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La hegemonía neoliberal de las últimas décadas ha traído aparejadas inmensas transformaciones económicas, políticas y sociales. El relativo equilibrio que se estableció en las sociedades occidentales de posguerra en la dialéctica entre ciudadanía, subjetividad y emancipación social comenzó a transformarse drásticamente a partir de los años ochenta (Santos 2000). La reorganización del sistema capitalista que surge de este periodo se ha concretado socialmente, en el incremento de la vulnerabilidad social y en el crecimiento de las desigualdades sociales, dando lugar a la emergencia de la llamada 'nueva cuestión social' (Robert Castel 1977). El territorio de la globalización, nombre que toma la etapa actual del capitalismo (Etxezarreta 2001), es un espacio de des-regularización y privatización totalizante. Un espacio de precarización de la condición laboral, pero también de precarización de otras dimensiones de la condición ciudadana (Alonso 2000): desde la reducción de los mecanismos de la participación política a su simple simulacro formal, hasta la trivivialización autista de las subjetividades e identidades transformadoras (Benjamín 1997). La confluencia de estas dimensiones apuntan hacia un nuevo totalitarismo social, laboral, cultural y político; una deriva hacia lo que Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) ha definido como un un 'nuevo fascismo societal'. El planteamiento que aquí se sigue sostiene que entender las nuevas formas de desigualdad que comporta esta etapa de globalización exige, necesariamente, analizar la producción neoliberal de la subjetividad humana desde sus contextos socio-históricos. Situándose en una perspectiva crítica, y desde el espacio que abre la intersección entre teoría social y teoría psicoanalítica (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), analiza como la producción de la subjetividad en el neoliberalismo reduce a los actores sociales a individuos, para apuntar, por último, algunas reflexiones sobre las posibilidades de un imaginario con capacidad de transformación social. The neoliberal hegemony of the last few decades has brought with it immense economic, political and social transformation. The relative balance that had been established in western postwar societies in the dialectics between citizenship, subjectivity and social emancipation began to drastically change as of the early 1980s. (Santos 2000). The reorganisation of the capitalist system arising from this period has gelled, in social terms, in the increase of social vulnerability and social inequalities, and this has given rise to the emergence of the so-called 'new social question' (Robert Castel 1977). The territory of globalisation, the name that the current phase of capitalism has taken on (Etxezarreta 2001), is a totalising area of deregulation and privatisation. It is an area in which labour conditions become precarious along with other dimensions of citizens' condition as well (Alonso 2000) including the reduction of political participation mechanisms to mere formal simulation and the autistic trivialisation of subjectivities and transforming identities (Benjamín 1997). The convergence of these dimensions points towards a new social, cultural, political and labour totalitarianism; a derivation towards what Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) defined as 'new society fascism'. The thesis put forward in this article sustains that understanding new forms of inequality intrinsic in the present era of globalization requires an analysis of the neoliberal generation of human subjectivity from social and historical contexts. From a critical standpoint at the intersection between social and psychoanalytical theories (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), this article analyses how the generation of subjectivity in neoliberalism reduces social players to individuals. Lastly, the article notes some reflections on the possibilities of an ideal able to bring about social transformation.

