sources of this heterogeneity. More students enter Higher Education and the number of dropouts has increased proportionally. The increasing amount of dropouts counteracts the desire and the potential of Higher Education to increase the volume of graduates. This study describes a search into students' key factors regarding study outcome in the first year of a study in Higher Education in the Netherlands. The aim of the study is to gain deeper insight into the relations between students' personal characteristics and study outcome. It is deeper insight in these relations which is a necessary condition to enhance study outcome, in order to support students at risk and prevent dropout more successfully. This is considered to be important because dropout has considerably economic and psychological consequences for the individual student, as well as on the institutional level and societal level. In general, we define dropout as 'ending the study before obtaining a degree'. In this study dropouts are defined as 'all students who start a study within a University of Applied Sciences and end the study within the first 14 months after enrolment'. In order to determine key factors predicting study outcome, the present study started from a working model. This model is based on a learning psychological point of view with regard to the individual learner. Three concepts were taken as central variables: (1) biographical aspects, being former education: i.e. students with a Senior General Secondary Education-background (SGSE) or a Senior Secondary Vocational Education-background (SVSE), and gender, (2) personality characteristics, and (3) learning patterns, being personal orientations on learning and study approaches. Furthermore, students' personal reasons to continue or drop out were investigated as well as how these reasons were related to the students' study approaches. The main research questions in this study are: 1. What is the influence of personality characteristics on personal orientations on learning which, in turn, influence study approaches and are there any differences between students when entering Higher Education with regard to former education (Senior General Secondary Education and Senior Secondary Vocational Education)? 2. To what degree do former education and students' personal characteristics (the 'Big Five personality characteristics', personal orientations on learning and students' study approaches) predict study outcome? 3. Are there any differences between students who continue and students who drop out from the educational system within one year with regard to their study approaches, their personal reasons and the relations between these two? These research questions were answered with three different studies, each addressing one of the main questions. In chapter two, the first research question is answered by a survey study using two questionnaires. The first questionnaire was Vermunt's learning style inventory for Higher Education. This questionnaire investigates learning conceptions, motivational orientations, regulation strategies and cognitive processing activities. For the assessment of personality characteristics the Dutch version of the Five-Factor Personality Inventory was used. This questionnaire measures five aspects of personality: extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability and autonomy. Participants were 2.284 full-time first-year students entering a Dutch university of applied sciences. The questionnaires were administered in the fifth study week. Cohen's effect size d, principal component analyses and structural equation analyses with backward elimination procedures were used to obtain results. The main findings of the study were that at the level of personality characteristics, SSVE-students were found to be significantly more autonomous and conscientious than SGSE-students. In general, all five personality characteristics (extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability and autonomy) influenced students' personal orientations on learning. Personality characteristics also influenced study approach directly. This happened for all participating students, regardless their former education. The study revealed three personal orientations on learning: 1) constructive self-regulation, (2) reproductive external regulation and (3) ambivalence and lack of regulation. SGSE-students showed significantly lower preferences on all three personal orientations on learning than SSVEstudents did. Furthermore, two types of study approaches were revealed: (1) meaningful integrative approach and (2) superficial approach. SGSE-students tended to report a more superficial approach than SSVE-students did. No difference between both groups of students was found regarding the meaningful integrative approach. Personal orientations on learning were strong predictors for study approach with the exception of ambivalence and lack of regulation, which had no predictive value for a superficial approach. Finally, the causal relations between the concepts of the working model appeared to be identical for SGSE-students and SSVE-students with regard to the strength as well as to the direction of the relations. The concepts appeared to be 'general', regardless of students' former education. To answer the second research question, we report in chapter three on a study that investigated the possible predictive value of former education and students' personality characteristics, personal orientations on learning and students' study approach regarding study outcome (system of credits and study continuance). The two questionnaires of the first study were used and the data were extended with the students' amount of obtained credits and their status. Logistic regression analyses of the gathered data of 1.471 students are performed in order to answer the research questions. The main findings of the study showed that differences in former education (i.e. students originating from SSGE or SSVE) did not seem to be a predictor for study outcome. Gender, however, seemed to be of influence: female students obtained more credits and continued their studies more often than their male counterparts did. This applied to female students both from SSGE and from SSVE. With regard to personality characteristics, conscientiousness turned out to be a significant predictor for study outcome: being more conscientious was beneficial with regard to study outcome. With regard to students' personal orientations on learning, ambivalence and lack of regulation seemed to matter: students with high scores on this orientation obtained fewer credits and dropped out more often. Finally, the two different types of study approaches, meaningful integrative approach and superficial approach, showed no significant influence on study outcome. In chapter four we report on a study that answers the third research question. The central goal of this study was to gain insight into students' study approaches, their personal reasons and the relations between these two for students who continue or drop out from the educational system within one year. Vermunts' questionnaire of the first study was used and the data was extended with the students' status. In order to gain insight into students' personal reasons, two retrospective questionnaires with items considering reasons to drop out and reasons to continue, were constructed. A Principal Component Analysis was carried out to investigate the construct validity of the factors. Cronbach's alpha (a) was used considering the reliability of the factors. The main findings of the study were that significant differences existed between students who dropped out and those who continued with regard to their study approach. Students who continued, scored significantly higher on the meaningful integrative approaches when entering UAS. Students' personalreasons to drop out or to continue their study were threefold. Principal Component Analysis revealed three reliable main factors, as reasons for leaving education or staying in the educational program. The three main reasons were identical for dropouts and for students who continued, but these reasonscorresponded in the opposite direction. These reasons were: (1) students' views on their future occupations, (2) pragmatic and personal matters, and (3) students' perceptions and experiences with issues related to education, organization and the learning environment. Regarding the relation between study approach and these three reasons, differences between students who dropped out and continuing students existed. Furthermore, relations between the reasons differed with regard to both groups studied. Chapter five presents the conclusion and discussion of this dissertation. Regarding the first main research question the main conclusions are that the findings reported in this dissertation confirm that personality characteristics influence personal orientations on learning which, in turn, influence study approach. Furthermore, personality characteristics influence study approach directly. This conclusion is valid for SGSE-students as well as for SSVE-students: the fit of the working model applied to both SGSE-students and SSVE-students for strength and direction of the relations. Next, there are differences between students with regard to former education with respect to personality characteristics and learning patterns, personal orientations on learning and study approach when entering UAS. Regarding the second research question the main conclusions are that gender, conscientiousness and the personal orientation on learning ambivalence and lack of regulation are the three key factors predicting study outcome. Contrary to the expectations, former education turns out to be not a key factor predicting study outcome. Regarding the third research question the main conclusions are that differences exist between dropouts and continuing students with regard to their study approach when entering UAS: continuing students score higher on the meaningful integrative approach. Secondly, both groups of students, i.e. the dropouts and the students who continue their education, show the same three reasons to drop out or to continue their studies in the opposite direction. Finally, there are statistical differences between students who drop out and students who continue with regard to the correlations between their study approach and these reasons. Although meaningful differences between SGSE and SSVE-students were found, and the expected relations between aspects within the working model were significant, much of the variance was left unexplained. Therefore, the working model might need further adaptation in order to increase its predictive value. Three main suggestions for an adapted model are made. Firstly, other learning psychological aspects should be added, in order to increase the predictive value of the model and in order to gain more insight in student-related characteristics predicting study outcome. Possible examples are goal orientations and motivation in terms of expectancy. Secondly, to the suggested addition of these two psychological, student-related aspects, we suggest integrating students' reasons to continue or drop out into the adapted model once more. Thirdly, the dominant psychological point of view in this study might be broadened in order to gain more insight into characteristics explaining and predicting study outcome. Approximately 20% of the variance of declaring study outcome occur at the level of the learning environment. Aspects such as teacher quality, the curriculum and forms of assessment have shown to have an effect on study outcome. An adapted model could consist of: (1) biographical aspects: former education and gender, (2) psychological aspects: personality characteristics, learning patterns, goal orientations and expectancy motivation, (3) learning environmental aspects: teacher quality, assessment and curriculum, (4) students' reasons to continue or drop out, and (5) study outcome. The limitations of the study were that it was limited to enrolling students at one study year (cohort) of one particular UAS. After all, a longitudinal design is believed to be a better option in the future. Furthermore, besides a longitudinal design, also different types of research methods could be used to gain more insight into the predictors of study outcome. A so-called mixed method approach (a combination of quantitative and qualitative research) might be useful, because a mixed method design is a good way to shed light upon the complex relationships between personal aspects, environmental aspects and study outcome. Finally, the representative of the setting of the present study is something that needs attention. From a social economic perspective, the Fontys UAS participants are mainly Dutch speaking indigenous students. It is possible that in some other specific parts of the Netherlands, with more ethnic diverse inhabitants, some differences in results might be found. Three suggestions for future research were made. Firstly, to replicate this study longitudinally: participants need to be followed for a period of at least two years or, preferably, during the completion of their entire study. Secondly, it was suggested to design a quasi-experimental study in order to assess the effects of intervention programmes, which have the aim to support students during their study career. Thirdly, the need for designing case studies and studies with mixed method approaches in addition to the dominant survey research approach was underlined, because these approaches deepen insights into complex relations between the students, their learning environment and study outcome. Small-scale research regarding in-depth aspects of dropout and continuation, like the effect of interventions on a students' personal orientation on learning, might shed specific light upon predictive aspects of individual students, the underlying processes and the earlier mentioned reasons to drop out or continue. Finally, several implications for practice are presented in chapter five. When a potential student meets all the formal requirements, enrolment in UAS is possible. However, this does not guarantee a positive study outcome. Detecting and signalling students at risk at an early stage is a powerful way to reduce dropout. Although the development of intake assessments, specific interventions and obtaining separate profiles of students who are at risk on the one hand and successful students on the other hand has not been the focus of this study, our results may be a starting point for UAS for the design of an intake assessment program. These kind of implications can be implemented by student coaches in dialogue with lecturers and become embedded within an integral study career guidance program during at least the first year of study and should be 'student-centred'. This study clearly shows that study outcome cannot be described adequately as a problem caused by the students' individual characteristics alone (external attribution phenomenon), but it also comes to life by a complex interaction between students' psychological and environmental characteristics (for instance the third reason found: students' 'perception and experiences with issues related to education, organization and the learning environment'). Study outcome should be of interest and of concern, to all parties involved, students, lecturers and study career coaches, including the management of institutes and society. The results of our study underline the necessity to gain more insights into the causes of the phenomenon of dropout in order to reduce dropout and enhance study outcome of UAS-students.

