Suchergebnisse

The aim of this article is to examine how interdependence of economic policy and social security is perceived in the strategic documents of the Polish government in the area of security and international politics. For the analyses, the author has employed the concepts of economic statecraft and geoeconomics. It has been found that the strategic documents in the area of security do perceive interdependence between politics and economics. Polish strategic documents treat economic factors as merely one of many aspects of security rather than being absolutely dominant. Therefore, those factors cannot be recognised as based on the geoeconomic paradigm. It is worth noting that the economic statecraft tool is not discussed in an in-depth manner – as a separate category of state instruments. Polish strategic documents suggest the awareness that such instruments are used by other states, e.g. Russia with respect to the area of energy. Polish strategic documents are primarily focused on the need to introduce safeguards against such threats – among other things by the application of defensive economic statecraft. The analyses carried out for this article failed to identify any proposals for the development of proprietary Polish economic leverages as an instrument of building up state power – offensive economic statecraft. The author recommends further in-depth research on the perception of interdependence between security and economic policy in other countries as well as popularisation of the concept of economic statecraft in Poland.

Abstract
Large-scale immigration has turned Singapore into a highly diverse setting, where migrants and local-born Singaporeans encounter one another on a daily basis. In the past decade, the city-state has seen rising debates and contestations over racism, despite being known as a racially harmonious society. This article situates the public discourse on racism and "Chinese privilege" in the context of superdiversity and examines its wider implications for theorization and policy. Approaching the paradox of superdiversity from a political economy perspective, we investigate how three sets of factors have contributed to the rising public discourse on racism not only between migrants and locals but also among local-born Singaporeans: i) immigration regime and the strategy toward a knowledge economy, ii) new patterns of electoral politics, and iii) the impacts of China's growing influences in Southeast Asia. This article offers two broader theoretical implications for the scholarship on migration and race relations in a context of superdiversity. First, the paradoxical co-existence of superdiversity and racism obtains not only between migrants and natives, as many studies have shown, but also between native races in the host society. Second, diversifications and new forms of contestations and racism are not only a result of the immigration regime and domestic politics of the host country, but are also shaped by the international political economy, as evidenced by the way in which the rise of China has intensified contestations on race relations in Singapore.

Abstract
In such regions of the East Asian cultural sphere as China, Korea and Japan, the canonization of Du Fu was a relatively lengthy process. It was achieved mainly because of strong support from three different cohorts: the first cohort is the Chinese literary giants who expressed strong commendations of Du Fu, the second cohort is the Japanese scholars who conducted rigorous evaluation of Du Fu's poetry within academic frameworks, and the third cohort is the Korean royals who directly contributed to the rise of Du Fu's poetry. The first two cohorts are unofficial, while the latter one is official but not without amicable interactions with the masses. Korean literature was in tune with the character of Du Fu's poetry because it displayed a strong tendency towards politics; Japanese literature, on the other hand, was somewhat not, for it hardly included coverage on issues of social politics. Du Fu was given the highest literary recognition in both Korea and Japan for his poetic prowess, and his poetry was used by the state in both regions to serve different purposes; this goes to demonstrate that the two countries made their own culturally-driven decisions when accepting the influence of Chinese culture. It is a norm in East Asian literature for literary canons, whether old or new, to coexist, regardless of type or level, and such a norm is particular to the admission of literary works into literary canons within the East Asian cultural sphere.

The so-called 'denazification' of Ukraine and the need to free the country from the radical nationalists was used by the Russian government as a central argument to justify the military invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. However, the discussion of radical right-wing nationalist groups allegedly active in Ukraine and violently oppressing the Russian-speaking population have been maintained by the governing regime in Russia already since the so-called Euromaidan protests in 2013-2014. The word 'banderivtsi', disciples or sons and daughters of Stepan Bandera, the leader of the Ukrainian nationalist organisations OUN and UPA, became widely used, first, by Russian pro-governmental media who this way referred to what they presented as the nationalist population of Ukraine. Consequently, the Ukrainians started using the term themselves, in an ironic way, to re-appropriate it and re-establish the national identity reshaped by the years of informational and actual wars. The present piece discusses the centrality of the concept of Ukrainian nationalism in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. It examines how, seeking further separation from Russia, the Ukrainian government has been changing its memory politics towards a significantly modified perception and interpretation of the shared past. It argues that building parallels between attacking 'nationalist Ukraine' and the victory over Nazi Germany central to the glorious past of Russia within the state memory politics was used by Kremlin to justify the military action in the neighbouring country.

