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This article compares the discourses, practices and politics of film education in France and Germany, and outlines their historical development. The discourses on film education in the two countries are fundamentally different: whereas German film education is anchored in the global politics of media education and around notions of Medienkompetenz (media competence), cinema in France is a field of art education centred on the transmission du cinéma (film mediation) or l'éducation artistique (art mediation). While the first initiatives in film education in both countries date back to the beginning of the twentieth century, this article explores how they developed in significantly different ways. In France, the establishment of film education was promoted and influenced by the culture of cinephilia, which imposed the notion of film as an art form. In Germany, film education – after having been pushed by the Nazi regime – suffered for a long time from sceptical attitudes towards the media and their ideological impact, and was formed by the critical approach of the Frankfurt School. This article details how history and the 'state of the art' of film education are interlinked with the different discourses and cultures of cinema in both countries, as well as the extent to which present political and educational practices draw upon long-standing historical and cultural traditions. In doing so, this article contributes to reflections upon film education at a wider European or international level, where similar debates around film or media literacy are taking place.

The Polish response to the crisis that escalated across Europe in 2015, banning refugees from crossing its borders, has been one of the least welcoming in Europe. Poland has been reprimanded by the EU for its lack of solidarity with other countries that accepted refugees. The government's response was that it does indeed welcome refugees as long as they are not Muslims, since letting Muslim refugees in would be a security risk. The figure of the Muslim terrorist posing as a refugee has become a key trope through which xenophobic nationalist politics have been employed. In this sense, Poland can be seen to be drawing particular inspiration from the Eurosceptic politics of Orbán's Hungary while also reflecting a broader European trend towards Islamophobia in countries such as France, Germany, Sweden or the UK. This article maps responses to refugees from key public actors. It focuses on how three key players in the Polish public sphere—the Catholic Church, the State and civil society actors—responded to the looming perspective of welcoming refugees to Poland. The paper argues that the Polish response to the so-called refugee crisis should be analysed as subtext to a broader political change in the country towards nationalism that has as its goal to push out all foreign 'invasion'. Mobilised within this are new and old manifestations of racism, suggesting that Poland's long history of racial Othering and exclusion has not been sufficiently accounted for.

AbstractThe legality of humanitarian intervention has been debated for a long time, both on the level of scholarly works and inter-state politics. Most of the debates surround the sources of international law (international conventions, customary international law, etc.) or functions of the UN or the politics or a combination thereof. However, another level of debate is not usually observed much: the Jus cogens debate. Being a non-derogable norm under international law, the prohibition against the use of force is a classic example of a Jus cogens norm, and humanitarian intervention is argued to breach it. This paper observed and explored the concept of Jus cogens, how is it constructed, and found that humanitarian intervention is not a breach of Jus cogens.Abstrak Legalitas dari intervensi kemanusiaan telah diperdebatkan sejak lama, baik melalui karya ilmiah para ahli maupun dalam politik praktis antar negara. Mayoritas perdebatan berpusat pada sumber-sumber hukum internasional (konvensi internasional, hukum kebiasaan internasional, dan lain-lain), atau fungsi PBB atau perpolitikan atau perpaduan keduanya. Namun, ada satu level perdebatan yang kurang diamati: perdebatan Jus cogens. Sebagai norma yang tidak dapat dikurangi menurut hukum internasional, larangan penggunaan kekerasan bersenjata merupakan contoh klasik norma Jus cogens, dan intervensi kemanusiaan diklaim telah menentangnya. Paper ini mencermati dan mengeksplorasi konsep Jus cogens, bagaimana terbentuknya, dan menemukan bahwa intervensi kemanusiaan bukanlah pelanggaran Jus cogens.DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v5n1.a4