Aerosols play a key role in air quality (health aspects) and climate. In this thesis atmospheric chemistry transport models are used to study the uncertainties in aerosol modelling and to evaluate the effects of emission reduction scenarios on air quality. Uncertainties in: the emissions of gas and aerosol species in the inventories, in meteorological parameters, in the impact of orography on meteorology, all contribute to the uncertainties in gas and aerosol modelling and require high priority in order to estimate better the gas and aerosol concentrations for scientific research and policy making. The overall objectives of this thesis are to identify and quantify a few key uncertainties related to gas and aerosol regional and global scale modelling. These are: I. The impact of using two different emission inventories on gas and aerosol calculated concentrations. II. The role of the temporal and vertical distribution of emissions on gas and aerosol calculations. III. The impact of model resolution on aerosol calculations. IV. The impact of using two different meteorological driver models on gas and aerosol calculations. V. The impact of emission reduction scenarios on calculated air quality. VI. Strategies to evaluate model results with atmospheric measurements. In Chapter 1 an introduction to aerosols and aerosol modelling is given. In the following chapters, the subjects regarding the uncertainties in aerosol modelling are described. The first and the second subject of this thesis, the sensitivity in aerosol modelling to two different emission inventories, injection altitude and temporal variations of anthropogenic emissions, is described in chapter 2. We use the two-way nested global transport chemistry model TM5 focusing on Europe in June and December 2000. Two widely used emission inventories were available for this study. The EMEP inventory is a policy relevant European scale inventory which contains reported emissions by the member countries (http://www/emep.int), with more detailed information on the vertical, temporal and spatial distribution of the emissions. The AEROCOM inventory (Dentener et al., 2006) is a compilation of global scale aerosol and precursor emissions for the year 2000, and was used in the IPCC AR5 assessment report. The simulations of gas, aerosol concentrations and aerosol optical depth (AOD) with the two emission inventories are compared with EMEP gas and aerosol surface based measurements, AERONET sun photometer retrievals and MODIS satellite data. We evaluated the impact of the EMEP and AEROCOM emission inventories on aerosol concentrations and aerosol optical depth (AOD) in Europe for June and December 2000. There are substantial differences between annual emissions included in the two inventories. It also appears that differences are found in the vertical distribution of the SO2 and NOx emissions. Despite these differences, for most aerosol species and aerosol precursor gases TM5 simulates the spatial and temporal distribution over Europe relatively well when compared to observations. Spatial correlations, based on monthly mean surface concentrations, are often quite high (> 0.7) and many EMEP measurement stations show high temporal correlation with the simulations using EMEP and AEROCOM. However, from the comparison with surface observations, we conclude that the AEROCOM inventory overestimates the emissions of aerosol precursor gases SO2 and NOx and NH3 emissions, especially in June. Furthermore, a lack in seasonal varia tion in the AEROCOM inventory and uncertainty in the vertical distribution of emissions (SO2 and NOx), contributes to disagreement of model and surface observations. For NH3 it seems that the inclusion of recent abatement measures in the EMEP inventory indeed leads to a better agreement with measured concentrations. The large differences in surface concentrations between the simulations are not equally reflected in corresponding differences in computed column aerosol and AOD. Model AOD computations using the AEROCOM and EMEP emission inventories reveal good agreement with surface based AERONET sun photometer observations and AOD retrieved from MODIS. Spatial patterns over Europe of AOD differ due to the varying contributions of mineral dust and inorganic aerosol, as observed by satellite and confirmed by model simulations. An evaluation of the impact on aerosol of the temporal distribution (daily, weekly and seasonal) of emissions reveals that the concentrations of most aerosol components are not strongly influenced by introduction of a high temporal resolution of emissions. The exception is aerosol nitrate and its precursor gases NOx, and NH3. However, seasonal temporal variation of the emissions do play an important role for all gas and aerosol calculations, and need to be included to accurately calculate aerosol concentrations and it's influence on air quality and climate change. The third subject of this thesis is to study the model resolution dependency on aerosol calculations, see chapter 3. For this work the mesoscale Transport of Atmospheric Pollutants Model (TAPOM) is used. Firstly, we evaluated the TAPOM performance in calculated aerosol surface concentrations and aerosol optical depth (AOD) values for the greater Milan area in Italy during June 2001. Secondly, we used the model to study scale issues in aerosol modelling at three horizontal resolutions (5x5 km, 10x10 km and 20x20 km) through calculations of AOD and other aerosol properties for the same area and period. Model calculations of sulphate aerosol concentrations on a 5x5 km horizontal resolution show a reasonable agreement with measurements, i.e. within a factor 1.5 of the measurements. A comparison of aerosol optical depth calculated with the model and surface based sun photometer measurements revealed some discrepancies, which can be roughly divided in two clusters: 1. On clear, dry sky days there is a relatively good correlation between model and sun photometer AOD and satellite AOD. 2. A second group of model calculated AOD and measurements appear to be uncorrelated. The discrepancies of model results and measurements are for some days related to the underestimation of PM emissions and the lack of natural dust at the boundaries. Another reason could be related to the presence of cirrus clouds appearing as AOD in the measurements. Model calculations at 5x5 and 10x10 km horizontal resolution show a good internal agreement, whereas a model version using 20x20 km resolution loses some details regarding the spatial distribution of AOD. Daily mean and maximum coinciding model 5x5 km AOD values with MODIS and MISR AOD agree better with the observations than the computed AOD using the 20x20 km resolution. The largest differences in aerosol calculated concentrations between the different resolutions are associated with high RH (relative humidity) conditions leading to large amounts of computed aerosol water and higher AOD values. A further scale related issue is the non-linearity of aerosol formation at especially high relative humidity. These uncertainties are expected to be even more uncertain in large scale models that use fairly simplified parameterization relating relative humidity to cloud formation. Given the uncertainties in cloud screening of the satellite products, the reliability of these satellite products is often questionable and it has turned out to be difficult to make comparisons to model results at the mesoscale (like in this study). This problem is even larger for global scale models, with resolutions higher than 100x100km and less detailed emission inventories, where local and regional information are not taken into account. This study also showed the importance of accurate model boundary conditions for realistic gas, aerosol and AOD computations in regional/urban scale air quality modelling. In chapter 4, the fourth subject of thesis is described, i.e. studying the impact of two different meteorological models (MM5 and WRF) on aerosol and O3 calculations with the chemistry transport model CHIMERE. The area and period of interest is the Po valley region (Italy) for January and June 2005. The meteorological data sets used for the study were created in the frame of the Po valley air quality Model Inter-comparison (POMI) exercise, which is coordinated by the Institute of Environment and Sustainability, JRC, Ispra, Italy (http://aqm.jrc.it/POMI/). First we evaluate for January, June and the whole year the calculated meteorological parameters by MM5 and WRF (temperature, wind speed, wind direction, relative humidity and precipitation) with observations. The analysis shows that the overall performance of both models is similar, however some small differences are still noticeable. On a yearly basis, the temperatures are mainly underestimated (less by WRF) when compared to observations and the values of relative humidity are in general overestimated (less by MM5). WRF output follows better the hourly pattern of relative humidity. We had only two stations available with wind data. The wind speed is well reproduced for Ispra monitoring site (especially by WRF) but for Mantova is largely overestimated by both models (less by MM5). Both models do not reproduce well the wind direction. The rainfall is in general overestimated, however the MM5 output shows lower rainfall values. Secondly, we analyze the impact of using MM5 and WRF on calculated PM10 and O3 concentrations. In general the model underestimates the observed PM10 concentrations with both the MM5 and WRF meteorology, from now on denoted as CHIMERE/MM5, CHIMERE/WRF respectively. The PM10 concentrations for January are a factor 1.6 higher for CHIMERE/MM5 than CHIMERE/WRF. The concentrations of gases and aerosols at ground level strongly depend on the profile of the planetary boundary layer. Therefore we examined the PBL profiles and the latent and sensible heat fluxes which are responsible for the PBL formation. The difference and the larger underestimation in PM10 concentrations by CHIMERE/WRF are related to the differences in heat fluxes and the resulting PBL heights calculated by WRF. In general the PBL height by WRF meteorology is a factor 2.8 higher at noon in January than calculated by MM5. This could result in a better vertical mixing of the aerosols than CHIMERE/MM5, causing lower aerosol concentrations at the surface. Changing the Noah LSM scheme in our WRF pre-processing for the 5-layer soil temperature model, leads to an increase of the calculated PM10 concentrations of 30% for January 2005 when compared to the simulation using Noah LSM. This study also showed that the difference in microphysics scheme has an impact on the profile of cloud liquid water (CLW) calculated by the meteorological driver and therefore on the production and removal of SO4 = aerosol. For June the differences in PM10 concentrations between the model simulations using MM5 and WRF are small. Analyzing the heat fluxes and the diurnal behaviour of the PBL height we observe small differences between the two meteorological models. In the previous chapters, three major uncertainties which contribute to modelled aerosol calculations are described. It is crucial to understand how important these sources of uncertainties contribute to the model outcome, especially when the model results are used for policy relevant studies. In the last chapter of this thesis (chapter 5) we performed a case study to evaluate the impact of emission reduction scenarios on PM2.5 and O3 calculated concentrations for the Po valley area, by using the chemistry transport model CHIMERE. Comparing calculated surface aerosol concentrations by the model for the standard case (no emission reductions) with observations for January and June 2005 shows that the monthly mean PM10 concentrations are in general underestimated by a factor 1.4. To evaluate the impact of emission reduction scenarios we reduced the emissions of NOx, PM2.5, SO2, VOC or NH3 by 50% separately for each component and for different source sectors, together with 5 additional scenarios. The 50% reduction of the emissions corresponds to the application of the current legislation for PM2.5 for Italy which should be met in 2010 in respect to the emissions of the base year 2000 (EURODELTA exercise: http://aqm.jrc.it/eurodelta/, which is carried out in the frame of the Clean Air For Europe programme, CAFE). The most effective scenarios to abate PM2.5 concentration are based on the nonindustrial combustion plants, i.e. domestic heating (SNAP2) and road traffic (SNAP7) sectors, for which the NOx and PM2.5 emissions are reduced by 50%. These scenarios reduce the monthly calculated PM2.5 concentrations for the Po valley area for January on average by 1-6µg/m3. However, these emission reduction scenarios for domestic heating and traffic do not have an effect on lowering the number of days for which the planned European limit value (Directive 2008/50/EC) of 25µg/m3 is exceeded. Only by combining the emission reductions of NOx, PM25, SO2, VOC and NH3 for domestic heating, road traffic and agriculture (SNAP10) results in a larger reduction of PM2.5 calculated concentrations over the larger area in the Lombardy region (~20%), which corresponds with the findings of a similar study performed by APAT (the Italian National Agency for environmental protection and technical services). In the APAT study more than one species was reduced for different activity sectors. Our study also showed that a more effective pollutant reduction (emissions) per tonne of pollutant reduced (concentrations) for the greater Milan area is obtained by reducing the primary PM2.5 emissions for road traffic. The most effective scenario on (secondary) PM2.5 decrease for which precursor emissions are reduced is achieved by reducing SO2 emissions by 50% for road traffic. Our study showed that during summer, the largest reductions in O3 concentrations are achieved for SNAP 7 emission reductions, when volatile organic compounds (VOCs) are reduced by 50%. It appears that around 40% of the PM2.5 concentration for Milan is caused by the emissions from surroundings of the Lombardy region as well as by longrange transport from elsewhere (as reflected as model boundary conditions). Therefore effective abatement of air pollution does need the consideration of the transboundary aspects of air pollution. Our study showed that differences may occur between measurement (ground based and space born) data sets for the same variable and time period. This complicates the use of observations for model evaluation purposes. The main conclusions of this thesis can be summarized as: • The amounts and the temporal and vertical distributions of the emissions are important for gas and aerosol calculations, especially when calculations are compared to surface measurements. • Going to a finer model resolution results in better agreement between calculated aerosol and AOD values and observations. • The PBL height and vertical mixing of the lower troposphere determine to a large extend the surface gas and aerosol concentrations. These boundary layer characteristics are strongly determined by the sensible and latent heat fluxes at the surface. • Local emission reductions result in a local improvement in air quality.Longrange transport is however also very important for reducing local pollution. • Surface and space born measurements of gas phase and aerosol components are crucial for evaluating model results. However inconsistencies in measurement data sets make it complicated for reliable comparisons with model simulations.