The neoliberal hegemony of the last few decades has brought with it immense economic, political and social transformation. The relative balance that had been established in western postwar societies in the dialectics between citizenship, subjectivity and social emancipation began to drastically change as of the early 1980s. (Santos 2000). The reorganisation of the capitalist system arising from this period has gelled, in social terms, in the increase of social vulnerability and social inequalities, and this has given rise to the emergence of the so-called 'new social question' (Robert Castel 1977). The territory of globalisation, the name that the current phase of capitalism has taken on (Etxezarreta 2001), is a totalising area of deregulation and privatisation. It is an area in which labour conditions become precarious along with other dimensions of citizens' condition as well (Alonso 2000) including the reduction of political participation mechanisms to mere formal simulation and the autistic trivialisation of subjectivities and transforming identities (Benjamín 1997). The convergence of these dimensions points towards a new social, cultural, political and labour totalitarianism; a derivation towards what Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) defined as 'new society fascism'. The thesis put forward in this article sustains that understanding new forms of inequality intrinsic in the present era of globalization requires an analysis of the neoliberal generation of human subjectivity from social and historical contexts. From a critical standpoint at the intersection between social and psychoanalytical theories (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), this article analyses how the generation of subjectivity in neoliberalism reduces social players to individuals. Lastly, the article notes some reflections on the possibilities of an ideal able to bring about social transformation. ; La hegemonía neoliberal de las últimas décadas ha traído aparejadas inmensas transformaciones económicas, políticas y sociales. El relativo equilibrio que se estableció en las sociedades occidentales de posguerra en la dialéctica entre ciudadanía, subjetividad y emancipación social comenzó a transformarse drásticamente a partir de los años ochenta (Santos 2000). La reorganización del sistema capitalista que surge de este periodo se ha concretado socialmente, en el incremento de la vulnerabilidad social y en el crecimiento de las desigualdades sociales, dando lugar a la emergencia de la llamada 'nueva cuestión social' (Robert Castel 1977). El territorio de la globalización, nombre que toma la etapa actual del capitalismo (Etxezarreta 2001), es un espacio de des-regularización y privatización totalizante. Un espacio de precarización de la condición laboral, pero también de precarización de otras dimensiones de la condición ciudadana (Alonso 2000): desde la reducción de los mecanismos de la participación política a su simple simulacro formal, hasta la trivivialización autista de las subjetividades e identidades transformadoras (Benjamín 1997). La confluencia de estas dimensiones apuntan hacia un nuevo totalitarismo social, laboral, cultural y político; una deriva hacia lo que Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) ha definido como un un 'nuevo fascismo societal'. El planteamiento que aquí se sigue sostiene que entender las nuevas formas de desigualdad que comporta esta etapa de globalización exige, necesariamente, analizar la producción neoliberal de la subjetividad humana desde sus contextos socio-históricos. Situándose en una perspectiva crítica, y desde el espacio que abre la intersección entre teoría social y teoría psicoanalítica (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), analiza como la producción de la subjetividad en el neoliberalismo reduce a los actores sociales a individuos, para apuntar, por último, algunas reflexiones sobre las posibilidades de un imaginario con capacidad de transformación social.

Wer nur an die Marktwirtschaft glaubt, ist abergläubisch, stellte der katholische Theologe Hans Küng vor einigen Jahren in einem Beitrag "Ökonomie und Theologie" für Studenten der Wirtschaftswissenschaften fest. Soziale Marktwirtschaft, so ließe sich fortfahren, schützt vor diesem Aberglauben. Aber Wirtschaftstheorie und Wirtschaftsethik beweisen heute, dass Marktwirtschaft als Institution schon an sich sozial und ethisch ist. Genau das Gegenteil war Ausgangspunkt der Idee der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft. Überlegungen zur Notwendigkeit einer "neuen Sozialen Marktwirtschaft" müssen deshalb mit der Erinnerung an die ursprüngliche Idee der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft beginnen (Teil 1), ihre Ausgestaltung durch Wirtschaftspolitik verfolgen (Teile 2-4). Nicht einmal die große Herausforderung durch die Überleitung der ehemaligen DDR in die marktwirtschaftliche Ordnung ließ die Forderung nach einer "neuen Sozialen Marktwirtschaft" laut werden (Teil 5). Dasselbe gilt für die seit Jahren steigende Arbeitslosigkeit, deren Beseitigung alle Parteien und alle Regierungen höchste Priorität einräumen. Bei den bisherigen Misserfolgen drängt sich der Verdacht auf, dass die Lösungen aus dem marktwirtschaftlichen Denkmodell gerade wegen der Globalisierung