As a specific cultural mode of expression, evidence abounds that dance is an appropriate site for the investigation of history, ideology, politics and human organization in society. Dance also demonstrates that it has a relationship with its socio-historical context and does not only simply 'reflect' the value systems, customs and habits of a society but actively constructs them. These ideas are expressed in a variety of codes and bodily aesthetics, some of which are relatively stable while others are in a state of continuous flux. This paper explores expressions and meanings in Ijerije and Swange dances of Idoma and Tiv in the Benue valley and affirms that signs and their meanings are often constrained by contextual factors. Fundamentally, the paper surveys the relationship between the semiotic disposition of culture and the signifying status of dance in some Nigerian cultures. Using a sociosemiotic orientation as framework and exemplification by means of case studies, the paper focuses on dance expressions of Idoma and Tiv to argue that dance is simultaneously a feature of the socio-cultural context of its emergence or creation and performance and a reflexive practice realised through the medium of the body. It concludes that dances of Nigerian traditional origins are embodied in profound metaphors and idioms projecting the politics, history, ethics, philosophy as well as the ever changing mores of Idoma and Tiv societies.

Theresa May promised a new role for the UK in the world, dubbed "Global Britain". But what challenges and contradictions arise from being supposedly more open to the world while decoupling from the EU? To answer this question, it is necessary to explore how far the UK can live up to the expectations stemming from the move to celebrate a new, unabashedly global posture. An examination of the rhetoric of British foreign policy since 1945 is juxtaposed with the emerging language of global openness after Brexit to illustrate what change in expectations this move is likely to create among the UK's partners for trade, security, and global governance. To evaluate the strategic benefits of using the rhetoric of globalism after EU withdrawal, we examine the British state's capacity to find the combination of administrative resources, public expenditure, and elite consensus necessary to redefine the country's position in world affairs. Overall, this approach reveals numerous challenges for establishing a new framing of Britain's role in international politics. It also demonstrates the serious contradictions arising from the fact that the language of domestic politics during and after the EU referendum is very much at odds with the spirit of globalism. The political expediency of devising a new role cannot be faulted, but the strategic value of "Global Britain" appears limited in the light of this analysis.

Why is it so complicated to achieve collective action in global governance? This article focuses on one explanatory factor, according to which the global stage is pervaded by normative divisions. Our article helps advance this argument in three ways, by specifying the nature, scope, and mechanics of the global value struggle. First, we show that the distinct visions that clash in the conduct of global governance are formulated in a peculiar idiom of universal values based on contending and polysemous conceptions of the common good. Second, we highlight the ubiquity of universal value claims in global governance debates; regardless of their specific nature or standing, actors of all stripes defend their positions by referring to a certain understanding of the general interest. Third and finally, we specify the mechanics of the global value struggle as actors use the idiom of universal values to communicate and justify their viewpoints publicly. We illustrate our framework by looking into the debates that have structured two prominent cases of global policymaking at the United Nations: the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals and the negotiations over the reform of the Security Council. Overall, the article helps make sense of a counterintuitive dynamic in contemporary world politics: as it attempts to depoliticize global governance, the idiom of universal values actually ends up bringing politics back to the fore.

The major regional players in Mideast, including Iran and Saudi Arabia always intervened in politics of neighbouring countries with different political strategies. This study is to explore those major factors which have played key role in changing their strategies towards the regional politics. The research is helpful to know the dynamics of the Iranian and Saudi relations by keeping in view the US factor. From the perspective of the current scenario of the region, the research is helpful in assessing certain political objectives of both countries. This paper tries to examine the recent gulf between the status of both countries in relation with the hindrances and possibilities that lies between them. Keeping in view the growing relations of these countries, their foreign policies and political situation is leading towards a greater change in Mideast region. The growing relations of the countries and their foreign policies have certain objectives and due to globalisation, no country can live in isolation. By keeping all in view, this research provides a clear picture of recent gulf political situation which is leading toward a great change in scenario. Having different ideologies, the two important countries of Middle East have completely different priorities and objectives for the regional peace and stability. Therefore, this qualitative study is helpful in determining the objectives of both states towards resolving the political unrest and security issues in the Middle East.