The papers in the present SUERF Study is a selection of the papers presented at a SUERF Workshop and Special OeNB East Jour Fixe held at Oesterreichische Nationalbank in Vienna on 23 January 2009. In his opening remarks (chapter 2), Ewald Nowotny, Governor of the Oesterreichische Nationalbank referred to Austrian banks? engagement with neighbouring Central and Eastern European Countries. The current crisis should not make people forget the fact that Austrian banks? deep engagement with the neighbouring countries is one of the success stories in Austrian economic history. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Austrian banks have become one of the driving forces of the process of structural adjustment, modernization of business practices, and deepening of financial intermediation in the region. At end 2007, in Central Europe, the share of Austrian banks surpassed a fifth of aggregate sector assets, in Southeastern Europe even a third of the respective total. A considerable share of the earnings of Austrian banks comes from banking activities in Central and Eastern Europe. Austrian bankers can claim to be among the pioneer foreign investors in Russia, Ukraine, Kazakstan and Belarus. The international financial crisis has from September 2008 demonstrated Russia?s structural vulnerability. The comprehensive countermeasures by the Russian authorities to assist the banking sector and the economy are characterized by the Governor as worthy endeavours. Chapter 3 is based on the keynote speech by Pekka Sutela, BOFIT, Bank of Finland ?Russian Finance: Drag or Booster for Future Growth?? The author praises the Russian authorities for having made prudent decisions in recent years. The Putin-Kudrin regime chose a stability-oriented macro policy. The very strong increase in the global oil price up to 2008 implied a strong growth in the value of Russian exports and lead to an impressive GDP growth. The author uses the term ?windfall?. The Russian Government decided to pay back practically all foreign debt, much of it ahead of schedule. The regime wanted to bring back what they see as Russian sovereignty and in particular to avoid being dependent on IMF or other foreign financiers. Their policy contributed strongly to an improvement of Russia?s general credit-worthiness and to a growth in foreign reserves. During the 1990s, lack of trust in the rouble had as consequence that the US dollar was applied to a considerable extent in payments between Russians. The stability oriented policy after 2001 contributed to a de-dollarization of the economy up to 2008. It follows from the stability-oriented policy that Russia was relatively well prepared when it was hit by the global financial crisis in 2007?2008. In the autumn of 2008, however, the general public started to withdraw bank deposits and the relative share of foreign exchange deposits increased again. The public shifted towards foreign currency cash assets. The author explains that Russia has a dual economy. The natural resource based sectors are clearly globally competitive but the sectors outside the resource sectors are not. The big resource based companies have relied on foreign markets for their financial needs. The home market is primarily serviced by domestic banks. At the end of September 2008, government-controlled banks had 47.8% of all bank assets. The state maintains banking sector stability primarily through state banks. The author?s answer to the question in the headline is: ?The Russian financial system is rather a drag than a booster for future growth?. In addition, it is unlikely that Russia will become a regional financial centre or an inventionbased society in the foreseeable future. Chapter 4 by Stephan Barisitz, Oesterreichische Nationalbank, is ?Russian Banking in Recent Years: Gaining Depth in a Fragile Environment.? The author shows tables with macroeconomic, monetary and financial indicators for Russia for the years 2002?2008. Key observations are: Strong economic growth, strong dependence on oil prices, inflation problems, recent volatility of private capital in- and outflows. Banking development initially featured rather slow recovery from the financial crisis of 1998, coupled with sluggish reforms. This was followed by a stepped-up pace of institutional and structural adjustments in 2003?2005, which brought about major improvements of banking activities and of the regulatory framework. The return on equity (ROE) of banks was in 2006?2007 above 20%. The solvency ratio of banks declined steadily up to 2008 due to strong growth in bank assets. The oil price driven improvements in Russia?s terms of trade over the period 1998 to 2008 combined with political stability, prudent macroeconomic policies and some successful institutional and structural reforms have supported Russian economic expansion. Not only exports, but also consumption, have driven strong GDP growth. Financial intermediation continued to deepen swiftly in Russia up to the fall of 2008, despite important repercussions of the US subprime crisis. As the interbank market tightened during 2008 and capital outflows increased, Central Bank of Russia reacted quickly with repeated liquidity interventions. Following the continuous oil price decline and pressures on the rouble, Central Bank of Russia intervened extensively in the foreign exchange market and draw down foreign exchange reserves. The controlled depreciation strategy initiated in November 20078 has not stopped the decline in foreign exchange reserves. Due to the still sizable foreign reserves, the relatively high profitability of banking activity and the satisfactory capital adequacy level as shock absorbing factors, Russia seems to be in a better position to handle the financial crisis than many other countries. Chapter 5 by Alexander Lehmann, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development has the headline ?Banks and Financial Reform: Their Role in Sustaining Russia?s Growth.? The paper focuses on the strength of the link between economic growth and financial development. Even in East European transition countries where a positive correlation between finance and growth developed in the 1990s, there was little microeconomic evidence that the financial sector actively supported growth. Investments were overwhelmingly financed through retained earnings, and what little external finance was raised came from foreign direct investment. Around year 2000, this changed. Regulatory improvements, better enforcement and rapid development of individual institutions meant that the financial sector undoubtedly has supported economic growth since year 2000. The disruption to credit growth since 2008 and the simultaneous downturn of the Russian real economy has made the link abundantly clear. EBRD evaluates the progress in structural reforms in transition countries by means of ?transition scores?. The author shows an exhibit which illustrates the development of the EBRD transition score for Russia from 1989 to 2006. It shows that the fastest progress took place from 1995 to 2003. The improvements in the regulatory framework for banking activity supported financial intermediation and Russian banks expanded their balance sheets and diversified into lending to retail customers and SMEs. For corporate investment as a whole, however, the share of new investment financed through bank credit remained relatively small. The sectors that saw sharp increases in investment and accounted for the bulk of capital spending, predominantly benefited from internal cash flows, or benefited from public support or ownership. Chapter 6 by Cyril Pineau-Valencienne, CEO, CPV Conseil, is ?Russian financial institutions and the oil and gas sector: funding and recycling.? The paper first outlines the importance of the oil and gas sector for the Russian economy. Capital expenditures in the sector grew strongly from 1999 to 2007. The huge investments were to a large extent financed by internal operating cash flows and by borrowing in international financial markets. The big oil and gas companies are important customers for foreign banks. The companies also have their own so-called raw material banks but these banks have not played a major role as related parties in the financing of the investments of these groups. The willingness of the oil and gas companies to incur debt denominated in foreign currency must be understood in the light of their revenue structure. Contracts in the global energy markets are primarily denominated in US-dollars and the companies are therefore to a considerable extent able to match currency revenues from exports with currency payments of principal and interest. Recycling of funds related to the oil and gas sector has partly been carried out by the state and by the sovereign funds controlled by the state. Revenue from export duties has been accumulated in the funds and applied in accordance with the funds? investment strategies. Chapter 7 is based on the presentation by Zuzana Fungácová, BOFIT, Bank of Finland ?Risk-taking by Russian banks: do location, ownership and size matter?? The paper is co-authored by Laura Solanko. The rapid growth of the assets of Russian banks has in the last 6?7 years contributed to a decrease in the capital adequacy ratio, thus influencing the ability of banks to cope with risk. In the paper, the authors investigate the relationship between bank characteristics and risk-taking. The banks are divided into different subgroups by size, ownership and location. The authors distinguish between state-controlled, foreign-controlled and domestic private banks. Risk is measured in two different ways: By group-wise comparisons of financial risk ratios i.e. accounting data, and by regression analysis of bank insolvency risk as measured by a Z-score indicator. The average level of financial ratios are all well above the regulatory minima set by Central Bank of Russia. Large banks in Russia have higher insolvency risk than small ones. Foreign-owned banks exhibit higher insolvency risk than domestic banks. State-controlled banks are on average more stable than the private domestic banks. Similar to the case of foreign banks, large state-controlled banks are more stable than the others. Regional banks are significantly more prone to risk-taking than their counterparts in Moscow. Chapter 8 is based on the keynote speech ?Russia?s Financial Crisis: Causes, Consequences, and Prospects? by Zeljko Bogetic, World Bank, Moscow. Until mid-2008, Russia was viewed as a ?safe haven? during turbulent times in global financial markets. Record high oil prices, strong macroeconomic fundamentals, lack of exposure of Russian banks to the US sub-prime mortgage markets, strong ratings and a strong appreciating currency explained the confidence in Russia. After mid-2008 Russia was hit. There was an oil price shock, a sudden stop in capital flows, and a sharp tightening of external borrowing conditions. The paper contains a diagram that documents an almost perfect correlation of the Russian stock index RTS with the price of oil. From the peaks in May-June 2008 to the end of the year, the RTS moved from 2400 to 440 and the oil price from USD 144 per barrel to USD 45 per barrel. The non-oil external current account deficit continued to deteriorate very fast in 2008 as import volumes grew faster than non-oil exports. Incoming FDIs declined and worsened the composition of capital flows towards borrowing. While public external debt remained moderate, private (corporate and bank) debt grew rapidly. In the balance sheets of Russian banks, the loan-deposit ratio increased from approximately 107% in 2005 to 127% in the autumn of 2008, making the banking sector more exposed to the interbank market and to rollover risk. As response to the crisis, the Russian authorities have loosened their monetary stance and provided fiscal support to ease the liquidity crisis. The exchange rate has continuously been managed with progressive widening of the bi-currency corridor. After a gradual depreciation since November 2008, the rouble was devalued in mid January 2009. The speaker described the 2009 outlook for the Russian economy as very uncertain. It is likely that the twin surpluses on the Government budget and the balance of payments current account will disappear, but thanks to the prudent macroeconomic policies in recent years, these deficits can be financed for some time. The speaker reflected on the social impact of the crisis. If the recession in 2009 becomes deeper, it might require an introduction of a fiscal stimulus package focusing on domestic demand and the poorer segments of the population, including strengthening of the unemployment, training and social assistance and possibly well designed public works. Chapter 9 is based on the presentation by Peter Havlik, The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (WIIW) ?Russian Economy and the Global Turmoil.? The paper contains very illustrative exhibits that show the development of Russian GDP, exports, imports, inflation, money supply, stock prices and nominal and real exchange rates. Among the Putin administration?s key achievements, he lists improved living standards, rising employment, more FDI inflows, repayment of external debt, ballooning foreign exchange reserves, restoring stability, stronger role of the state but also deteriorating external relations. Despite strong economic fundamentals, Russia has been seriously hit by the global crisis. The Medvedev administration faces serious challenges. It plans to use industrial policy instruments in order to reduce the dependence on energy proceeds. The Government offers targeted support to various public-private partnership projects in the automotive, aviation, shipbuilding and selected high-tech industries. According to the speaker, some of the envisaged industrial policy tools could well be in conflict with WTO rules and make Russia?s WTO accession more difficult. Chapter 10 is based on the workshop contribution by Debora Revoltella, UniCredit Group ?The Russian Banking Sector: What to Expect? The paper is co-authored by Vladimir V.Osakovsky and Valery Invushin. It is divided in three sections: 1) The past: Russian economic renaissance, 2) The crisis: Politics and Economics join forces, and 3) Longer term prospects are brighter. Up to 2008, Russia enjoyed strong growth in domestic investment, consumption and GDP. Prudent fiscal policy and massive capital inflows helped to amass the world?s third largest international reserves. The country was, however, exposed to global commodities prices, a demographic crisis, a rigid labour market and an increasing dependence on foreign sources of funding. The crisis in 2008 was triggered by collapse of global commodities prices, massive capital flight, failures of some large market participants and general loss of confidence abroad and at home. As reaction to the challenges posed by the crisis, the Government and Central bank of Russia initiated corporate debt refinancing assistance, liquidity infusion into the banking system and fiscal stimuli. The authors expect a major restructuring of the Russian banking sector including a considerable reduction of the number of financial institutions.