in eine Sackgasse geraten (Teil 6). Was sollte somit jetzt eine "neue Soziale Marktwirtschaft" notwendig machen (Teil 7)? Die Analyse zeigt, dass die Verteidigung der "alten Sozialen Marktwirtschaft" im unterstellten stürmischen Globalisierungsprozess die bedeutendste Herausforderung darstellt – für die Wirtschaft und für die Gesellschaft (Teil 8). ; The German economic miracle" after the second world war is connected with the design of an economic policy labeled Social Market Economy which forms a third path between capitalism (pure or free market economy) and socialism (centrally planned economy). This notion is relevant for New Labor in Britain as well as for the Social Democrats in Germany. Social Market Economy is usually perceived as an idea aimed at reaching social justice and national peace and thus avoiding the traditional class struggle between capital and labor. However, this idea also requires a change in the paradigm of economic thinking from traditional self-organization by markets to a mixture of social control of both government and markets. Until now, however, economic theory has refused to follow this new paradigm, thus resulting in a deficiency of theory in the field of Social Market Economy. Microeconomic theory is dominating the current economic thinking. The realization of a socially responsible market economy" should be done pragmatically by political recognition of changing challenges and situations, thus establishing the welfare state in democratic decisions. History has shown that governments have often alternated between the right wing and the left wing. During the sixties, the Social Democrats retained the well established concepts of a Social Market Economy, but attempted to design a left wing" version thereof, aimed at more political control. In Germany, suffering from the first great crisis in the Federal Republic, this was done in order to reach a higher degree of economic stability. The ensuing governments, led by the Christian Democrats in Germany, attempted to reduce the welfare state using the slogan more market, less state". Not even the great challenge of transforming the former socialist parts of Germany into a market economy gave rise to the idea of a new Social Market Economy". Similarly, it is argued in this paper that there is no need for a new Social Market Economy": The old one is open for reforms from the left as well as from the right wing as experience over more than 50 years has demonstrated. The original Social Market Economy is worth being defended even in view of globalization and is recommended for many economies all over the world in order to avoid globalization of the traditional class struggle" between capital and labor. A necessary condition for any socially controlled market economy" are properly working political institutions and governments. Therefore, in order to ensure the necessary public interventions, national states must not vanish, as prophets of globalization often maintain. On the contrary, a political countervailing power is necessary to discipline the global economic players" as well as to avoid political hegemony of one or more national states. In a global world, only the national states can guarantee decisions along the so called subsidiary principle" of Social Market Economy.

Books reviewed: England's Jewish solution: experiment and expulsion, Jenny Kermode The Reformation in English towns, 1500‐1640, Felicity Heal Women waging law in Elizabethan England, Cynthia Herrup Prayer book and people in Elizabethan and early Stuart England, Jacqueline Eales The French‐speaking Reformed community and their church in Southampton, 1567‐c. 1620, Ole Peter Grell Failed legislation, 1660‐1800, David Eastwood The account book of Clement Taylor of Finsthwaite, 1712‐1753, K. D. M. Snell The solidarities of strangers: the English poor laws and the people, 1700‐1948, Felix Driver Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution, David Armitage Made in Lancashire: a history of regional industrialisation, S. D Chapman Scotland in the nineteenth century, W. Hamish Fraser The British malting industry since 1830, D. J. Oddy Population, economy and family structure in Hertfordshire in 1851: vol. 1, the Berkhamsted region, Marguerite W. Dupree Deutsche Direktinvestitionen in Gro bbritannien, 1871‐1918, Richard Tilly Strikes and solidarity: coalfield conflict in Britain, 1889‐1966, Rodney Hills History in our hands: a critical anthology of writings on literature, culture and politics from the 1930,s, John Newsinger A Breton landscape, Brian Roberts Luxury trades and consumerism in Ancien Régime Paris: studies in the history of the skilled workforce, Laurence Fontaine Seductive journey: American tourists in France from Jefferson to the Jazz Age, Alastair J. Durie Civic charity in a golden age: orphan care in early modern Amsterdam, Alexander Cowan The Dutch in the Atlantic economy, 1580‐1880: trade, slavery and emancipation, Johannes Postma Bergbaureviere als Verbrauchszentren im vorindustriellen Europa: Fallstudien zu Beschaffung und Verbrauch von Lebensmitteln sowie Roh‐ und Hilfsstoffen, Thomas Sokoll Central Europe in the twentieth century: an economic history perspective, Max‐Stephan Schulze The Balkan economies c.1800‐1914: evolution without development, Marvin