Covid-19 was widely pitched as a potential turning point of history, a rare crisis-as-opportunity by political leaders and policymakers. This claim of being at a revolutionary threshold, an exceptional time in history, and capitalising upon that claim to reshape the political-economic landscape is at the core of the speculative politics of crisis, or what I call crisis futures. Critical in this future-oriented discourse, I argue, is how time is invoked as a good in short supply, a precious opportunity, albeit one that can only be availed within a restricted period. This temporal limitation is what accrues speculative value to the crisis: the urgency to accelerate the desired change and to suspend any opposition to that change. Grounded in the event of the COVID-19 lockdown in India, the article unpacks multiple scales and speeds – of acceleration and slowdowns – that constitute the edifice of crisis futures. It traces how the pandemic crisis was capitalised on by the state, at once, to consolidate India as a commercial enclosure for global capital, as well as a cultural enclosure for Hindu majoritarianism. It asks what precisely is accelerated and what is put on hold, and which events or goals are turned into exceptions within an exceptional moment, such as a pandemic. Finally, the article looks at the modes of 'im-mediation' – mass-mediated communication and the activation of pandemic publics – which underpin the politics of crisis futures.

AbstractPolicy change frameworks are commonly used to understand policy development processes. However, few studies have attempted to apply these frameworks to the recent popular fee-free policy education at the high school level in Sub-Saharan Africa. Investigating fee-free policy development through policy change frameworks can assist both in identifying the genesis of past policies, including who the important actors are, how issues are framed and problematised, and how specific solutions are designed, as well as how to interpret unfolding policies. In this article, we review three prominent policy change frameworks: Baumgartner and Jones' "punctuated equilibrium framework," Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's "advocacy coalition framework," and Kingdon's "multiple streams framework." After reviewing the frameworks, we apply them to two fee-free policies in Ghana which are Progressive Free Senior High School and Free Senior High School policies to understand the drivers of fee-free policy change. From the socio-political background, three main concepts were derived from these policy change frameworks deducing from the basic assumptions of these theories. They are domestic politics, political and policy entrepreneurs, and socio-economic dynamics. The results show that fee-free policies are largely driven by domestic politics and political and policy entrepreneurs in political executive positions. Factors under socio-economic dynamics are only scope conditions that are not significant to trigger the adoption of a fee-free policy.

AbstractAs climate change continues to increase both the frequency and intensity of environmental hazards and disasters, the need for a cohesive national mitigation policy grows. As the environmental federalism scholarship indicates, the inherent tension in federal, state, and local policy implementation highlights that despite a national need, environmental quality is a local public good. To complicate matters, there is disagreement about the optimal level of decision‐making regarding the adoption and implementation of environmental policy. This study addresses this gap by considering the role of policy ambiguity and conflict in policy implementation. The analysis relies on primary qualitative data collected from open‐ended interviews with 22 local government officials in 12 municipalities following Hurricane Harvey. Through the lens of policy ambiguity and conflict, we find confirmatory support for the idea that policies with less ambiguous goals are more likely to be implemented. Furthermore, we find that policy conflict arises when local governments perceive there is little for the community to gain by implementing the federal program. Thus, the level of protection afforded to citizens varies greatly between communities and is influenced heavily by politics. This research supports the Ambiguity‐Conflict Model of policy implementation, an oft‐cited but rarely tested theoretical framework for assessing the intergovernmental politics of policy implementation. It also demonstrates the barriers to local implementation of federal environmental policy in a nested system of government.

