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Ever since the discovery there of gold and diamonds in the last half of the nineteenth century, South Africa has engaged the rapt attention of the Western world. The saga of the Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902, perhaps the last of the "gentlemen's wars," and now the refurbished accounts of the gallant defense of Rorke's Drift in the AngloZulu War of 1879 have been fascinating material for both novelists and film scriptwriters. In addition, the history of South Africa is replete with titanic figures who rank with, or perhaps even above, those from the rest of the continent: the aggressive architect of empire, Cecil J. Rhodes; the redoubtable Zulu warrior, Chaka; the dour, stern-willed President of the South African Republic, "Oom" (Uncle) Paul Kruger; the world-renowned statesman and philosopher, Field Marshal Jan C. Smuts; the founding father of Indian independence, Mohandas K. Gandhi; the compassionate and courageous writer, Alan S. Paton; and the dignified, modest Zulu Nobel Laureate, Albert J. Luthuli. By any standard, South Africa and its leaders of all races have made far-reaching and impressive contributions to the continent, the British Empire, and the world at large.

THE United Nations Charter repeatedly refers to "disputes or situations" and to "threats to the peace or breach of the peace" but does not use the word "conflict." In the Kellogg-Briand Pact, however, the parties agreed "that the settlement or solution of all disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of whatever origin they may be, which may arise among them, shall never be solved except by pacific means." A "conflict" appears to be less formulated than a "dispute" but more formulated than a "situation." A "conflict" does not necessarily involve violence as does a "breach of the peace," but violence is probable, as in a "threat to the peace." Thus conflict always involves a considerable degree of tension. The close relation of conflict to violence is indicated by the derivation of the term from the Latin word confligere, meaning "to strike together." Thus, physical conflict is suggested.

This book investigates the international school policy reform in China from various perspectives. In recent years, international schools, international classes, international departments, and various international education projects have emerged in the field of education in China. This book explores and analyzes the idea of international schools, and discusses different aspects of the conceptual model of international education policy development in China, including international school policy, student cultivation, teacher cultivation, school management, curriculum, and quality assessment of international schools. In addition, this book offers a comprehensive, systematic, and practical perspective on shaping Chinas international school policy development and management. This book serves as a guide for scholars and researchers who are interested, and work in, research on internationalization development in China, administrators, and stakeholders in China's education system, and graduate students who major or minor in the field of internationalization development in China.

'Regime' is often used to describe behaviour in international political economy. Focuses on a new definition of the auto trade regime based on 4 fundamental rules that have persisted since the 1950s. Concludes that the auto industry case illustrates the tendency of analysts to underestimate protectionist elements in industry trade regimes and to overestimate the amount of changes that take place in their fundamental rules. (Abstract amended)

Ein Blick über die Grenzen kann helfen, weit reichende politische Entscheidungen - wie im Falle des Kombilohns - mit internationalen Erfahrungen zu stützen. Die Erfahrungen in den USA und Großbritannien zeigen, dass großzügige Einkommenssubventionen unter den Bedingungen eines Sozialstaates, der niedrige Leistungen für Nichterwerbstätige mit Auflagen zur Arbeitssuche verbindet, nennenswerte Beschäftigungseffekte haben. Allerdings existiert in den USA keine bedarfsdeckende Mindestsicherung. Zudem wurde dort der Leistungsbezug für Nichterwerbstätige zeitlich befristet. Dies kann auf Deutschland, das eine soziokulturelle Mindestsicherung gesetzlich garantiert, nicht übertragen werden. Aus den angelsächsischen Erfahrungen kann jedoch gelernt werden, dass Kombilöhne nur wirken, wenn das Steuer- und Transfer-System die Arbeitsanreize systematisch stärkt. Kombilöhne müssten deshalb in Deutschland in ein konsistentes Steuer- und Transfersystem eingebunden werden. Gerade in Ländern, die ein hohes Grundsicherungsniveau garantieren, ist eine konsequente Aktivierungspolitik notwendig, die monetäre Erwerbsanreize mit Auflagen für Leistungsempfänger verbindet. In Deutschland können zudem verstärkte Erwerbsanreize nur wirken, wenn dem zusätzlichen Arbeitsangebot auch eine entsprechende Nachfrage im Niedriglohnbereich gegenüber steht.

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates measurement errors in generally accepted figures on international transactions that are supplied by national statistical offices to the IMF and the OECD. Implicit minimal measurement errors in bilateral trade data for Germany and the Netherlands appear to be about 1.5–3 per cent. An investigation of foreign direct investment data for 20 OECD countries in the period 1950–89 shows that their accuracy has improved little if at all since the 1970s: in 15–25 per cent of the cases, implied minimal measurement errors are in excess of 10 per cent.