Jackson Gold and spices: the rise of commerce in the middle ages, Penelope Galloway The legacy of scholasticism in economic thought: antecedents of choice and power, Diana Wood The role of precious metals in European development: from Roman times to the eve of the industrial revolution, C. E. Challis Essays in the economic history of the Atlantic world, R. C. Nash Strong wine: the life and legend of Agoston Haraszthy, John Wills Defining the national interest: conflict and change in American foreign policy, Fiona Venn The fall of the Packard Motor Company, Mark s. Foster The Americanisation of European business: the Marshall Plan and the transfer of US management models, Carlo Morelli The evolution of retirement: an American economic history, 1880‐ 1990, Neil A. Wynn The Keynesian arithmetic in war‐time Canada: development of the national accounts, 1939‐1945, Hugh Rockoff The rise of capitalism on the pampas: the estancias of Buenos Aires, 1785‐1870, Colin M. Lewis World of possibilities: flexibility and mass production in western industrialization, Kristine Bruland Decolonization and African society: the labour question in French and British Africa, Gareth Austin Reorient: global economy in the Asian age, N F R Crafts Representing convicts: new perspectives on convict forced labour migration, Bill Jones The World Bank: its first half century, Paul Seabright International banking in an age of transition: globalisation, automation, banks and their archives, Judith Wale Political parties, growth and equality: conservative and social democratic economic strategies in the world economy, Alan Booth Max Weber and the idea of economic sociology, Keith Tribe The works of Nikolai D. Kondratiev. Vol. 1: Economic statics, dynamics and conjunctures, Roger Middleton

Bibliography: pages 206-219. ; The master-servant relationship in South Africa is examined in the light of Melanie Klein's psychodynamic-theories. It is argued that mechanisms of defense identified by Klein, primarily denial, splitting and projection, as well as depressive guilt, operate in the master-servant relationship in this country. The first chapter clarifies the theoretical approach to i) the individual and society, ii) literature and social analysis and iii) psychoanalysis and literature. It is argued that individuals are at one and the same time both public and private entities, made by and making the society they live in. The notion that group behaviour is individual behaviour writ large is rejected and the way in which the master-servant relationship is used as a microcosm of the larger relationship between black and white in South Africa is explained. It is also argued that literature, not bound to specifics of time and place in the way statistics are, yet still rooted in the looser flow of everyday life as experienced by individuals, provides the social analyst with special access to the dynamics of a society. The value of a psychoanalytic approach to literature lies in the light psychoanalysis sheds on the function of metaphor, particularly the metaphor of the human body, and phantasy. In the explication of Klein's theories, the importance of phantasy, both on an individual and a collective level, is stressed. The way in which denial, projection, splitting and guilt operate in South African society is then examined with illustrations drawn from various sources, such as the media and the statements of politicians, but primarily from the fiction of Doris Lessing, Es'kia Mphahlele and Nadine Gordimer. Furthermore, it is pointed out how patriarchy, capitalism and colonialism can be interpreted in the light of the dynamics proposed by Klein; it is argued that South Africa is a patriarchal, capitalist and colonial society and the effects that this has on the writing of Lessing, Mphahlele and Gordimer are examined. A framework for a reading of Lessing, Mphahlele and Gordimer is then established. Colonial literature, and the literary device of irony are examined. Links are drawn between irony, the metaphor of the body, the rejection of the notion of the purely private individual, and the functioning of denial, splitting and projection. In the subsequent three chapters, each devoted to a single writer, the theme of failures in recognition is carried through. Each writer is studied to emphasize different aspects of the arguments that have been developed in the preceding chapters. The tensions of patriarchy and colonialism are most clearly seen in the work of Lessing. Gordimer subverts the popularly-accepted division between public and private and provides a historical perspective on the master-servant relationship. Mphahlele, like Gordimer, gives us many examples of how a self is fractured and warped in the domination and subordination that obtains in the domestic scene. Like Gordimer, he uses irony a great deal to make his point. These three writers from divergent backgrounds resort to similar techniques and metaphors to express a similar vision. This study interprets the link between the individual and society, and between a society and its literature in terms of a psychodynamic theory. The struggle for a sense of wholeness is an individual and a collective enterprise. The struggle for a South African literature is the struggle for a South African identity.

