Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes how the last State Coup was configurated in Argentina (1976) in four rock argentinian songs of Los Violadores, Los Twist, Serú Girán and Ataque 77. The selection boards four dictatorship dimensions and the objective is to explore all that representations thinking in their production conditions and in all those limits imposed by the social context considerating that always exists hegemony in thinking and telling. Daily life, censorship, economic politics and Malvinas war are the thematic axis that we think like dimensions of the State coup. In this paper, we cross rock, politics, speech and representations to think a possible analytical proposal about how rock music represented this episode. ; Este artículo analiza cómo fue configurado el Golpe de Estado en la Argentina de 1976 en cuatro canciones de rock de las bandas Los Violadores, Los Twist, Serú Girán y Ataque 77. Los temas musicales seleccionados abordan dimensiones de la dictadura y el objetivo es explorar esas representaciones pensando en sus condiciones de producción y en los límites que imponían los contextos sociales considerando que siempre existe una hegemonía de lo pensable y de lo decible. Vida cotidiana, censura, política económica y guerra de Malvinas son los ejes temáticos que son considerados dimensiones del Golpe. En este análisis se entrecruzan el rock, la política, el discurso y la representación para pensar una posible propuesta analítica acerca de cómo el rock configuró este episodio.

The press cover the politicians' message and grant them a degree of media visibility, insinuating more or less support for any given party and giving the general public a particular vision of the political class through the media influence on politics. This paper is the result of a study of national coverage of politics (2008-2012), as published in two leading Spanish media sources (El País and El Mundo), with a particular emphasis on the Popular Party (PP) and the Spanish Social Workers' Party (PSOE). The research considers whether the media give a political use to political information through media negativity. The conclusion was that both daily newspapers use the information in a biased and negative way when dealing with Spanish political information ; La prensa recoge el discurso de los políticos ofreciéndoles visibilidad mediática, dejando entrever mayor o menor proximidad a un partido y expone a la ciudadanía una visión de la clase política bajo un concepto de política mediatizada. Este trabajo presenta el seguimiento de la información política nacional (2008-2012) publicada en dos medios de referencia españoles (El País y El Mundo), relativa al Partido Popular (PP) y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). La investigación plantea si los medios emplean un uso estratégico de la información política a través del negativismo mediático. Los resultados concluyen que ambos diarios realizan un tratamiento informativo partidista y negativo cuando abordan la información política española.

The aim of this paper is to tease out the factors and forces that enable women to form communities of women and the circumstances within which they act. In addition, the research aims to observe into their activities to see if there is a germination of gender consciousness even if in a nascent form. Taking off from a historical vantage point of women coming together for various kinds of social and political action, the paper tries to delve into the epistemological dilemma encountered by feminist politics, where the subject of feminist politics i.e., women, is presented as a problematic category. Gender is understood not as a sole defining category but one that exists alongside other constituents of identities intersecting with it like class, caste, race, ethnicity etc. Given such an understanding the paper is based on a micro-level qualitative study conducted in an urban set-up of Guwahati city where two different kinds of locality-based women's communities are taken as case studies, one of which is an all-women local neighbourhood development committee and the other a women's forum within a gated community. The interesting contrasts as well as complexities of the groups in their membership as well their cultures are analysed to raise questions on whether such groups serve patriarchal interests or whether they present themselves as potential sites through which social change towards a more gender-conscious society can be made possible.

Despite the increased emphasis on domestic politics in the study of international law, scholars remain divided about whether and how international law affects domestic institutions. Moreover, while public support is a core ingredient for sustainable, legitimate policies in a democracy, research at the individual level of analysis remains limited. Weighing in on these areas of study, we investigate the use of drone strikes for counterterrorism, a subject of considerable debate. Proponents in the government point to drones as both effective for disrupting terrorist networks and compatible with international law. Critics from groups such as international organizations (IOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) respond that attacks create more terrorists than they kill and violate legal commitments. The central question we ask in this article is whether these international legal criticisms impact public support for drone strikes, the centerpiece of US counterterrorism policy, or whether individuals are more persuaded by effectiveness-based arguments. Employing a survey experiment of a nationally representative sample of the United States, we find IO and NGO criticisms can shape public attitudes even around an important national security issue like drone strikes, but are most influential when messages center on legal critiques rather than matters of effectiveness. Our findings speak to fundamental questions about the domestic politics of international legal commitments, the role of IOs and NGOs in shaping political debates, and the durability of US counterterrorism policy.