Die Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnung ist eine wichtige Grundlage der Wirtschaftsanalyse. Dies gilt nicht nur für die aktuelle Konjunkturbeobachtung, sondern auch für die wirtschaftshistorische Forschung. Bis heute gibt es keine nach anerkannten internationalen Konzepten ermittelte vergleichbare Datenbasis für eine sachgerechte Beurteilung der Ergebnisse der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der DDR im gesamten Zeitraum ihrer Existenz. Im Jahre 2005 wurden mit dem Ergänzungsband der Zeitschrift "Historical Social Research" (HSR - Supplement No. 17/2005, Zentrum für historische Sozialforschung, GESIS Leibniz - Institut für Sozialwissenschaften, Köln) für den Zeitraum von 1970 bis 2000 neue Zeitreihen für wichtige Indikatoren der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung in Ostdeutschland veröffentlicht (siehe die Studie: Heske, G.: Die gesamtwirtschaftliche Entwicklung in Ostdeutschland 1970 bis 2000, neue Ergebnisse einer volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnung; Studiennummer: ZA8208, in HISTAT). Mit der vorliegenden Studie legt der Autor eine Vertiefung und vor allem eine Erweiterung des Zeithorizonts der erforderlichen Berechnungen bis 1950 vor. Im Unterschied zu den bisher vorliegenden statistischen Ergebnissen werden in dieser Publikation (HSR-Supplement No. 21/2009. Zentrum für Historische Sozialforschung, Köln) erstmalig für die ehemalige DDR vergleichbare Daten der Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts für 1950 - 1989 vorgestellt, die auf der Basis der Methodik des Europäischen Systems der volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnung (ESVG 95) ermittelt wurden. Damit wurde eine vorhandene Datenlücke geschlossen, die bisher die Einschätzung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der DDR behindert hat. Die für die einzelnen Jahre ausgewiesenen Ergebnisse beziehen sich nicht nur auf die Entstehung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts insgesamt, sondern auch auf die Wertschöpfung der Wirtschaftsbereiche und die volkswirtschaftliche Verwendung nach Hauptpositionen. Im Zusammenhang mit der Interpretation der erreichten Ergebnisse werden auch entsprechende Zeitreihen für die Bevölkerungsentwicklung und die Erwerbstätigkeit in der Untergliederung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen herangezogen. Da die für die ehemalige DDR vorgestellten Daten für 1950 bis 1989 im Ergebnis einer Rückrechnung der VGR nach annähernd gleichen methodischen und wirtschaftssystematischen Prinzipien erfolgten, war es möglich entsprechende Vergleiche mit entsprechenden Ergebnissen der früheren BRD durchzuführen. Dementsprechend erfolgte auch eine Zusammenführung der statistischen Daten für beide deutschen Staaten zu einem gesamtdeutschen Ergebnis rückwirkend seit 1950. Eine ausführliche Methoden- und Quellenbeschreibung der vorgelegten Ergebnisse unterstützt eine sachgemäße Interpretation der Daten. Der Autor diskutiert in einem gesonderten Abschnitt auch ähnliche Versuche der Rekonstruktion der VGR der DDR (z.B. Merkel/W./Wahl, S., 1991: Das geplünderte Deutschland. Bonn; Ritschl, A./Spoerer, M., 1997: Das Bruttosozialprodukt in Deutschland nach den amtlichen Volkseinkommens- und Sozialproduktstatistiken. Berlin; Schwarzer, O., 1996: "Die Währung der DDR beruht auf … der gesunden Grundlage der sozialistischen Gesellschaftsordnung". In: Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, Band 63, Stuttgart; ders., 1999: Sozialistische Zentralplanungswirtschaft in der SBZ/DDR, Stuttgart; Sleifer, J., 2006: Planning Ahead und Falling Behind, Berlin. Maddison, A., 1995: Monitoring the World Economy 1820-1992, Paris; ders., 2001: The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective, Paris).

Im Mittelpunkt der Arbeit steht die Vorstellung der Ergebnisse einer vorgenommenen Neuberechnung der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR für den Zeitraum von 1950 bis 1989 nach den Konzepten des SNA (ESVG), vergleichbar in Methodik und wirtschaftssystematischer Abgrenzung sowie in vergleichbaren DM (Euro)-Preisen. Damit soll auf der Grundlage des methodischen Gerüsts der VGR ein kohärentes System von Indikatoren geschaffen werden, mit dem die wirtschaftliche Gesamtentwicklung der DDR beschrieben und bewertet werden kann.
Die damit verbundenen komplizierten und arbeitsaufwendigen Arbeiten konnten nur schrittweise geleistet werden. Erste Teilergebnisse der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR, die sich auf den Teilzeitraum von 1970 bis 1989 bezogen, konnten bereits im Jahre 2005 als HSR-Supplement No. 17 publiziert werden (Heske, G., 2005: Bruttoinlandsprodukt, Verbrauch und Erwerbstätigkeit in Ostdeutschland 1970-2000. Köln Das HSR-Supplementheft steht auch als PDF - Datei zur Verfügung und kann kostenlos unter der Adresse herunter geladen werden). Zur Information über den Umfang der bis dahin erarbeiteten Indikatoren der VGR wird in der vorliegenden Publikation als Anhang 5 eine Übersicht über die damals veröffentlichten Ergebnisse beigefügt. Aufbauend auf den Resultaten dieser bisherigen Untersuchungen erfolgt mit der vorliegenden Ausarbeitung eine retrospektive Weiterführung der Berechnungen zur Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts der DDR für die Jahre vor 1970, d. h. bis zum Jahre 1950 zurück. Damit können erstmalig statistische Daten für die Entstehung des Bruttoinlandsprodukt der DDR für 1950 bis 1989, untersetzt nach Wirtschaftsbereichen und die inländische Verwendung nach Hauptpositionen und im Wesentlichen vergleichbar mit heutigen Abgrenzungskriterien der VGR zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Im Interesse einer langfristigen Darstellung des Zusammenhangs für den gesamten Referenzzeitraum ab 1950 bis 1989 wurden die Ergebnisse der bereits genannten früheren Untersuchungen für den Zeitraum von 1970 bis 1989 integriert.
Die bisherige Situation des Fehlens einer aussagefähigen Datenbasis einer vergleichbaren volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnung für die DDR führte nach 1990 zu den verschiedensten Berechnungen einzelner Autoren zur Entwicklung des BIP der DDR. Diese Berechnungen hatten einen unterschiedlichen konzeptionellen Hintergrund und führten zu sich häufig widersprechenden Aussagen. Kennzeichnend für die meisten dieser Versuche war ein quantitatives Herunterrechnen der tatsächlichen wirtschaftlichen Leistungen der DDR; teilweise ergab sich infolgedessen bei Langzeitvergleichen daraus das kuriose Ergebnis, dass sich die DDR-Wirtschaft im Jahre 1989 noch auf dem Produktivitätsniveau der Vorkriegszeit befunden hätte bzw. nur bei ca. 20 bis 30 Prozent des Niveaus der früheren Bundesrepublik. Auf diese Probleme und die entsprechenden Datenquellen wird näher eingegangen. Die bestehenden Lücken an vergleichbaren statistischen Reihen gesamtwirtschaftlichen Indikatoren für die DDR nach den Konzepten der VGR erleichterten insofern Fehleinschätzungen über die gesamtwirtschaftlichen Ergebnisse und verhindern eine allseitige Beurteilung des Verlaufs der ökonomischen Prozesse und der sie beeinflussenden Faktoren in der DDR.
Naturgemäß können derartige volkswirtschaftliche Langzeituntersuchungen nie die Genauigkeit und Verlässlichkeit einer aktuellen jährlichen Nachweisung erreichen. Dies gilt nicht nur für den vorliegenden Arbeitsgegenstand der VGR, sondern für alle längerfristigen wirtschafts- und sozialstatistischen Beobachtungen. Durch die umfassende Nutzung der vorliegenden statistischen Daten und zutreffender statistischer Methoden kann jedoch eine hinreichende Genauigkeit bei der statistischen Widerspiegelung der Entwicklungstendenzen erreicht werden. Außerdem gewährleistet im speziellen Fall der VGR die Nutzung der Bilanzmethode, d. h. die getrennte Ermittlung der Entstehung und der Verwendung des BIP aus unterschiedlichen Datenquellen eine zusätzliche Möglichkeit zur Gewährleistung der Validität. Dies gilt auch für die Rückrechnung von DDR-Daten.
Die für die DDR bei dieser VGR - Neuberechnung für 1950 bis 1989 nach annähernd den gleichen methodischen und wirtschaftssystematischen Grund¬sätzen ermittelten Größen für die Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP ermöglichten es, entsprechende Vergleiche mit der Wirtschaftsentwicklung in der früheren Bundesrepublik durchzuführen. Gleichfalls bestanden dadurch die Möglichkeiten gesamtdeutsche Ergebnisse näherungsweise zu berechnen.
Im Unterschied zu westlichen Autoren, die sich vor 1990 mit partiellen Schätzungen des BIP der DDR für einzelne Zeiträume bzw. der Entstehung des BIP beschäftigt hatten , konnte der Verfasser der vorliegenden Ausarbeitung auf die Gesamtheit der archivierten statistischen Daten, der veröffentlichten und geheimen Informationen, sowie dazugehöriger organisatorischer und methodischer Unterlagen der amtlichen DDR-Statistik zurückgreifen. Als langjähriger Mitarbeiter der Staatlichen Zentralverwaltung für Statistik der DDR war es ihm möglich, noch teilweise vorhandenes Insiderwissen von verantwortlichen Experten der Statistikproduktion und nicht archivierte Dokumente zu erschließen.
Die Arbeit untergliedert sich in die vier Hauptabschnitte A bis D. Im ersten Hauptabschnitt A werden die wichtigsten inhaltlichen und konzeptionellen Ausgangspunkte einer Rückrechnung der Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts für die DDR sowie die dafür erforderlichen datenbezogenen Voraussetzungen behandelt. Im zweiten Hauptabschnitt B werden die Hauptergebnisse der Rückrechnung für die einzelnen Strukturelemente der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR für den Zeitraum von 1950 bis 1989 vorgestellt. Dabei wurde nach Möglichkeit versucht, entsprechende Vergleichsdaten für die BRD heranzuziehen. Durch den Vergleich der Ergebnisse der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR mit den entsprechenden Daten der BRD war eine bessere Bewertung der erreichten Wirtschaftsergebnisse der DDR möglich. Im dritten Hauptabschnitt C werden die Methoden und datenbezogenen Grundlagen der VGR-Rückrechnung ausführlich beschrieben. Da das gesamte Projekt der Rückrechnung der VGR der DDR für 1950 bis 1989 in mehreren Etappen realisiert wurde, war es zweckmäßig zum Verständnis des angewendeten Gesamtkonzepts teilweise auf bereits früher publizierte Materialien zurückzugreifen und sie in die einzelnen Abschnitte einzuordnen. Im letzten Hauptabschnitt D werden Versuche anderer Autoren zur Rückrechnung des BIP der DDR vor und nach 1990 beschrieben und in ihre methodischen Konzepte in den Grundzügen sichtbar gemacht. Dadurch soll die Einordnung und Beurteilung der vorliegenden Rückrechnung der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR für 1950 bis 1989 unterstützt werden.
Im Anhang 1 werden die Ergebnisse der VGR - Rückrechnung von 1950 bis 1989 in den territorialen Abgrenzungen für die DDR, die BRD und Deutschland als Zeitreihen (in Bezug auf die textlichen Einschätzungen in Hauptabschnitt B) tabellarisch näher untergliedert und für alle Jahre des Untersuchungszeitraums nachgewiesen. In Anlehnung an die aktuelle Praxis bei der Veröffentlichung mehrjähriger Reihen zur Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP durch das Statistische Bundesamt werden die einzelnen Indikatoren vorwiegend als Indexreihen mit fester Basis (1950 = 100) dargestellt. Im Interesse einer eindeutigen numerischen Darstellung wurden die Daten mit einer Kommastelle ausgewiesen, wobei dadurch nicht eine Genauigkeit der sachlichen Ergebnisse in diesem Zahlenbereich vorgetäuscht werden soll.
Die Anhänge 2 bis 4 enthalten ergänzende methodische Materialien und Daten zur VGR, wie einen Überblick zu den Methoden und Begriffen der VGR in der ehemaligen DDR und der BRD (Anhang 2), der Zuordnung der Wirtschaftszweige zu den volkswirtschaftliche Wirtschaftsbereichen im Rahmen der VGR (Anhang 3), Originalergebnisse der SZS der DDR zur Entwicklung des Gesamtprodukts und Nationaleinkommens der DDR von 1949 bis 1989 nach dem MPS - Konzept (Anhang 4) und eine Übersicht der bereits früher veröffentlichten Tabellen zur Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR von 1970 bis 1989 in HSR-Supplement No. 17 (2005) als Anhang 5. Das Heft wird abgeschlossen (Anhang 6) durch ein detailliertes Verzeichnis aller Tabellen im Text und im Anhang.