-Sidney W. Mintz, Mats Lundahl, The Haitian economy: man, land and markets. New York: St. Martins Press, 1983. 290 pp.-Regine Altagrace Latortue, Léon-Francois Hoffmann, Essays on Haitian Literature. Washington D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1984. 184 pp.-Robert Forster, Lieutenant Howard, The Haitian journal of lieutenant Howard, York Hussars, 1796-1798. Edited with an introduction by Roger Norman Buckley. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985. liv + 194.-David Bray, Bernardo Vega, Los Estados Unidos y Trujillo, año 1930. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicano, 1986. 2 vols. xi + 1120 pp.-David Bray, Bernardo Vega, Los Estados Unidos y Trujillo, año 1947. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1984. 2 vols. xi + 1018 pp.-David Bray, Bernardo Vega, Nazismo, fascismo y falangismo en la Republica Dominicana. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1985. 415 pp.-Tony Thorndike, Bruce J. Calder, The impact of intervention: The Dominican Republic during the US occupation of 1916-1924. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984. 358 pp.-Marcella M. Little, Jacques Barbier ,The North American role in the Spanish imperial economy 1760-1819. Manchester, England, 1984: Manchester University Press. pp. 232., Allan J. Kuethe (eds)-Janette Forte, Peter Riviere, Individual and society in Guiana: a comparative study of Amerindian social organisation. Cambridge, London, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. 127 pp.-Stephen D. Glazier, Jay D. Dobbin, The Jombee dance of Montserrat: a study of trance ritual in the West Indies. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1986. 202 pp.-Robert J. Stewart, Stephen D. Glazier, Marchin' the Pilgrims home: leadership and decision-making in an Afro-Caribbean faith. Connecticut and London: Greenwood Press, 1983. xv + 165 pp.-Sidney M. Greenfield, Karen Fog Olwig, Cultural adaptation and resistance on St. John: three centuries of Afro-Caribbean life. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1985. xii + 226 pp.-Adam Kendon, William Washabaugh, Five fingers for survival. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, Inc., 1986. xiv + 198 pp.-Evelyne T. Menard, Carnot (F. Moloen), Alors ma chére...Propos d'un musicien guadeloupéen recueillis et traduits par Marie-Céline Lafontaine. Paris: Editions Caribéennes, 1986. 159 pp.-Sally Price, Suzanne Slesin ,Caribbean style. Authors include Daniel Rozensztroch. Photographs by Gilles de Chabaneix. New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1985. 290 pp., Stafford Cliff, Jack Berthelot (eds)-Allison Blakely, Gert Oostindie ,In het land van de overheerser. Deel II. Antillianen en Surinamers in Nederland, 1634/1667-1954. Dordrecht (Holland) and Providence RI (U.S.A.): Foris Publications, 1986. xi + 255 pp., Emy Maduro (eds)-Rosemarijn Hoefte, E. van de Boogaart ,Overzee: Nederlandse koloniale geschiedenis, 1590-1975. Haarlem: Fibula-van Dishoek, 1982. 291 pp., P.J. Drooglever et al (eds)-Frederick J. Conway, P.I. Gomes, Rural development in the Caribbean. London: C. Hurst and Company. New York: St. Martins Press, 1985. xxi + 246 pp.-Steve M. Slaby, Charles Edquist, Capitalism, socialism and technology: a comparative study of Cuba and Jamaica. London: Zed Books Ltd., 1985. xiii + 182 pp.-Joan D. Mandle, June Nash ,Women and social change in Latin America. South Hadley, Mass.: Bergin and Garvey Publishers, 1986. 372 pp., Helen Safa (eds)-Bonham C. Richardson, Michael L. Conniff, Black labor on a white canal: Panama, 1904-1981. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985. xv + 221 pp.-Brackette F. Williams, Stephen Glazier, Caribbean ethnicity revisited. A special edition of Ethnic Groups, International periodical of ethnic studies. New York, London, Paris, Montreaux, Tokyo: Gordon Breach Science Publishers, 1985. 164 pp.-Gert J. Oostindie, Frauke Gewecke, Die Karibik; zur Geschichte, Politik und Kultur einer Region. Frankfurt/M: Verlag Klaus Dieter Vervuert 1984. 165 pp.