The Polish response to the crisis that escalated across Europe in 2015, banning refugees from crossing its borders, has been one of the least welcoming in Europe. Poland has been reprimanded by the EU for its lack of solidarity with other countries that accepted refugees. The government's response was that it does indeed welcome refugees as long as they are not Muslims, since letting Muslim refugees in would be a security risk. The figure of the Muslim terrorist posing as a refugee has become a key trope through which xenophobic nationalist politics have been employed. In this sense, Poland can be seen to be drawing particular inspiration from the Eurosceptic politics of Orbán's Hungary while also reflecting a broader European trend towards Islamophobia in countries such as France, Germany, Sweden or the UK. This article maps responses to refugees from key public actors. It focuses on how three key players in the Polish public sphere — the Catholic Church, the State and civil society actors — responded to the looming perspective of welcoming refugees to Poland. The paper argues that the Polish response to the so-called refugee crisis should be analysed as subtext to a broader political change in the country towards nationalism that has as its goal to push out all foreign 'invasion'. Mobilised within this are new and old manifestations of racism, suggesting that Poland's long history of racial Othering and exclusion has not been sufficiently accounted for.

Ibn Khaldun was a renowned thinker and scholar. His thoughts and ideas have been the subject and inspirations of countless researchs done around the globe by numerous scholars. The discourse on Ibn Khaldun's thoughts contributed to the growth and development of contemporary science. As such, this study was undertaken to re-evaluate the thinking of Ibn Khald n which transcends various disciplines. This study aims to analyse the principal ideas of Ibn Khald n in accordance to the disciplines of history, politics, economics, sociology and education through a literature review on the writings and discourses of the researchers. For this study, a qualitative method using historical descriptive approach was employed. The data for this study were obtained through library research. The data analyses were conducted through texts and document analyses, as well as using a comparison method; and are supported with the processing of data through induction and deduction methods. The study found that Ibn Khaldun's thoughts has contributed to the growth and development of contemporary science, especially in the discipline of history, politics, economics, sociology and education. Additionally, his thoughts on said disciplines were not build on one aspect per se, but holistic, scientific, transcending the multiple disciplines of knowledge; incorporating the various ranks of individuals, families, societies and countries. Keywords: Ibn Khaldun, Ideas and Thoughts, Knowledge Development, Civilization,Islamic Scholar

Democracy in Indonesia have exams with the emergence of the phenomenon of political dynasty. The phenomenon of dynastic politics due to five things: first, the impact of the electoral system and the competition the more liberal. Second, the portrait of the failure of political parties in binding constituents . Third, the lack of regeneration system and internal patterns of rekuitmen in political parties, especially the mechanism in the determination of candidates. Fourth, that too much traction power elites of political parties, especially the elite at central level. Fifth, the strengthening of political pragmatism and the decline of militancy cadre which causes the machine party organizations can not be optimal, and may encourage the proliferation of money politics and political dynasties. Atut Chosiyyah dynastic political system is legitimized through the local elections and parochial political culture Banten people. Several factors are melatarbelakngi birth of prejudice in the election in Banten namely the lack of political education by the organizers of the election, the election supervisor, prospective head region and educational institutions. And parochial political culture inherited money continuously to voters who incidentally have limited knowledge and political awareness. Atut Chosiyyah family group has a network of warlords, clerics and political participants widely to remote allows campaign props scattered in almost every point in Banten. the amount and intensity of Banten people see props build closeness and sympathy of the public.Keywords: Political dynastiy, political culture money

ABSTRACT: The core of this paper is to analyze the public policy of gender equality in Albania, particularly on policy areas of political participation, in the context of new institutional approaches. Having done a research, this article attempts to explain the effects of mechanism as gender quota to the level of women's participation in politics and decision-making in Albania. At the same time, examines the challenges of gender quota implementation in Albania. In this paper, it is understood that the interpretation of "the gender inequality problem" determines the equality policies applied on this issue and the structure of formal institutions in that policy. That is, how the gender equality policy has been formed and applied as a public policy in Albania. Besides, equality policies and formal institutional structure on that issue is being formed depending on how "the problem of gender inequality" is perceived by policy-maker actors. In this paper, using the concept of gender as a process analysis, we find evidence that the implementation of gender quotas increased the number of women's participation in politics and decision-making and brought in a more diverse group of women. We also find that women in Albania still continue to face inequality and discrimination, and there is still a lot to be done, to enjoy their rights de facto and to have effective protection against gender discrimination. KEYWORDS: Gender Equality, Gender Quota, Public Policy, New Institutionalism