Themen

Datentabellen in HISTAT (Thema: Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnungen):

I. Tabellen im laufenden Text ("T" - Tabellen)
T.01 Entwicklung des BIP in der DDR und der BRD, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.02 Jährliche Wachstumsrate des BIP in der DDR und der BRD nach Zeitperioden, in % (1951-1989)
T.03 Vergleich des Niveaus des BIP zwischen der DDR und der BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1989)
T.04 Anteil der Wirtschaftbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung in der DDR, in % (1950-1989)
T.05 Entwicklung der Bruttowertschöpfung der DDR nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.06 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen und Zeitperioden, in % DDR (1950-1989)
T.07 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen und Zeitperioden, in % BRD (1950-1989)
T.08 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung in der BRD, in % (1950-1989)
T.09 Anteil der Industriebereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung des produzierenden Gewerbes in der DDR und der BRD, in % (1950-1989)
T.10 Struktur des Bereichs "Finanzierung, Wohnungsvermietung, öffentliche und private Dienstleister", in % (1970-1989)
T.11 Bevölkerung und Erwerbstätigkeit in der DDR und der BRD, Anzahl, 1950= 100 (1950-1989)
T.12 Beschäftigungsgrad DDR/BRD, in % (1950-1989)
T.13 Arbeitsfähige Bevölkerung in der DDR, Anzahl je 1000 der Bevölkerung (1950-1989)
T.14 Erwerbstätige in der DDR nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100, Anteil in % (1950-1989)
T.15 Entwicklung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts in der DDR und der BRD je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.16 Niveau des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen in der DDR im Vergleich zur BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1989)
T.17 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen im Jahr 1950 in der DDR im Vergleich zur BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1950)
T.18 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der DDR nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.19 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der BRD nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.20 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der DDR nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989)
T.21 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der BRD nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989)
T.22 Vergleich der Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen zwischen der DDR und der BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1989)
T.23 Grobstruktur der BIP-Verwendung in der DDR, in % (1950-1989)
T.24 Grobstruktur der BIP-Verwendung in der BRD, in % (1950-1989)
T.25 Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestition in der DDR, 1950 = 100, Anteile in % (1950-1989)
T.26 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestitionen in der DDR nach Zeitperioden, 1950 = 100, Anteil in % (1950-1989)
T.27 Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestitionen in der BRD, 1950 = 100, Anteil in % (1950-1989)
T.28 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestitionen in der BRD nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989)
T.29 Konsumausgaben je Einwohner in der DDR und der BRD, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.30 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Konsumausgaben je Einwohner in der DDR nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989)
T.31 Relation BRD/DDR und DDR/BRD der Konsumausgaben je Einwohner (1950-1989)
T.32 Bruttoinvestition je Einwohner, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.33 Jährliche Entwicklungsraten der Bruttoinvestitionen je Einwohner nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989)
T.34 Relation BRD/DDR und DDR/BRD der Bruttoinvestitionen je Einwohner (1950-1989)
T.35 Struktur der Investitionen nach Wirtschaftsbereichten, in % (1955-1988)
T.36 Anteil der Wohnungswirtschaft an den Investitionen der sonstigen Wirtschaftsbereiche der DDR und der BRD, in % (1955-1989)
T.37 Struktur der Investitionen nach Bereichen des produzierenden Gewerbes, in % (1955-1989)
T.38 Entwicklung des Exports und Imports in der DDR und der BRD, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989)
T.39 Relation der Ex- und Importe BRD/DDR - DDR/BRD je Einwohner (1950-1989)
T.40 Bruttoinlandsprodukt der neuen Länder, 19989 = 100 (1989-2000)
T.41 Volkswirtschaftliche Indikatoren für die DDR/Neue Länder, 1950 = 100 (1950-2000)
T.42/43 Bruttoinlandsprodukt und Wertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen für die DDR/Neue Länder, 1989 = 100 (1989-2000)
T.44 Bruttowertschöpfung der Gruppen "Materielle Produktion" und "Dienstleistungen", 1989 = 100 (1989-2000)
T.45 Anteil der Wirtschaftbereiche an der Wertschöpfung insgesamt, in % (1989-2000)
T.46 Bruttowertschöpfung im produzierenden Gewerbe, 1989 = 100, Anteile in % (1989-2000)
T.47 Bruttowertschöpfung im Handel, Gastgewerbe und Verkehr, 1989 = 100, Anteile in % (1989-2000)
T.48 Bruttowertschöpfung im Wirtschaftsbereich Finanzierung, Vermietung und Unternehmensdienstleistungen (1989-2000)
T.49 Bruttoinlandsprodukt und Inländische Verwendung, 1989 = 100, Anteile in % (1989-2000)
T.50 Konsumausgaben und Bruttoanlageinvestition (1989-2000)
T.51 Konsumausgaben der privaten Haushalte und des Staates (1989-2000)
T.52 Bevölkerungszahl und Erwerbstätige (1989-2000)
T.53 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1989 = 100 (1989-2000)
T.54 Bruttoinlandsprodukt je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen, 1989 = 100 (1989-2000)
T.56 Entwicklung des BIP der DDR, BRD und Deutschland, 1950 =100 (1950-1989)
T.57 Anteil der DDR und der BRD am gesamtdeutschen BIP, in % (1950-1989)
T.58 Anteil der DDR an der gesamtdeutschen Wertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, in % (1950-1989)
T.59 Relation des BIP je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen, Deutschland = 100 (1950-1989)
T.62 Vergleich der Dynamik von VGR-Indikatoren der DDR nach dem MPS- und SNA-Konzept in Prozent, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
T.63 Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt zu jeweiligen Preisen und Preisen 1985 sowie Preisindex (Deflator) (1970-1989)
T.64 Vergleich der Wachstumsraten, in % zum Vorjahr (1976-1980)
T.65 Jährliche Preiserhöhung durch neue und weiterentwickelte Erzeugnisse, in Prozent (1970-1988)
T.66 Originale und korrigierte Preisindizes, 1985=100 (1970-1989)
T.67 Verbraucherpreisindizes nach Warengruppen, 1985=100 (1970-1985)
T.68 Preisindizes für die Aggregate der Entstehung des BIP, 1970=100 (1970-1989)
T.69 Preisindizes für die Produktionswerte, die Vorleistungen und die Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1970=100 (1970-1989)
T.70 Preisindizes der Verwendungspositionen des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, 1970=100 (1970-1980)
T.71 Vergleich der Preisänderung, 1970=100 (1970-1989)
T.73 Deflatoren (Preiskoeffizienten) der Bruttowertschöpfung für die neuen Länder (ohne Berlin), 1995 gegenüber 1991, 1991=1,000 (1995)
T.75 Deflatoren der DDR- Nationaleinkommensrechnung der SZS, 1950=100 (1950-1970)
T.76 Entwicklung der DDR - Abgabepreise für ausgewählte Erzeugnisgruppen, 1950=100 (1950-1970)
T.77 Entwicklung der Bruttowertschöpfung der DDR bei unterschiedlicher Bewertung mit vergleichbaren Preisen 1989 gegenüber 1970, 1970=100 (1970-1989)
T.78 Entwicklung der NSW-Exports der DDR zu effektiven und vergleichbaren Bedingungen, 1975=100 (1975-1988)
T.79 Entwicklung der NSW-Exportrentabilität zu effektiven und vergleichbaren Bedingungen (1975-1988)
T.80 Berechnung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts der DDR in DM auf der Grundlage eines durchschnittlichen Umrechnungskoeffizienten (1950-1989)
T.81 Vergleich von Berechnungen zur Entwicklung des BIP der DDR, 1950=100 (1950-1989)


II. Tabellen aus dem Anhang
Statistische Übersichten zur Entwicklung der Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts 1950 bis 1989 (Rückrechnungsergebnisse):

1. Deutsche Demokratische Republik (Tab. 1.1 bis Tab. 1.9)
Tab. 1.1.A Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen, absolute Angaben (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.1.B Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Inländische Verwendung, 1950=100
Tab. 1.2 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.3 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.4 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.5 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen. 1950=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.6 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an den Erwerbstätigen, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.7 Inländische Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, Ex- und Import, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.8 Anteil an der inländischen Verwendung, Inländische Verwendung, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 1.9 Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner, 1950=100 (1950-1989)

2. Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Tabellen 2.1 bis 2.9)
Tab. 2.1.A Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen, Absolute Angaben (1950-1989)
Tab.2.1.B Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Inländische Verwendung, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.2 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.3 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.4 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.5 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.6 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an den Erwerbstätigen, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.7 Inländische Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, Ex- und Import, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.8 Anteil an der inländischen Verwendung, Inländische Verwendung, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 2.9 Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner, 1950=100 (1950-1989)

3. Deutschland (Tabellen 3.1 bis 3.9)
Tab. 3.1.A Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen, Absolute Angaben (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.1.B Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung,
Erwerbstätige, Inländische Verwendung, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.2 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.3 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.4 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.5 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.6 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an den Erwerbstätigen, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.7 Inländische Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, Ex- und Import, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
Tab. 3.8 Anteil an der inländischen Verwendung, Inländische Verwendung, insgesamt=100
(1950-1989)
Tab. 3.9 Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner, 1950=100 (1950-1989)

4. Vergleich DDR/ BRD – BRD/ DDR (Tabellen 4.1 bis 4.4)
Tabelle 4.1 Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen (1950-1989)
Tabelle 4.2 Inländische Verwendung, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen insgesamt und je Einwohner, DDR=100 (1950-1989)
Tabelle 4.3 Inländische Verwendung, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen insgesamt und je Einwohner, BRD=100 (1950-1989)
Tabelle 4.4 Export, Import

Tabellen zur Entwicklung des gesellschaftlichen Gesamtprodukts und Nationaleinkommens in der DDR von 1949 bis 1989 (Amtliche Ergebnisse der SZS der DDR nach dem MPS – Konzept).
(Auszug aus dem Statistischen Jahrbuch des gesellschaftlichen Gesamtprodukt und des Nationaleinkommens 1989, Herausgeber: Statistisches Amt der DDR, August 1990. Fundort: Bundesarchiv, DE 2/ 23081):

5. Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt und Nationaleinkommen (Tabellen 4.5 und 4.6)
Alle Angaben in den folgenden Tabellen (Tab. 4.5 und Tab. 4.6) entsprechen der Preis- und Strukturbasis von 1985!

Tab. 4.5 Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt und Nationaleinkommen: In Millionen Mark und Entwicklung, 1950=100 (1949-1989)
Tab. 4.6 Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt und Nationaleinkommen: Struktur in Prozent (1949-1989)