AbstractThe study seeks to resolve a conundrum in Syrian politics: the ruling regime has always claimed and celebrated a harmonious social fabric, national unity, and a long‐standing tradition of coexistence despite the prevalence of an opposite grim reality marked by sectarian divisions and factionalism which the regime itself mainly created or sustained. I explore the process of acting "as if not" by analyzing the speeches of Syria's President Bashar al‐Assad since the eruption of the conflict in 2011, a period when the country has been buffeted by extreme sectarian waves. The process shows how Assad has constructed a process of desectarianization based on repetition, frequency, and resonance of specific frames in his speeches, and also based on building an image of an idealized present of internal unity and integration. The process includes externalizing sectarianization as a "western" import and emphasizing the regime's ideologies of pan‐Arab nationalism and secularism as bulwarks against it. Furthermore, the Assad regime has taken credit as a "desectarianization guardian" in different ways including maintaining the status quo and consolidating the impression of his active positive leadership drawn on taking the country down the path of unity and solidarity. However, ironically, desectarianization has also entrenched the very sectarian practices which it claimed its mission to stand against. Sectarianisation and desectarianization are both sides of the same coin in Syria's politics of authoritarianism.

No dia 6 de janeiro, o assalto ao Capitólio americano na cidade de Washington deixou muitas perplexidades, não só ao nível político, mas também e, sobretudo, ao nível sociocultural. A espetacularização deste evento materializou-se no corpo re-vestido de um dos assaltantes, o qual tomou a posse da iniciativa como líder indiscutível desta ação reivindicatória. Com este artigo pretende-se reflexionar a maneira como a moda, na sua forte ligação com a mídia, pode influenciar a sociedade e a maneira de vestir das pessoas. A relação corpo/vestuário/política é aprofundada através de certas formas de vestir, que parecem expressar opiniões políticas e performances sociais.
Palavras-chaves: Moda; Política; Performance; Corpo revestido.

Abstract
On January 6th, the assault on the U.S. Capitol in the city of Washington left many perplexed, not only on the political level but also and above all on the sociocultural level. The spectacularization of this event materialized in the re-dressed body of one of the robbers, who took possession of the initiative as the undisputed leader of this vindicatory action. With this article we intend to reflect and discover the way fashion in its strong connection with the media can influence society and the way people dress. The relationship body/ clothing/politics is deepened through certain ways of dressing that seems to express political opinions and social performances.
Keywords: Fashion; Politics; Performance; Clothes.

Culture is everything that is created by human and belongs to human. Culture is a completed with its various codes. In addition to culture which affect on its tradition is related to whole life. Political life is the part of social life in society. For that reason cultural pollitics has an impotant role for socities about future and now. Cultural planning is also one of the manners of the politics in the states. Culture can survive by tradition. In the Republic Era, the reformations and the novelties has been more favorable about the aplication. In the Ataturk's cultural politics, it has been considered important practical workings. A lot of Questions which were not thought before have been made laws. However after Atatürk, this understanding has been lost weight because directors could not charismatic personality like him. However, Turkey has a strong tradition about development planning. In particular Turkey has reached advanced level of planning along with republic governance. But this performance has not been get about culture sector because of the fact that development planning has got economical priority. In this study, we argued that Turkish Development Plans has been investigated about culture sector. Espically it is studied on recent development plans which they are number ninth, tenth and eleventh. It is drawn on theoritical analyze in this study. Key words: Development, planning, development plans, culture

After decades of debates on the economic and philosophical merits and shortcomings of a universal basic income (UBI), more recent literature has started to investigate the politics of a UBI. While several studies shed new light on the individual characteristics associated with higher or lower support for a UBI, we still do not know what features of a UBI itself are attractive or not to people, nor whether other slightly different policy alternatives like means-tested and minimum incomes would be more popular. This article addresses this gap by employing a conjoint experiment fielded in Finland, where a UBI has received significant media and political attention. Our findings show that the most contentious dimension of a UBI is – surprisingly – not its universality, but instead its unconditional nature. Individuals are more likely to support policies that condition receipts upon searching for employment or being genuinely unable to work, and less likely to support policies that are fully unconditional. On the funding side, support tends to be lower for a UBI that is linked to reducing existing benefits, but higher if the UBI is to be funded by increasing taxes, especially on the rich. These findings contribute to a wider literature on the politics of UBI and to our understanding of the potential popularity of competing policy reform alternatives.

