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PART I: FOREGROUND: STAGING AGENDA FOR POLITICAL PHENOMENOLOGY -- Chapter 1: Is a Rational Politics a Real Possibility? William L. McBride -- Chapter 2: Geophilosophy, the Lifeworld, and the Political; Calvin O. Schrag -- Chapter 3: Confrontation with Modernity; Thomas Nenon -- Chapter 4: A Construction of Alfred Schutz's Theory of Political Science; Lester Embree -- Chapter 5: Carnal Hermeneutics and Political Theory; Hwa Yol Jung -- Chapter 6: Arendt, Kant, and the Beauty of Politics: A Phenomenological View; Ralph P. Hummel -- Chapter 7: Phenomenology of Public Opinion: The Communicative Body, Intercorporeality, and Computer-Mediated Communication; Joohan Kim -- PART II: CROSSROADS OF ETHICS AND POLITICS -- Chapter 8: Political Phenomenology: John Wild and Emmanuel Levinas on the Political; Richard I. Sugarman -- Chapter 9: Levinas and Lukacs: Totality and Infinity—Phenomenology Hegelian and Husserlian, and Kantian Ethics; Richard Cohen -- Chapter 10: Liberation Ethics and Transcendental Phenomenology; Michael Barber -- Chapter 11: Phenomenology of Recognition: Hegel's Original Contribution to the Politics of Recognition in Global Society; Gi Bung Kwon -- Chapter 12: Toward a Phenomenology of Human Rights; Robert Bernasconi -- Chapter 13: Genocidal Rape as Spectacle; Debra Bergoffen -- Chapter 14: Is Heidegger's Philosophy Ethically Meaningless? Dongsoo Lee -- Chapter 15: Asymmetrical Reciprocity and Practical Agency: Contemporary Dilemmas of Feminist Theory in Benhabib, Young, and Kristeva; Patricia Huntington -- Chapter 16: Spaces of Freedom: Materiality, Mediation, and Direct Political Participation in the Work of Arendt and Sartre; Sonia Kruks -- Chapter 17: Memory and Countermemory: For an Open Future; Martin Beck Matustik -- PART III: BORDER CROSSINGS -- Chapter 18: Cross-Cultural Encounters: Gadamer and Merleau-Ponty; Fred Dallmayr -- Chapter 19: Transversality and Mestizaje: Moving Beyond the Purification—Resistance Impasse; John Francis Burke -- Chapter 20: When Monsters No Longer Speak; Jane Anna Gordon and Lewis Ricardo Gordon.

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland played an important role in the European integration process from Winston Churchill's idea of creating the "United States of Europe", to becoming the first Member State in history to withdraw from the European Union. Ever since the first attempts of joining the Communities, their membership has met with reservations by the founding countries and mistrust regarding the British objectives towards the future development of the Community. The British relations with the EU have been uniquely marked with constant pursuit of better economic and political conditions of membership. Over the years, as the Government in charge of the British Parliament changed, the United Kingdom has presented with different requirements for their continued permanence and substantial budgetary contributions. These renegotiations have been repeated several times during the fortyseven years of British membership, always requesting for additional concessions. The achieved agreements were twice associated with a national referendum to confirm British membership within reformed Community. However, the two referenda led to opposite effects: the first one validated the recommendation of the Government to stay in the EU; while the second one ended with Britain leaving the European Union, against the official Governments suggestions, leading to many years of uncertainty, damaging the economy, negatively influencing working conditions, British currency, with potential to destroy the integrity of the United Kingdom. The aim of the study is to analyze both referenda results and the renegotiations of the membership conditions that led to them, by selecting the critical issues in the negotiating strategies, that were obstructing the agreements between the United Kingdom and the European Union, and by comparing several political agreements achieved by the United Kingdom in the process of negotiations at the correspondent stages of their membership within the European Union to demonstrate their political and economic implications. The research examined British, French, and American confidential diplomatic documents from the national archives, formal publications produced by Her Britannic Majesty's Government and those published by the European Institutions, as well as journals, letters and newspaper articles, documentaries, reports, and social media announcements made on the official accounts in different languages, including English, Italian, French, and Polish. In conclusion, this study shows how the national interest of the singular EU members does not always comply with the European agenda and how it overcomes any Communitarian interest. Furthermore, the research points out how the use of referenda on the membership cannot be justified as a leverage mean for negotiating the changes to the membership terms determined by the European Treaties.

Language not only plays an important role in shaping the way we see reality, it can also be instrumental in spreading a precise power narrative, conveying a specific ideology, or framing a certain political figure in a way that enables a particular discourse to permeate throughout societies. The exercise of power through language is a multifaceted topic of debate that can be explored from many perspectives, but the present proposal will focus on an actor that more often than not goes unnoticed in the political and diplomatic arena, in spite of its importance in multilingual contexts: the interpreter. Interpreters performance as intercultural and interlinguistic mediators is key to the successful dissemination of political ideas in bi- or multicultural communicative events. Therefore, they might play an important role as tools for the more powerful political actors to exert soft power persuading others to do what they want without force or coercion (as per Nye s original definition, 1990) or what Bourdieu (1991, p. 170) would call symbolic power . This presentation offers some reflections on the implications that the figure of the interpreter may have in political and diplomatic contexts by taking some core ideas of Critical Discourse Analysis as a point of departure, in particular, the complex dynamics between power, discourse, ideology, and language in the process of building mental representations and models. Reflections will revolve around the three strategic functions identified by Chilton and Schäffner (2006, pp. 311-312) in political discourse, namely: coercion and resistance, legitimization and delegitimization, and representation and misrepresentation. The implications of such functions will be discussed drawing on the issue of role in interpreting studies, in order to try to establish a methodology for further studying interpreter-mediated communicative events from this perspective. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/draft

The turmoil surrounding the 1980 Olympic Games, says the author, was nothing new--it was merely the most recent, and most complex, manifestation of the political content of modern sport. Despite the mythology perpetrated by Olympic publicists, the modern Olympic Games were founded with expressly political goals in mind and continue to thrive on tie

With a summary and list of tables and figures in English

Drawing on research conducted during the project, this policy brief discusses the problems preventing European Union citizens from becoming active political citizens. European citizenship as active political citizenship has been underdeveloped from the start and is currently under strong pressure. Over time, European Union citizens seem to have lost enthusiasm for the European political process: Voter turnout in European Parliament elections decreased from 61,99% in 1979 to 42,61% in 2014. Attempts to transform elections for the European Parliament into a meaningful decision about the policies and the personnel of European institutions have been ineffective so far in two ways: On the one hand, they did not raise more interest in European affairs; on the other hand, and even more problematically, the 'Spitzenkandidaten'-experiment was overshadowed by the power struggle between national leaders and the European Parliament. Although similar tendencies towards decreasing voter turnout can be observed in national elections, the trend of fading popular support is particularly alarming at the European Union level. It threatens to undermine the legitimacy and functionality of the European Union, thus jeopardizing the entire integration process. Institutions without support cannot last. The European Union provokes a rather negative political reaction among its citizens and populist activism is challenging its policies and the integration process more broadly. The Brexit decision expresses this problem in an ideal-typical form: Europe-friendly citizens do not use their right to vote while anti-European activism brings citizens to the ballot box. Concerned with this passivity as well as with the activism mobilised by anti-European populism, Europe-friendly observers and actors see a major opportunity for the European Union to strengthen the European Parliament as the core institution of a European representative democracy.