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In Latin America, complex societies were formed and have survived against the most cruel economic and political pressures. E. Candotti, Editor, Ciencia Hoje, Rio de Janeiro, at the Workshop on Scientific Publications in Latin America in Guadalajara Developing a New Science Agenda for Africa A. RANDFORUM's Mandate Prompted by the fact that Africa had so far failed to put into place mechanisms for the economic and social development of Africa, The Research and Development Forum for ScienceLed Development in Africa (RANDFORUM) was established two years ago with the following guidelines: NEWS IN BRIEF New President of the Third World Academy of Sciences Jose Israel Vargas from Brazil was elected President of the Third World Academy of ciences (TWAS) at its recent Council meeting held in Trieste, Italy on 27 January 1995. NEWS IN BRIEF First International Course in Biotechnology of Plants and Microorganisms 25 October to 13 December 1995 Rehovot, Israel The COBIOTECH's Training Centre of Biotechnology in Agriculture, in cooperation with the Otto Warburg Centre for Agricultural Biotechnology, established at the Faculty of Agriculture, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, is organizing the {{First International Course in Biotechnology of Plants and Microorganisms}} to be held at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Rehovot, Israel, from 25 October to 13 December 1995. LOOKING AHEAD Future Meetings METEOHYTEC 21 UPDATE WMO International Conference on Meteorological and Hydrological Technology and its Management - METEOHYTEC 21 Geneva, 22-26 May 1995. International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics General Assembly Boulder, Colorado, U.S.A. July 3-14, 1995 Data Challenges of the 21st Century An Inter-Association Workshop, sponsored by the International Association of Seismology and Physics of the Earth's Interior (IASPEI), and co-sponsored by the International Association of Geodesy (lAG), the International Association of Geomagnetism and Aeronomy (lAGA), the ICSU Committee on Data for Science and Technology (CODATA), and the ICSU Panel on World Data Centers (WDC). ICSU Forum 22 October 1995 and SAC IV, 23-27 October 1995 Beijing International Convention Center, Beijing, China The International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme (IGBP) The records of ancient China give detailed descriptions of weather and landscape, providing invaluable documentation of climate and landuse change. We search these records for indicators of global change, and whether changes in China did, or did not, correspond to dramatic changes in warm or cold, wet or dry, periods in other parts of the globe. ICSU Forum on Earth System Research The ICSU Forum taking place on 22 October in Beijing is the third one to accompany a Scientific Advisory Council meeting for the IGBP. The first in Paris (France) in September 1990 addressed global change studies in the different ICSU Unions, the second in Ensenada (Baja California, Mexico) covered different aspects of the follow-up to Agenda 21 and the Rio Conference, and the third Forum addresses scientific issues with regard to Earth system research. The Forum, with an approach to the global change work of the ICSU bodies, provides an introduction to the more specific scientific research and results of the IGBP. Conference and Business Forum Cuernavaca, Morelos, Mexico 26-29 November 1995 This Conference is jointly organized by the Scientific Committee for Biotechnology (COBIOTECH) of the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) andthe Instituto de Biotecnologia (IBT) de la Universidad Nacional Aut6norna de Mexico (UNAM). This is a first interdisciplinary brainstorming event to discuss the needs, opportunities, and tools for promoting biotechnology through methods of cooperation between all Third Scientific Symposium {{Global Change, Local Challenge}} Geneva, 20-22 September 1995 Background The Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Programme (HDP) addresses processes that transcend political and cultural boundaries. Understanding and responding to these global scale phenomena requires international coordination and cooperation. HDP contributes to global change research by providing mechanisms to foster collaboration among natural and social scientists, develop compatible and comparable data sets, elaborate common methodologies, and exchange research results. Preparations for 25th meeting of ICSU General Assembly The 25th General Assembly of ICSU will take place in Washington, D.C., in September 1996, hosted by the U.S- National Member of ICSU, the National Academy of Sciences. The General Assembly will open on the evening of 24 September 1996 and will conclude its business by the afternoon of 27 September. A day will be set aside during the Assembly for a Scientific Symposium the programme of which is presently being finalized. OBITUARIES Tribute to Cyril Ponnamperuma by Professor Julian Chela-Flores from Venezuela, TWAS Fellow (Written for TWAS Nezvsletter) PUBLICATIONS ICSU 1995 Year Book The 1995 ICSU Year Book was published in March This valuable reference tool contains 475 pages of information on the Council, its Members, Committees, Associates and partners with details of their activities and chief scientific officers. In addition to an alphabetical address list of over 2,000 leading scientists throughout the world, the Year Book contains a comprehensive calendar of international scientific meetings from the present to the year 2000. It is an essential publication for scientific and university libraries, institutions and individuals with serious interests in scientific research. Guidelines for Scientific Publishing Second edition ICSU Press Publishing Services has concentrated its efforts on being a source of advice and counsel to ICSU bodies in matters relating to scientific publishing, including financial, legal and technical aspects, and as an agent for any family member wishing to engage in the publication of books or journals. It is within this context of this advisory role that these revised Guidelines for Scientific Publishing have been issued. This book may be obtained from the ICSU Secretariat. Universality of Science The eighth edition of Universality of Science}} (1995/1996) is now ready for distribution. This handbook of ICSU's Standing Committee on Freedom in the Conduct of Science (SCFCS) gives advice to organizers of international scientific meetings. The 51-page booklet has kept the same blue cover ever since the first edition and is widely known as {{The Blue Book}}. CALENDAR OF MEETINGS 27 March - 7 April 10-11 April: 12 - 28 April 20 - 21 April 24 - 26 April 02 - 03 May 04 - 05 May 6 May 29 May - 4 June 15 -16 June 21 June 22 - 23 June Copyright 1995 ICSU

Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articles on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty," the "underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problems of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions and politics to respond; in their response we believe these institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy, metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs--such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs--could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "nonparticipants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickledown effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefitted financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing sound economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemmas of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformulation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew our of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketts, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (at Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arleda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articls on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty,", the underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problem of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs -- such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs -- could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "non-participants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickle-down effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefited financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization; the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing around economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private-sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemma of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew out of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketta, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (et Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arieda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