Self-efficacy beliefs are important for teachers to conduct Education for Sustainable Development (ESD). Self-efficacy instruments for teaching ESD mainly focus on primary education, and theory-driven instruments are lacking. Thus, we developed an instrument for secondary education reflecting eight subcategories of a science teaching pedagogical content knowledge (PCK) model, transferred to teaching ESD. We conducted an exploratory factor analysis (n1 = 162) and a confirmatory factor analysis (n2 = 236) with mainly pre-service biology, politics, and geography teachers for secondary education. We identified seven self-efficacy beliefs of teaching ESD factors. Six of these factors showed an expected low or middle correlation with self-rated content knowledge of SD-relevant issues (divergent validity). Pre-service teachers' ESD teaching self-efficacy beliefs were rather positive, missing clear differences due to studying biology, politics, and geography. Bachelor students had higher self-efficacy beliefs than Master of Education students regarding four factors. Only 32 of 113 Bachelor students completed any ESD course at that time. They could have overestimated their own skills or underestimated teaching ESD. Current participation in at least one ESD course positively influenced three self-efficacy factors. Since barely any pre-service teacher currently participated in or completed more than three ESD courses at the time of the study, there is room for a stronger focus on ESD in German teacher education.

The prison is specifically identified by Michel Foucault in his essay, 'Of Other Spaces' (1967), as an exemplar of "heterotopias of deviation". Reified in neo-Victorian production as a hegemonic space to be resisted, within which illicit desire, feminist politics, and alternate narratives, for example, flourish under harsh panoptic conditions, the prison nonetheless emerges as a counter-site to both nineteenth-century and contemporary social life. This article investigates the neo-Victorian prison museum that embodies several of Foucault's heterotopic principles and traits from heterochronia to the dynamics of illusion, compensation/exclusion and inclusion that structure the relationship of heterotopic space to all space. Specifically, I explore the heritage site of the Central Police Station compound in Hong Kong, recently transformed into "Tai Kwun: the Centre for Heritage and the Arts". Tai Kwun ("Big Station" in Cantonese) combines Victorian and contemporary architecture, carceral space, contemporary art, and postcolonial history to herald the transformation of Hong Kong into an international arts hub. Tai Kwun is an impressive example of neo-Victorian adaptive reuse, but its current status as a former prison, art museum, and heritage space complicates the celebratory aspects of heterotopia as counter-site. Instead, Tai Kwun's spatial, historical, and financial arrangements emphasize the challenges that tourism, government funding, heritage, and the art industry pose for Foucault's original definition of heterotopia and our conception of the politics of neo-Victorianism in the present.

With the politics of borders, the socio-economic divide between the United States and Mexico is evident. The geographic proximity to the U.S. makes the Mexico–Guatemala border an extension of the U.S. border enforcement regime. This article argues that the politics surrounding the U.S.–Guatemala border have not necessarily changed, because, at the core, the main objective of these border governance practices is to stop the movement of undesirable bodies (Khosravi 2011). Further, the article argues that the practices of containment force migrants to resist through their movement and seek strategies of survival. By comparing the administrations of Peña Nieto and López Obrador (AMLO) and analyzing the survival strategy of migrant "caravans" through border policy analysis and fieldwork conducted in 2014, I show that this border is a site of struggle between the state's power and migrants' forms of resistance. I find that border tactics are influenced by U.S. border enforcement requirements of increased militarization and policing, but also aim to restrict and control certain populations. The result is the perpetual securitization of people and the militarization of pathways. Migrants, however, also employ forms of organizing such as travelling in mass groups to achieve safe passage, thus exercising their agency through movement. The bordering practices and the forms of resistance indicate that this border is a constant site of struggle that requires further examination.

This dissertation is concerned with developing the South African youth's active participation in formal politics. Spoken word poetry as an applied drama and theatre medium is of particular interest to this study and it argues that the art form can be used as a means of youth development in the area of formal politics. To illustrate its argument, the dissertation discusses how a programme of spoken word poetry was used to address the issue of youth formal political participation and developed a group of young people's enthusiasm to participate in formal national decision-making processes. The programme, titled Raising Participation, was conducted with the support of Africa Unite, a non-profit organisation in Cape Town that offered their school club members as participants in the programme. The workshops targeted young people who would be eligible to vote in South Africa's next general elections, set to take place in 2024. Chapter 2 discusses spoken word poetry as an applied drama and theatre medium and identifies the connections which make spoken word poetry an appropriate art form to use as an applied drama and theatre approach. Chapter 3 discusses the programme of activities, the theoretical framework that informed its design and the methods of data collection and analysis which were used. It also discusses Africa Unite and the partnership between the organisation and the programme. Chapter 4 discusses the findings of the programme and its successes and limitations, concluding the dissertation.