Venezuela's communal councils are legally sanctioned organs for popular participation implemented mostly in poor communities since 2006. The promotores integrales, lower-level state employees who assist the communal councils in their everyday work, serve as mediators between state policies and community politics, and study of their roles and perspectives provides important insights into the complexities of implementing policies of popular participation and transforming state practices in the context of radical social change. While the cultural politics and knowledges of the popular sectors have become imprinted on the Venezuelan state, attempts to change the state in accordance with Bolivarian ideology are subject to intense contestation and struggle.Los consejos comunales de Venezuela son órganos para la participación popular establecidos legalmente y puestos en práctica mayormente en comunidades pobres desde 2006. Los promotores integrales –empleados estatales de menor rango que ayudan a los consejos comunales en su trabajo diario –sirven como mediadores entre las políticas del estado y la política comunitaria. El estudio de sus roles y perspectivas nos ofrece importantes claves para comprender la complejidad de implementar políticas de participación popular y transformar las prácticas del estado en el contexto de un cambio social radical. Mientras que las políticas culturales y los saberes de los sectores populares han quedado grabados en el estado venezolano, los esfuerzos para cambiar al estado de acuerdo con la ideología bolivariana están sujetos a una intensa impugnación y luchas constantes.

According to Mattel, Monster High dolls topped $500 million in annual sales in 2014, quickly gaining on Barbie, whose $1.3 billion in annual revenue plummeted for the fourth quarter in a row. Monster High's recent ad campaign claims, "We are monsters. We are proud." Race, ethnicity, and disability are coded into the dolls as selling points. The allure of Monster High is, in part, that political identity and the celebration of difference become consumable. The female body, the racialized body, and the disabled body have long been coded as monstrous. Monster High reclaims this label, queering it. Using Jack Halberstam's work on children's culture and Richard Berger's and Rosalind Hanmer's work on fandom, this article explores the queer potential of Monster High. Fans rewrite the Mattel narrative through fan fiction, repainting the dolls, and embodying them through virtual avatars, makeup, and costume play. These fan practices both queer the dolls' identity politics and create communities of interest that act as safe spaces for expressing queer identity and generating fan activism. These fan practices have also influenced Mattel's branding of the dolls, specifically with the recent inclusion of activism campaigns such as WeStopHate and The Kind Campaign into the Monster High Webisodes and Web site. By exploring the queer politics of Monster High fandom, this paper explains how that queering generates social change.

AbstractThis paper explores the relationship between scientific operationalizations of drought and the politics of water management during times of drought. Drawing on a case study of the 2007–09 drought in Georgia in the southeastern United States, this paper examines how multiple ways of knowing drought were produced, circulated, and utilized by stakeholders. Moreover, this paper explores the policy implications of these multiple ways of knowing drought. Data were drawn from archival research, direct observation, and semistructured interviews with members of the green industry (self-identified members of the urban agricultural sector); state environmental regulators; and local governmental officials. Data were analyzed to examine the interplay between science and politics. This paper highlights the intersections of drought management policy and 1) scale and operationalization of drought; 2) how stakeholders know drought; and 3) societal context within which knowledge of drought is produced, circulated, and utilized. This research demonstrates how stakeholders can leverage the complexity of drought to pursue their political goals and change the way water is managed during times of drought. Even in instances where there are different knowledges of drought, stakeholders can still change the societal context, as the green industry did in Georgia in 2009. This paper argues that scientists and policymakers who work on drought management need to consider how knowledges of drought are coconstituted through interactions between science, nature, and society.

Steady political polarization since the late 1970s ranks among the most consequential transformations of American politics—one with far-reaching consequences for governance, congressional performance, the legitimacy of the Supreme Court, and citizen perceptions of the stakes of party conflict and elections. Our understanding of this polarization critically depends on measuring it. Its measurement in turn began with the invention of the NOMINATE algorithm and the widespread adoption of its estimates of the ideal points of members of Congress. Although the NOMINATE project has not been immune from technical and conceptual critique, its impact on how we think about contemporary politics and its discontents has been extraordinary and has helped to stimulate the creation of several similar scores. In order to deepen appreciation of this broadly important intellectual phenomenon, we offer an intuitively accessible treatment of the mathematics and conceptual assumptions of NOMINATE. We also stress that NOMINATE scores are a major resource for understanding other eras in American political development (APD) besides the current great polarization. To illustrate this point, we introduce readers to Voteview, which provides two-dimensional snapshots of congressional roll calls, among other data that it generates. We conclude by sketching how APD scholarship might contribute to the contemporary polarization discussion. Placing polarization and depolarization in historical perspective may powerfully illuminate whether, how, and why our current polarization might recede.