GESCHICHTE DER STADT UND DES GERICHTSBEZIRKES ODRAU Geschichte der Stadt und des Gerichtsbezirkes Odrau ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ([I]) Vorwort. ([III]) Inhaltsangabe. (VII) I. Abschnitt. II. Abschnitt. III. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Sternberg: IV. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Liderau und Hoyer von Füllstein: V. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Zwola: VI. Abschnitt. Odrau zur Zeit des dreißigjährigen Krieges: (VII) VII. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Werdenberg: (VII) VIII. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Lichnowsky. (VIII) IX. Abschnitt. Odrau unter Maria Theresia, Reichsgräfin von Schlabrendorf, und Charlotte, Landgräfin zu Fürstenberg. (VIII) X. Abschnitt. 1848 - 1900: (IX) Verzeichnis der Bilder. (XI) I. Abschnitt. Geographischer Überblick. ([1]) [Abb.]: Oderquelle. (2) [Abb.]: Blick ins Odertal vom Hirnik (Jogsdorf-Lautsch). (3) [Abb.]: Blick auf Odrau vom Pohorschberg beim Steinteichl. (4) [Abb.]: Mankendorfer Brücke. (5) Am linken Ufer fließen der Oder, abgesehen von einigen unbedeutenden und unbenannten Gewässern, folgende Bäche zu: (7) [Abb.]: Partie aus dem Tschermenktale. (7) Die Zuflüsse der Oder am rechten Ufer sind: (8) [Abb.]: Partie aus dem Steinbachtale (Wolfsdorf). (8) [Tabelle]: Als 40 jähriges Normalmittel der Temperatur von 1851 - 1890 in Graden nach Celsius ermittelt: (9) [Tabelle]: Die Vertheilung auf die einzelnen Gemeinden ist aus nachstehender Tabelle ersichtlich: (10) Geologische Übersicht. Vorgeschichtliche Zeit. (10) [Abb.]: Petersdorfer Brücke. (12) [Abb.]: Vorgeschichtliche Funde bei Mankendorf. (14) II. Abschnitt. (17) Überblick über die älteste Landesgeschichte. (17) [Abb.]: Eisernes Tor (mähr.-schles. Landesgrenze). (19) [Abb.]: Milichberg mit Taschenberg im Hintergrunde. (23) Besiedlungen im Odergebiete. Odrau einst Wihnanow genannt. (26) [Abb.]: Mariastein an der Oder. (27) [Abb.]: Odrau vom Milichberg. Der Standort von Wihnanow und Pohorschberg im Hintergrund. (30) Deutsches Recht. (31) III. Abschnitt. (35) Odrau unter den Herren von Sternberg. (35) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herren von Sternberg. (36) [Abb.]: Blick von der Pochhütte auf Sternfeld. (39) [Abb.]: Kunzendorfer Erbscholtisei. (43) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herren von Krawarn. (46) [Abb.]: Jahrmarktsbild. (47) Die Husitenkriege. (49) [Abb.]: Mord- oder Wehrgang auf der Stadtmauer. (51) [Abb.]: Citadine im Zwinger. Letzter Rest der Stadtbefestigung. (54) [Abb.]: Taschendorfer Holzkirche. (57) [Abb.]: Patronenmalerei von der Decke der Taschendorfer Kirche. (60) [Abb.]: Patronenmalerei vom Chore der Taschendorfer Kirche. (63) IV. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Liderau und unter Hoyer von Füllstein. (64) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herren von Lidareu. (65) [Abb.]: Dreiteiliges Flügelaltarbild in der Taschendorfer Kirche (Geschlossen). (68) [Abb.]: Dreiteiliges Flügelaltarbild in der Taschendorfer Kirche (Offen). (69) [Abb.]: Ältestes Wandbild des hl. Martin in der Taschendorfer Kirche. (71) [Abb.]: Entwicklung des Odrauer Stadtwappens. (73) Kunzendorf! (76) V. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Zwola. (77) Hinek von Zwola-Namiescht auf Odrau. (77) Johann Thomas von Zwola-Goldenstein auf Odrau. (79) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herren von Zwola-Goldenstein. (80) Streitigkeiten mit den Bürgern. (81) [Abb.]: Altes Rathaus von Odrau. Abgebrochen 1863. (83) In welch bescheidenen Verhältnissen sich die Einnahmen und Ausgaben bewegten, zeigen die einzelnen Posten, die wir in der damaligen Schreibweise anführen. (85) A. Einnahmen: (85) [Tabelle]: (85) [Abb.]: Wappenschild vom alten Rathaus. (87) [Tabelle]: B. Ausgaben. (87) [Abb.]: Wappen der Schuster-, Schneider-, Kürschner- und Fleischerzunft. (90) [Abb.]: Wappen der gemischten Zunft, der Leinweber-, Bäcker- und Tuchmacherzunft. (91) [Abb.]: Aältestes Einsagzeichen der Schneiderzunft. (94) [Abb.]: Einsagzeichen der Schneiderzunft v. J. 1612. (95) Streitigkeiten mit den Bauern. (96) [Abb.]: Einsagzeichen der Kürschnerzunft. (100) [Abb.]: Einsagzeichen der Schusterzunft. (101) Andere Streitigkeiten. (102) Johann Bohusch von Zwola-Goldenstein auf Odrau. (105) Städtische Verhältnisse. (106) [Tabelle]: Aus dem Jahre 1590 hat sich das Register der städtischen Ausgaben erhalten, dem wir das Folgende entnehmen: (106) [Abb.]: Einsagzeichen der Leinweberzunft. (108) [Abb.]: Einsagzeichen der Tuchmacherzunft. (109) Streit mit den Bürgern und Bauern. (110) Andere Streitigkeiten. (113) [Abb.]: Einsagzeichen der gemischten Zunft. (114) Plünderung durch Geißbergs Völker. (115) Neuregelung des Zunftwesens. (118) [Abb.]: Mankendorfer Erbrichterei. (118) [Abb.]: Heinzendorfer Erbrichterei. (123) [Abb.]: Wessiedler Erbrichterei. (128) [Abb.]: Dobischwälder Erbrichterei. (133) Rechtspflege. (134) [Abb.]: Lautscher Erbrichterei. (137) [Abb.]: Jogsdorfer Erbrichterei. (140) [2 Abb.]: Klein-Hermsdorfer Erbrichterei. (144) Reformation und Gegenreformation. (147) [Abb.]: Groß-Hermersdorfer Erbrichterei. (148) [Abb.]: Dörfler Erbrichterei. (151) [Abb.]: Kamitzer Erbrichterei. (154) [Abb.]: Wolfsdorfer Erbrichterei. (158) Kunzendorf. (162) [Abb.]: Taschendorfer Erbrichterei. (163) VI. Abschnitt. Odrau zur Zeit des dreißigjährigen Krieges. (164) Georg und Johan Friedrich von Stitsch und Poln.-Jagel auf Odrau. (164) Schebor Praschma von Bilkau auf Odrau. (166) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herren von Praschma. (167) Der dreißigjährige Krieg. I. Periode. (168) [Abb.]: Meierhof in Odrau. (170) Der dreißigjährige Krieg. II. Periode. (171) [Abb.]: Meierhof in Mankendorf. (173) Hans Bernhard Praschma von Bilkau auf Odrau. (174) Der dreißigjährige Krieg. III. Periode. (176) [Abb.]: Meierhof in Klein-Petersdorf. (176) Odrau unter kaiserlichem Sequester. (178) IV. Periode des dreißigjährigen Krieges. (179) [Abb.]: Herrschaftl. Brettsäge in Lautsch. (180) Johann Freiherr von Winz auf Odrau. (182) Der dreißigjährige Krieg. V. Periode. (183) [Abb.]: Mühle und Brettsäge in Lautsch. (184) [Abb.]: Große-Mühle oder Schloßmühle in Odrau. (187) Michael Alvernia Saluzzo, Markgraf zu Clavesana, auf Odrau. (189) Plünderung dirch die Schweden. (190) [Abb.]: Herrschaftliches Bräuhaus. (191) Untertansverhältnisse nach dem Urbar vom Jahre 1650. (196) [Tabelle]: Die Rechnung nach den Metzen wurde erst später üblich. (197) [Abb.]: Siegel der Strumpfstrickerzunft. (198) [Abb.]: Schloß Odrau. (202) [Tabelle]: Die weiteren Robotleistungen der Bauern aus den genannten Dörfern sind aus folgender Tabelle zu entnehmen: (206) [Tabelle]: Die Gemeinden als solche brachten der Herrschaft seit uralter Zeit folgende Gaben, die man Ehrungen nannte: (207) [Abb.]: Erntebild. (208) [Abb.]: Erntewagen. (212) Gewerbe. (213) [Abb.]: Glockentürmchen in Jogsdorf. (215) Kirche und Schule. (216) VII. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Werdenberg. (218) Johann Baptist Freiherr von Werdenberg auf Odrau. (218) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herren von Werdenberg. (220) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche in Odrau. (225) Johann Georg Freiherr von Hofmann auf Odrau. (228) [Abb.]: Grundriß der Pfarrkirche in Odrau. (231) Johann Peter Anton Graf von Werdenberg auf Odrau. (232) [Abb.]: Begräbniskirche in Odrau. (237) Gewerbe. (242) [Abb.]: Partie aus der Neustadt in Odrau. (243) [Abb.]: Werdenberger Meierhof. (249) Rechtspflege. (255) [Abb.]: Tschermenkamühle. (257) Kirche und Schule. (260) [Abb.]: Hennhof. (262) [Abb.]: Forellenteichl. (267) [Abb.]: Hennbach bei Hochwasser. (272) Kunzendorf. (274) VIII. Abschnitt. Odrau unter den Herren von Lichnowsky. (275) Franz Leopold Freiherr von Lichnowsky auf Odrau. (275) [Tabelle]: (276) [Tabelle]: Zu Ostern hatten 19 Schultern oder Schinken zu geben oder 385 gr. zu zahlen. Auf diese einzelnen Dörfer verteilte sich dies folgendermaßen: (277) [Abb.]: Wappen der Herrn von Lichnowsky. (278) Großer Rechtsstreit mit den Bürgern und Bauern. (279) [Abb.]: Lange Brücke in Odrau. (283) [Abb.]: Franziskusstatue auf der langen Brücke. (288) Barbara Cajetana Gräfin Lichnowsky. (291) [Abb.]: Johannesstatue auf der langen Brücke. (293) [Abb.]: Schloß Odrau (Parkseite). (298) [Abb.]: Florianistatue am Stadtplatze. (303) Johann Karl Gottlieb Graf Lichnowsky. (304) Dritter schlesischer oder siebenjähriger Krieg. (304) [Abb.]: Hochwasser in der Oder, von der Viehweidbrücke gesehen. (309) Rechtsstreit mit den Schankbürgern. Gründung neuer Kolonien. (312) [Abb.]: Glockentürmchen in Lautsch. (315) [Abb.]: Siegel von Neumark (321) Bayrischer Erbfolgekrieg. (321) Wiederaufnahme des Rechtsstreites mit den Schankbürgern. Gründung weiterer Kolonien. (323) [Abb.]: Siegel von Dörfel, Kamitz, Lautsch und Großhermsdorf. (326) [Abb.]: Siegel von Mankendorf, Dobischwald, Taschendorf, Kleinhermsdorf und Wessiedel. (331) Untertansverhältnisse. Urbarialentwürfe. Robothauptpatent. (332) [Abb.]: Siegel von Heinzendorf, Jogsdorf, Wolfsdorf, Petersdorf, Werdenberg, Emaus und Neudörfel. (336) Neue Urbarien. Beschwerden der Herrschaft wegen derselben. (340) [Abb.]: Kreuz in der Neumark. (341) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Aus der Tabelle A sind jedorch die Hauptleistungen derselben an Grundzinsen und Roboten zu entnehmen, (2)während Tabelle B das von den einzelnen Dörfern der Herrschaft zu schüttende Zinsgetreide angibt. (342) Einziehung der Zinsflecken. Einkaufsgesetze und Kommissionskäufe. (345) [Abb.]: Brücke in Neudörfl. (346) Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft und Einräumung des Eigentums an die Untertanen. (350) [Abb.]: Werdenberg. (351) Außerordentliche Robotaushilfe. Aufruhr. (354) [Abb.]: Sternfeld. (356) Neues Steuer- und Urbarialsystem. (356) [Tabelle]: Flächeninhalt der obrigkeitlichen; Flächeninhalt der untertänigen (360) [Tabelle]: 1. Acker und Trieschfelder 2. Wiesen und Gärten 3. Hutweiden 4. Wälder (361) Karl Fürst Lichnowsky. (362) [Abb.]: Emaus. (363) Wiederabschaffung des neuen Steuer- und Urbarial-Systems. (364) Gewerbe. (365) [Tabelle]: [Gewerbe] (366) [Abb.]: Marienstatue am Stadtplatze. (369) [Abb.]: Kreuz in der Bachgasse. (375) Rechtspflege. (380) [Abb.]: Kreuz in der Obergasse. (380) [Abb.]: Kirche in Dörfel. (387) Reihenfolge der bekannten Bürgermeister von Odrau: [1485 - 1787] (389) Reihenfolge der bekannten Stadtvögte und Stadtrichter von Odrau: [1542 - 1695] (390) Stadtrichter: [1696 - 1787] Reihenfolge der bekannten Stadtschreiber: [1547 - 1765] (391) [Abb.]: Kirche in Mankendorf. (392) Stadt- und Dorfpfarren. (393) [Abb.]: Kirche in Petersdorf. (399) [Abb.]: Kirche und Erbscholtisei (nach dem Brande) in Kunzendorf. (404) Stadt- und Dorfschulen. (407) [Abb.]: Kirche in Wessiedel. (409) [Abb.]: Windmühle in Wessiedel. (414) [Abb.]: Ackersmann in Dörfel. (418) [Abb.]: Windmühle in Kamitz. (421) Kunzendorf. (423) IX. Abschnitt. (425) Odrau unter Maria Theresia, Reichsgräfin von Schlabrendorff, und Charlotte, Landgräfin zu Fürstenberg. (425) [Abb.]: Wappen der Schlabrendorff. (425) [2 Abb.]: Schießstätte. (429) [Tabelle]: Am 2. Jänner 1806 war die Epidemie in Abnahme begriffen, nur in Mankendorf griff sie noch weiter um sich. Den Umfang, den sie genommen, zeigt folgende Zusammenstellung: (430) [Abb.]: Viehweidbrücke (Hofbrücke) mit Lerchenfeld. (433) [Abb.]: Wappen der Fürstenberg. (438) Stadt- und Dorfgeschichte. (442) [Abb.]: Städtisches Brauhaus im Zwinger. (443) [Abb.]: Josefihof. (447) [Abb.]: Rosengasse. (450) [Abb.]: Kirchengasse. (453) [Abb.]: Weitzkirchnerstraße. (456) [Abb.]: Prospekt u. Grundlage der Stad Oderau in Reserlich Schlesien von Morgen gegen Abend anzusehen. (459) [Tabelle]: A Gemeinden Flächeninhalt der ertragsfähigen (produktiven) Gründe; Anzahl der Häuser Wohnparteien; Von diesen Betrieben waren Landwirtschaft, Gewerbe, Landw. u. Gewerbe, Honoratioren, Taglöhner; Viehstand Pferde, Fohlen, Ochsen, Kühe, Schafe (460) [Tabelle]: B Gemeinden Obrigkeitliche oder Dominikalgründe; Untertänige oder Rustikalgründe (461) [Tabelle]: C Gemeinden Anzahl der Bestiftungen mit ihrem Bsitzstande (462) [Abb.]: Stadt. Odrauer Tuchschaerrer Zunftsiegel. (464) Gewerbe. (465) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Heinzendorf. (466) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Neudörfel. (468) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Kleinhermsdorf. (470) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Großhermsdorf. (472) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Kamitz. (475) [Abb.]: Städt. Volks- und Bürgerschule in Odrau. (477) [Abb.]: Dr. Jur. u. Phil. Heinrich Joh. Demel. Direktor der Theresianischen Akademie in Wien. (479) [Abb.]: Alois Klein. kön. Sektionschef in Agram. (481) [Abb.]: Eduard Gerlich Professor am eidgenössischen Polytechnikum in Zürich. (484) [Abb.]: Dr. Ernest Freißler k. k. Regierungsrat, Landessanitätsreferent, Direktor des Krankenhauses in Troppau. (486) [Abb.]: Gustav Ritter von Kreitner Asienreisender und Generalkonsul in Yokohama. (488) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Mankendorf. (490) Stadt- und Dorfpfarren. (492) [2 Abb.]: Schulhaus in Heinzendorf. (493) [Abb.]: P. Gregor Joh. Mendel Prälat im Königskloster in Brünn hervorragender Botaniker. (495) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Wessiedel. (497) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Dobischwald. (499) Stadt- und Dorfschulen. (500) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Lautsch. (501) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Kleinhermsdorf. (503) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Großhermsdorf. (505) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Dörfel. (507) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Kamitz. (509) [Abb.]: Dorfwirtshaus in Kamitz. (511) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Kunzendorf. (516) [Tabelle]: Schulort 1818; Schulfähige Kinder; Schulzimmer (517) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Wolfsdorf. (520) [Tabelle]: Name der Schule; Derzeitige Dotation des Lehrers; Jährliche Unterstützung für die Zukunft von der Obrigkeit/Gemeinde (521) [Abb.]: Schulhaus in Taschendorf. (524) [Abb.]: Johann Schindler akademischer Bildhauer in Wien. Medaillon von seinem Grabmal am Matzleinsdorfer Freidhofe. (527) Kunzendorf. (530) [Abb.]: Siegel von Kunzendorf. (531) X. Abschnitt. Stadt und Gerichtsbezirk Odrau im Zeitraume 1848 bis 1900. (532) Allgemeiner Überblick. Verfassung, Verwaltung und Rechtspflege. (532) [Abb.]: Landgräfl. Fürstenberg'sches Krankenstift. (535) [Tabelle]: Die Eintheilung des Bezirkes Odrau in Orts-, Katastral- und Konskriptionsgemeinden ist aus der Tabelle A ersichtlich. (538) [Abb.]: Landgräfl. Fürstenberg'sche Leichenhalle. (539) [Tabelle]: B. Ortsgemeinden und zugleich Katastralgemeinden; Konskriptionsgemeinden (541) Herrscjaft Odrau. Stiftungen der Landgräfin Charlotte zu Fürstenberg. (542) [Abb.]: Landgräfl. Fürstenberg'sches Siechenhaus. (543) [Tabelle]: Die folgende Tabelle zeigt die bisherigen Leistungen der Untertanen und die für die Ablösung derselben an die Grundentlastungskasse gestellten Ansprüche. (544) [Abb.]: Landgräfl. Fürstenberg'sche Mädchenschule. (547) [Abb.]: Landgräfl. Fürstenberg'sches Kaplanhaus. (551) [Abb.]: Landgräfin Charlotte Fürstenberg. (555) [Abb.]: Städtisches Epidemiespital. (559) [Abb.]: Friedhof-Situation. (563) [Abb.]: Städtische Leichenhalle. (567) Stadt Odrau von 1848 bis 1900. (568) [Abb.]: Mausuleum der Familie Gerlich. (571) [Abb.]: Grabmal der Familie Kuntschik. (575) [Abb.]: Volksbad. (579) [Abb.]: Blumensteg. (583) [Abb.]: Oberer Teil des Stadtplatzes. (587) [Abb.]: Neue Straße am Milichberg. (591) [Abb.]: erster Felsenkeller. (595) [Abb.]: Partie aus dem Scheuergrund mit Altbürgermeister Julius Gerlich. (599) [Tabelle]: Nachstehende Tabelle zeigt den Viehstand im Gerichtsbezirke vom Jahre 1890. (602) [2 Abb.]: Zweiter Felsenkeller. (603) [Tabelle]: Dieses gemeinnützige Institut hat trotz der kurzen Zeit seines Bestandes, wie folgende Tabelle zeigt, recht günstige Resultate erzielt. (604) [Abb.]: neue Wasserleitung mit Kreuzbrünnl, Filter und Hochreservoir. (607) [Abb.]: Kaiser-Josef-Hochstrahlbrunnen. (609) [Abb.]: Gerlich'sche Tuchfabrik. (612) Die Dorfgemeinden. (613) [Tabelle]: Die Tabelle A gibt über die in den einzelnen Gemeinden vorhandenen steuerpflichtigen und steuerfreien Grundstücke im Jahre 1898 Aufschluß: (613) [2 Tabellen]: (1)B. Ortsgemeinden; Organe der autonomen Gemeinde (2)Ihre Verteilung auf der einzelnen Gemeinden zeigt die Tabelle C. (614) [2 Tabellen]: (1)[Schulbau] (2)Die Verteilung auf die einzelnen Gemeinden ist aus der vorstehenden Tabelle E zu entnehmen. (615) [Tabelle]: F Die Gesamteinnahmen für Schulzwecke beliefen sich auf 12.200 Fl. Die Verteilung auf die einzelnen Gemeinden zeigt Tabelle F. (616) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausgaben für Armenpflege. Welchen Anteil hieran die einzelnen Dörfer hatten, zeigt die Tabelle G. (2)Die Aktivvermögen der Armenfonde betrug 20. 621 Fl. Die Verteilung auf die einzelnen Gemeinden zeigt die Tabelle H. (617) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Über die bestehenden katholischen Stiftungen a) und die katholischen Pfarrarmenfonde ohne Stiftungskataster b) gibt die Tabelle I Aufschluß. (2)Über die Umlagen der einzelnen Gemeinden zur Deckung der Gemeindeauslagen gibt die Tabelle K näheren Aufschluß. (618) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Sechs Gemeinden reichten mit den Umlagen zur Deckung der Erfordernisse nicht aus und mußten Darlehen im Gesamtbetrage von 22.682 Fl. 31 Kr. aufnehmen. Über deren Stand Ende 1898 gibt Tabelle L Aufklärung. (2)Über den den einzelnen Gemeinden als solchen gehörenden Grundbesitz gibt die Tabelle M und über die Größe der Jagdgebiete (619) [Tabelle]:. über das Erträgnis der Jagd und über die Verwendung derselben im Jahre 1899 die Tabelle N Aufschluß. (620) [Abb.]: Filiale der Gerli'schen Tuchfabrik. (620) [Abb.]: Waschkas Seidenwarenfabrik. (622) [Abb.]: Kolisch' Seidenwarenfabrik. (624) [Abb.]: Kohnbergers Gummiwarenfabrik. (626) [Abb.]: Färberei und Walke der Gummiwarenfabrik. (628) [Abb.]: Teltschiks Steinnußknopffabrik in Jogsdorf. (630) Gewerbe und Industrie. Landwirtschaft und Viehzucht. Verkehr. (631) [Abb.]: Englisch' Flachsbereitungsfabrik in Mankendorf. (632) [Abb.]: Schittenhelms Schotter- und Zementfabrik in Jogsdorf. (634) [Abb.]: Dr. Flachas Schieferbruch am Wessiedelberg in Odrau. (636) [Abb.]: Herrschaftliche Ziegelei in der Zieb. (638) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Welche Wandlungen die Tuchindustrie von 1845 bis 1853 in den Städten Schlesiens durchmachte, zeigt folgende Tabelle: (2)Den tiefsten Stand hatte Odrau im Jahre 1852 erreicht, seit welcher Zeit sich wieder ein Aufschwung bemerkbar machte, wie folgende Produktionstabelle von Odrau zeigt: (640) [Abb.]: Haltestelle Mankendorf. (641) [Tabelle]: Die Fabrikation befand sich damals auf dem Höhepunkte und nahm seit jener Zeit sehr rasch ab, wie es die Tabellen der Erzeugung von Streichgarn und Tuch in den Jahren 1870 und 1875 dartun. (642) [Tabelle]: Die Tabelle auf S. 643 zeigt uns die Produktionsverhältnisse in den Hauptbetriebsorten der schlesischen Tuchindustrie im Jahre 1895. (643) [Abb.]: Bahnhof Odrau. (643) [Abb.]: Station Jogsdorf. (644) [Abb.]: Haltestelle Glockersdorf. (646) [Abb.]: Inneres der Odrauer Pfarrkirche. (648) [Abb.]: Chor in der Odrauer Pfarrkirchen (651) [Abb.]: Dreifaltigkeitssäule bei der Pfarrkirche. (654) [Tabelle]: A Ortsgemeinden; Äcker, Wiesen, Gärten, Hutweiden, Waldungen (655) [Tabelle]: Die Verteilung der genannten Nutztiere auf die einzelnen Gemeinden zeigt die Tabelle B. (656) [Abb.]: Johann Bardutzky Dechant und Stadtpfarrer. (657) [Tabelle]: Solche Spar- und Darlehenskassen-Vereine bestehen in Kleinpetersdorf, Dörfel, Dobischwald und Lautsch und gibt die nachstehende Tabelle über deren Gebarung bis Ende 1900 Aufschluß (659) [Abb.]: Kirche in Dobischwald. (660) [Abb.]: Kirche in Wolfsdorf. (663) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Lautsch. (665) [2 Tabellen]: Welchen Aufschwung der Personen- und Güterverkehr auf der innerhalb des Bezirkes gelegenen Bahnstrecke seit dem Eröffnungsjahre genommen hat, zeigen die beiden folgenden Tabellen. (1)A. Personenverkehr. (2)B. Güterverkehr. (666) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Einen lehrreichen Einblick über die Ein- und Ausfuhr verschiedener Produkte im Bezirke gibt folgender Ausweis über die auf- und abgegebenen Güter nach Artikeln in Tonnen in den Frachtenstationen Odrau und Jogsdorf. (2)Welchen Aufschwung das im Jahre 1836 errichtete Postamt Odrau und das am 14. Jänner 1894 in Jogsdorf eröffnete nahmen, zeigt folgender Ausweis: (667) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Die Postsparkasse-Sammelstellen Odrau und Jogsdorf hatten in den Jahren 1895 und 1899 nachstehenden Verkehr. (2)Nachstehende Tabelle zeigt die Entwicklung des Telegraphenamtes in Odrau (668) [Abb.]: Jubiläumsfestwagen. (1891.) (669) Stadt- und Dorfpfarren. (670) [Abb.]: Bauernhochzeit. (1891.) (672) [Abb.]: Kuhländerin beim Spinnrocken. (675) [Abb.]: Kuhländer Bauern. (678) [Abb.]: Kuhländer Rind. (681) Stadt- und Dorfschulen. (682) [Abb.]: Professor Hubert Wondra Hofopernchor-Direktor. (684) [Abb.]: Altbürgermeister Otto Wladar. (686) [Abb.]: August Hermansky Stifter des Kindergartens. (688) [Abb.]: Kaiser-Franz-Josef-Jubiläums-Park. (692) [Abb.]: Bürgermeister Franz Riedel. (696) [Abb.]: Landespräsident Graf Thun nach Besichtigung des Bauplatzes des Gerichtsgebäudes. (700) [Tabelle]: Die Verteilung auf die einzelnen Gemeinden ist aus folgender Tabelle ersichtlich. (701) Vereinswesen. (701) [Abb.]: Neues Gerichtsgebäude in Odrau. (703) [Tabelle]: Über die einzelnen Feuerwehren des Verbandes gibt weiteren Aufschluß die nachstehende Tabelle: (704) [Abb.]: Altbürgermeister Julius Gerlich. (705) [Abb.]: Landespräsident Graf Thun nach Besichtigung des Krankenstiftes. (708) [Abb.]: Landespräsident Graf Thun eröffnet die Bienenzuchtausstellung. (711) [Abb.]:Odrau vom Pohorschberg. (715) [Abb.]: (717) Benützte Quellenwerke. (718) Spezialverzeichnis (719) A (719) B (719) C (720) D (721) E (722) F (722) G (723) H (724) I (725) J (725) K (726) L (728) M (729) N (730) O (731) P (745) Q (746) R (746) S (747) T (749) U, V (750) W (750) Z (752) Berichtigungen. (753) Anhang. Geschichte der 50 Schankbürgerhäuser in schematischer Zusammenstellung. (754) [Abb.]: Odrau vom Milichberg ( - ) [Karte]: Gerichtsbezirk Odrau ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