-John F. Szwed, Richard Price, First-Time: the historical vision of an Afro-American people. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Johns Hopkins Studies in Atlantic History and Culture, 1983, 191 pp.-Thomas J. Spinner Jr., Reynold Burrowes, The Wild Coast: an account of politics in Guyana. Cambridge MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1984. xx + 348 pp.-Gad Heuman, Edward L. Cox, Free Coloreds in the slave societies of St. Kitts and Grenada, 1763-1833. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984. xiii + 197 pp.-H. Michael Erisman, Anthony Payne, The international crisis in the Caribbean. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984. 177 p.-Lester D. Langley, Richard Newfarmer, From gunboats to diplomacy: new U.S. policies for Latin America. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984. xxii + 254 pp.-Trevor W. Purcell, Diane J. Austin, Urban life in Kingston, Jamaica: the culture and class ideology of two neighbourhoods. New York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, Caribbean Studies Vol. 3, 1984. XXV + 282 PP.-Robert A. Myers, Richard B. Sheridan, Doctors and slaves: a medical and demographic history of slavery in the British West Indies, 1680-1834. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985. xxii + 420 pp.-Michéle Baj Strobel, Christiane Bougerol, La médecine populaire á la Guadeloupe. Paris: Editions Karthala, 1983. 175 pp.-R. Parry Scott, Annette D. Ramirez de Arellano ,Colonialism, Catholicism, and contraception: a history of birth control in Puerto Rico. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983. xii + 219 pp., Conrad Seipp (eds)-Gervasio Luis García, Francis A. Scarano, Sugar and slavery in Puerto Rico: the plantation economy of Ponce, 1800-1850. Madison WI and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1984. xxv + 242 pp.-Fernando Picó, Edgardo Diaz Hernandez, Castãner: una hacienda cafetalera en Puerto Rico (1868-1930). Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: Editorial Edil, 1983. 139 pp.-John V. Lombardi, Laird W. Bergad, Coffee and the growth of agrarian capitalism in nineteenth-century Puerto Rico. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. xxvii + 242 pp.-Robert A. Myers, Anthony Layng, The Carib Reserve: identity and security in the West Indies. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1983. xxii + 177 pp.-Lise Winer, Raymond Quevedo, Atilla's Kaiso: a short history of Trinidad calypso. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Department of Extra-Mural Studies, University of the West Indies, 1983. ix + 205 pp.-Luiz R.B. Mott, B.R. Burg, Sodomy and the pirate tradition: English sea rovers in the seventeenth-century Caribbean. New York: New York University Press, 1983, xxiii + 215 pp.-Humphrey E. Lamur, Willem Koot ,De Antillianen. Muiderberg, The Netherlands: Dick Coutihno, Migranten in de Nederlandse Samenleving nr. 1, 1984. 175 pp., Anco Ringeling (eds)-Gary Brana-Shute, Paul van Gelder, Werken onder de boom: dynamiek en informale sektor: de situatie in Groot-Paramaribo, Suriname. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris, 1985, xi + 313 pp.-George L. Huttar, Eddy Charry ,De Talen van Suriname: achtergronden en ontwikkelingen. With the assistance of Sita Kishna. Muiderberg, The Netherlands: Dick Coutinho, 1983. 225 pp., Geert Koefoed, Pieter Muysken (eds)-Peter Fodale, Nelly Prins-Winkel ,Papiamentu: problems and possibilities. (authors include also Luis H. Daal, Roger W. Andersen, Raúl Römer). Zutphen. The Netherlands: De Walburg Pers, 1983, 96 pp., M.C. Valeriano Salazar, Enrique Muller (eds)-Jeffrey Wiliams, Lawrence D. Carrington, Studies in Caribbean language. In collaboration with Dennis Craig & Ramon Todd Dandaré. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Society for Caribbean Linguistics, University of the West Indies, 1983. xi + 338 pp.