No livro The BRICS and the future of global order, Oliver Stuenkel narra a trajetória dos BRICS, desde sua origem, em 2001, até seus mais recentes passos em direção a uma maior institucionalização, em um processo de evolução que o autor descreve como um dos acontecimentos definidores da política internacional do início do século XXI. Stuenkel analisa a ascensão dos BRICS e sua contribuição para a reforma da ordem global, em direção à multipolarização e à redistribuição de poder no sistema internacional de forma mais condizente com a realidade.ABSTRACTIn the book The BRICS and the future of global order Oliver Stuenkel traces the history of the BRICS from its origins, in 2001, to its recent steps towards greater institutionalization, in a process the author describes as one of the defining developments in international politics of the beginning of the twenty-first century. Stuenkel analyzes the rise of the BRICS countries and their contribution to a reform of the global order towards a more multipolar world and a redistribution of global power that better reflects reality.Palavras-chave: BRICS – Relações Externas; BRICS – Relações Econômicas; Política Mundial - século XXI. Keywords: BRIC countries – Foreign Relations; BRIC countries – Foreign Economic Relations; World Politics – 21st centuryDOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.19917 Recebido em 02 de dezembro de 2015 / Received December on 02, 2015.Aceito em 20 de dezembro de 2015 / Accepted December on 20, 2015.

Two fundamental features of a liberal political community are usually identified in contemporary deliberations: (1) there is an inevitable pluralism of visions of good and worthy life, blended into a wide range of religious, philosophical and ethical positions; (2) those who are in power are under an obligation to set public matters in such a way as to avoid discrimination of any class of the ruled. In respect of (1) and (2), it is presumed that the process of enacting, implementing and executing public law shall be separated from any perfectionist moral position, because being impartial when making political decisions is a prerequisite for non-discriminatory politics. This kind of politics looks for proper, convincing and comprehensible reasons to establish a new legal standard of behaviour in the 'public reason' – a set of moral statements and political values commonly shared in an open, pluralistic and tolerant society, which does not provide decisive answers to any questions about the meaning of life and does not bring us closer to discover its ideal. This article tries to reproduce the main notions and ideas of leading, contemporary liberal philosophers – John Rawls and Charles Larmore – that deal with the very nature of impartiality of a liberal state and the ability of policymakers to be impartial. It also presents the critical views of Stephen Macedo and Nicholas Wolterstorff, who question the possibility of building a neutral state.

AbstractThere is broad agreement in the literature that international courts (ICs) make decisions with bounded discretion in relation to state governments. However, the scope of this discretion, and the determinants of its boundaries, are highly contested. In particular, the central mechanism in separation-of-powers models of judicial politics—the possibility of legislative override—has raised controversy. We argue that the uncertainty that judges face regarding the political reactions to their decisions has important and undertheorized implications for their behavior. On the one hand, cautious judges are likely to be attentive to signals that contain information about the probability of an unfavorable override. On the other hand, misjudgments of the political risks are likely to be made. Thus, the possibility of override is a significant factor affecting judicial behavior, but it is also a fairly blunt mechanism for balancing the independence and accountability of courts. The empirical study focuses on the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), which has long been at the center of theory development regarding the legalization of world politics and the rise of international courts. The results demonstrate a strong correlation between the CJEU's rulings and the political signals it receives, in a pattern that goes beyond legal merit, and that fits with the override mechanism. State governments are crucial parts of the broader audience that defines the political boundaries of judicial discretion.