El debate entre los eclécticos y los saintsimonianos respecto del objeto y el sentido de la filosofía y su relación con la política, que se desarrolla luego de 1830, y en relación con las diversas visiones de la monarquía constitucional francesa, nos sirve aquí para regresar sobre los modos de concebir la filosofía política. En nuestro trabajo seguimos de cerca este debate, repasamos algunas lecturas contemporáneas del siglo XIX y nos detenemos en particular en el pensamiento de Pierre Leroux. El alcance y el sentido que adoptan con Leroux los conceptos de religión, política y democracia son condición de posibilidad para pensar en una filosofía política que, dando lugar a la religión, pueda revalorizar el vínculo entre libertad, acción política y democracia. ; The debate between eclectics and saint-simoniens about the object and sense of philosophy and its relationship with politics which took place in France after 1830, in connection with different interpretations on constitutional French monarchy, gives a good opportunity to discuss the ways of conceiving political philosophy. We follow closely that debate, revising some lectures of the 19th Century and paying attention especially to Pierre Leroux's thought. The implications and the sense that the concepts of religion, politics and democracy adopt with Leroux are, in our judgement, a condition of possibility to think a political philosophy that, giving place to religion, could revalue the links between freedom, political action and democracy.

The outbreak of the 1791 Haitian revolution shook the imperial powers of Europe and the US. Never before had the enslaved rebelled so powerfully and in the decades to come, the name of the once lucrative colony, Saint-Domingue, provoked anxiety and suspicion. In 2010, Western eyes again turned to Haiti as a devastating earthquake hit the island. Natural forces together with poverty and inadequate infrastructure caused a major humanitarian crisis. Taking its point of departure in the intersection of politics and aesthetics, this special issue of Karib, an on-line open access research journal published with Stockholm University Press, probes the global responses to and repercussions of these events within the frame of emergent and contemporary modernity. ; The outbreak of the 1791-1804 Haitian revolution shook the imperial powers of Europe and the U.S. Never before had the enslaved rebelled so powerfully and in the decades to come, the name of the once lucrative colony, Saint-Domingue, provoked anxiety and suspicion. In 2010, Western eyes again turned to Haiti as a devastating earthquake hit the island. Natural forces together with poverty and inadequate infrastructure caused a major humanitarian crisis. Taking its point of departure in the intersection of politics and aesthetics, this special issue of Karib probes the global responses to and repercussions of these events within the frame of emergent and contemporary modernity. Editors: Mads Anders Baggesgaard Jonas Ross Kjærgård Christina Kullberg

This paper was accepted for publication in the journal The International Journal of Press/Politics and the definitive published version is available at https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779170 ; We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, United Kingdom, and United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.

Theoretically, the media and politics can not be separated. Media and politics are like two sides of the same coin in which each one requires another. This is what happened in Aceh. Media and political links are highly visible in the practice of the press in Aceh. The presence of the media in Aceh seems very much to serve the political ambition through the news. The practice of the press industry looks like it is thick with the nuances of interest, which is interestingly studied with the approach of political economy. Political economy theorists see that there are certain groups that control economic institutions that then affect other social institutions, including the media and the press. In other words, the mastery of economic institutions will lead to the mastery of almost all aspects of life, ranging from small things such as how to eat to big things like communication devices. The mastery is meant to perpetuate their economic power. In the context of Aceh specially post-enactment of the Law on Aceh Goverment. The presence of local media is not only a part of the vortex of information, but also present as part of local political democratization. This is the challenge of the media or the local press itself. Does the media capable of maintaining its independence in managing information? or actually engaging in political practices in favor of certain political groups? Keywords: Local Media, Political Economic Media, Elite Politic, Aceh.