The Malawi Urbanization Review aims to provide fresh perspectives on urbanization in Malawi, by analyzing the current and potential contribution of urbanization to long-term national development and the current institutional and financial capacity of local governments to manage the process. Analyses presented in this report are particularly timely as Malawi is planning for the coming half decade through the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) III (2016-2020). Malawi is urbanizing at a moderate rate and has a good chance of proactively managing the urbanization process. Opportunities may arise from a positive structural change that Malawi's economy is undergoing, whereby the driver of growth and job creation moves from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors. Faster urbanization, with strong linkages with rural areas, can contribute further to deepening such structural change. To unlock the potential of urbanization as a catalyst for long-term economic development, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity of urban local governments to generate revenues and meet the key infrastructure and service needs in urban areas, which remain challenging even at the current rate of urbanization.

Agriculture is the dominant sector of the economy, contributing a third of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) and about half of Rwanda's export earnings. The government of Rwanda has therefore made agricultural development a priority and allocated significant resources to improving productivity, expanding the livestock sector, promoting sustainable land management, and developing supply chains and value-added activities. At the same time, Rwanda's agriculture sector faces a series of challenges. Agriculture is dominated by small-scale, subsistence farming under traditional agricultural practices and rain-fed agriculture. As a result, average crop yields are low compared with potential yields, and exposed to risks such as weather related shocks and pest and disease outbreaks. The purpose of this report is to assess existing risks to the agriculture sector, prioritize them according to their frequency and impacts on the sector, and identify areas of risk management solutions that need deeper specialized attention. Three levels of risks are assessed: production risks, market risks, and enabling environment risks to selected supply chains. The report takes a quantitative and qualitative approach to risks. The report is structured as follows: chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two provides an overview of Rwanda's economy and the role and structure of the agriculture sector. Agriculture sector risks (production, market, and enabling environment risks) for the selected food crops, export crops, and livestock are analyzed in chapter three. Analysis of the adverse impacts of agricultural risks at aggregate and provincial levels, along with a stakeholder risk assessment and a discussion of particularly vulnerable groups, is presented in chapter four. Chapter five prioritizes identified risks, discusses potential solutions areas, summarizes feedback from consulted stakeholders, and recommends solutions areas for further assessment.

The performance of Senegal's agricultural performance exemplifies the impact of unmanaged risk on productivity among vulnerable smallholder crop producers and pastoralists. The government of Senegal has historically responded to drought and other shocks with direct financial support to farmers as well as general assistance to the rural population. The World Bank, with support from the group of eight (G-8) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and in collaboration with the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Equipment (MARE), commissioned the present study. The objective of this assessment was to assist the government of Senegal to: (1) identify, analyze, quantify, and prioritize principal risks facing the agricultural sector; (2) analyze the impact of these risks; and (3) identify and prioritize appropriate risk management interventions that may contribute to improved stability, reduced vulnerability, and increased resilience of agricultural supply chains in Senegal. This report presents a summary of the assessment's key findings. Chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two provides an overview of the agricultural sector in Senegal and a discussion of key growth constraints. An assessment of the main agricultural risks is presented in chapter three. Chapter four analyzes the frequency and severity of highlighted risks and assesses their impact. Chapter five presents some stakeholder perceptions of risks and evaluates levels of vulnerability among various livelihood groups. The study concludes in chapter six with an assessment of priorities for risk management and a broad discussion of possible risk management measures that can help to strengthen the resiliency of agricultural supply chains and the livelihoods they support.

The global toll of human suffering and material loss due to disasters has led to growing public concern and expanded institutional response in the form of disaster relief and recovery assistance from individuals, governments, and intergovernmental organizations. Initial humanitarian concern has primarily been focused on dealing with the consequences of disasters. However, we must begin to address the causes of these events while ensuring the implementation of policies to reduce disaster risks or losses. Low- and middle-income countries will experience a doubling of their building stocks in the next 15- 20 years, and it is crucial to assure that this new construction does not recreate and expand the disaster vulnerability of the present. Priority must be placed on the production of safe and resilient cities, communities, and homes. While safer, code-compliant construction may add to initial construction costs, these investments can be balanced against the reduced loss of life and property in future disasters. The agenda provides the international community with an opportunity to leverage regulatory governance as a powerful means to shift the focus from post-disaster relief and response to proactive population protection, disaster prevention, and sustainable and resilient urban development.