The beginning of the 1990s saw a prevailing understanding in Tokyo that restoration of trust and reconciliation with East Asian countries should be the first step to a larger role of Japan in the international politics. This understanding manifested itself in so far the most successful attempts to apologize for the policies of Japan in the first half of the XX century, including Prime Minister T.Murayama's statement, issued in 1995, as well as measures to address the so-called"historical issues". By contrast, incumbent Prime Minister S.Abe, who is also striving to increase the role of Japan in the international arena, shows a gradual departure from the above-mentioned strategy on presumption that a "masochistic" view of Japanese history runs counter to its national interests. His statement on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II promoted a thesis on importance to lift "the burden of apologies". Given the fact that it was nevertheless received positively by Tokyo's main ally Washington and did not become an obstacle to political dialogue with Seoul and Beijing, the author suggests that S.Abe will continue step-by-step efforts to remove "historical issues" from the bilateral political and economic agenda with China and South Korea, as well as to erase the link between the necessity to issue apologies, characteristic of the Japanese diplomacy of the 1990s, and a strategy to a larger Japan's role in international politics and security.

Perhaps nowhere else in southern Africa has liberation war memories had such a stranglehold on political developments than in Zimbabwe post 2000. In this period, the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) devised and operationalized the Third Chimurenga—a cache of anti-colonial, anti-West, and anti-opposition narratives that essentially re-constructs political power as inextricably bound up with the liberation struggle, for long an exclusive site of the party's claims to political legitimacy. The Third Chimurenga often manifested in the form of political rhetoric by political leaders and reinforced by an array of cultural performances such as song and other forms of spectacular dramaturgy such as national commemorations. The literary text is the latest participant in the Third Chimurenga politics and aesthetics. In this article, I read Mashingaidze Gomo's novel A Fine Madness as a Third Chimurenga literary narrative, centering on how its representations of the post-2000 political and economic crisis relates to the underlying counter-discourse of the empirical Third Chimurenga. This article dialogues with the nature of the connection between Gomo's novel and the empirical Third Chimurenga. This reading reveals how the literary text exploits the affective and aesthetic dimensions of creative art to portray a vivid picture of the Third Chimurenga, which can move the reader to a new consciousness of issues around Zimbabwe's liberation struggle and the contemporary land politics.

Treball final de Màster Universitari en Cooperació al Desenvolupament. Codi: SRI522. Curs acadèmic 2014-2015 ; El presente trabajo estudia el concepto de capital social dentro del mundo de la cooperación para el desarrollo. Su carácter multidisciplinar dificulta su adscripción al análisis económico al uso, de ahí la dificultad de su medición. No obstante, es necesaria su presencia ya que incorpora aspectos multidisciplinares al análisis teórico que permite mejorar el conocimiento de la naturaleza económica de las comunidades. Algunos de los posibles efectos del capital social puede que no sean positivos y se hace necesario, a tal efecto, prever las consecuencias que pueda tener ello para el diseño de políticas de cooperación para el desarrollo. Concluyéndose que es necesario aplicarlas teniendo en cuenta el contexto social e histórico de las comunidades receptoras. ; This scholarly work studies the concept of social capital in the world of development cooperation. Its multidisciplinary characteristics might difficult its ascription to the topic economic research and so, there are problems to measures its effects. However, it is necessary for the explain the economic fife of the economic life of the community, because it incorporates multidisciplinary elements to theoric studies. Maybe, some of these effects cannot be positive and so, it is necessary to know them for drawing the politics of development cooperation. The work ends that politics must be applied in the social and historical context of the receiver communities.

Tragedy, Aristotle tells us, is a mimēsis of a praxis. Euripides' Iphigeneia at Aulis not only imitates an action: it is an exploration of the very possibility of action, both dramatic and political. Produced posthumously in the Spring of 405 BCE, the play is structured by aporia, a paralysis of political will that also paralyzes the plot and threatens to unwrite reality itself. The play attempts to loosen this bind by rooting political decision in the individual will of an autonomous agent, first Agamemnon, then Iphigeneia. But this process fails: the play's many and notorious changes of mind identify decision as the political act par excellence, but also represent the moment of decision as a madness (in Kierkegaard's phrase), as the agent, far from generating his or her own act, is subsumed and obliterated by it. The dramatic aporia resolved by the character's choice is merely shifted to that choice itself, which exposes the mysterious gap between praxis and prattōn. Moreover, to the extent that the play succeeds in suturing action to an agent, that individual agent – simultaneously savior and scapegoat – effaces the collective deliberation of democratic politics: real political agency is replaced by the fantasy of a super-subject who will act on behalf of and in place of the demos. Staging praxis as a problem, the play's mimēsis becomes a meditation on the failure of political agency and of democratic politics