-Anthony P. Maingot, Eric Williams, Forged from the love of liberty: selected speeches of Dr. Eric Williams. Compiled and introduced by Paul K. Sutton. Trinidad: Longman Caribbean, 1981. 473 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Selwyn R. Cudjoe, Resistance and Caribbean literature. Athens OH, Chicago and London: Ohio University Press. 1980. xii + 319 pp.-Sue N. Greene, O.R. Dathorne, Dark Ancestor: the literature of the Black man in the Caribbean. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1981. x + 288 pp.-Charles V. Carnegie, Jane C. Beck, To windward of the land: the occult world of Alexander Charles. Foreword by Roger D. Abrahams. Bloomington IN and London: Indiana University Press, 1979. 1 + 309 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Labor migration under capitalism; the Puerto Rican experience. History Task Force, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos. New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1979. 287 pp.-Pedro Cabán, Manuel Maldonado-Denis, The emigration dialectic: Puerto Rico and the U.S.A. (Translated from the Spanish by Roberto Simon Crespi.) New York: International Publishers, 1980. 156 pp.-Matthew Edel, Arthur MacEwan, Revolution and economic development in Cuba. New York: St. Martins Press, 1981. xvi + 265 pp.-Matthew Edel, Carmelo Mesalago, The economy of socialist Cuba: a two-decade appraisal. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1981. xvi + 235 pp.-Percy C. Hintzen, Carl Stone, Democracy and clientelism in Jamaica. New Brunswick NJ and London: Transaction Books, 1980. 262 pp.-Frank E. Manning, Colin A. Hughes, Race and politics in the Bahamas. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981. 229 pp.-W. Marvin Will, Earl Gooding, The West Indies at the crossroads: the search for a viable future. Cambridge MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1981. xviii + 243 pp.-Trevor W. Purcell, Michael Lieber, Street scenes: Afro-American culture in urban Trinidad. Cambridge MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1981. xv + 119 pp.-Michael Lieber, Keith Q. Warner, Kaiso! the Trinidad calypso. Washington D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1982. xi + 155 pp.-Virginia R. Domínguez, Bernardo Vega, Ensayos sobre cultura dominicana. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 1981. 245 pp.-H. Hoetink, Bernardo Vega, Los Estados Unidos y Trujillo: colección de documentos del Departamento de Estado y de las Fuerzas Armadas Norteamericanas. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1982. Ano 1945 - 352 pp.; Ano 1946 (2 vols.) - 507 + 171 pp.-Ronald R. Smith, Martha Ellen Davis, Voces del purgatorio: estudio de la salve dominicana. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Investigaciones Antropológicas No. 15, 1981. xv + 106 pp.-Nancie L. González, Ruy Galvao de Andrade Coelho, Los Negros Caribes de Honduras. Translated from the English by Guadalupe Carias Zapata. Tegucigalpa, Honduras: Editorial Guaymuras, 1981. 208 pp.-Silvia W. de Groot, Nina S. de Friedemann ,Ma Ngombe: guerreros y ganaderos en Palenque. Bogotá: Carlos Valencia Editores, 1979., Richard Cross (eds)-Irving Rouse, Marcio Veloz Maggiolo, Las sociedades arcaicas de Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Serie Investigaciones Antropológicas No. 16; Fundación García Arévalo, Serie Investigaciones No. 12, 1980. 100 pp.-Irving Rouse, Marcios Veloz Maggiolo ,Los modos de vida Meillacoides y sus posibles origenes (un estudio interpretativo). Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 1981. 433 oo., Elpidio Ortega, Angel Caba Fuentes (eds)-A.H. Versteeg, E.H.J. Boerstra, De precolumbiaanse bewoners van Aruba, Curacao en Bonaire. Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1982. xl + 79 pp.-Alexis M. Gardella, Philip Baker ,Isle de France Creole: affinities and origins. Ann Arbor MI: Karoma Publishers, 1982. viii + 299 pp., Chris Corne (eds)

Jews in the class structure of Hungary. An essay on the historical roots of the anti-semitic crises of the twentieth century.
The first crisis of anti-Semitism in Hungary occured immediately after World War One. The present essay attemps to elucidate the conditions which made this crisis possible by means of an analysis of the massive social integration of Jewish immigrants in the nineteenth century and of the structural disequilibrium this produced in various areas of Hungarian society. A survey of the historical circumstances of the establishment of Jewish communities in Eastern and Central Europe brings out the singular nature of the Hungarian situation : from the time of the edict of toleration proclaimed by Joseph II in 1781, Hungary offered optimal conditions for neweomers which elicited a massive immigration. As a result, towards the end of the century there existed a historically unique combination of a large number of Jews raised «in the Oriental manner» and the possibility of their becoming integrated «in the Western manner».
The political policy of Magyarization and of integration pursued by the liberal and nationalist nobility led to such measures as the citizenship law of the Estates General of 1840, the Jaw of emancipation voted by the Revolutionary Assembly in 1849 (though its effects were only ephemeral, its was the first of its kind in Eastern or Central Europe), and the definitive law of emancipation which foliowed the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867. This policy openend the way for the socio-cultural assimilation of the Jews. At the same time, the incapacity of this same nobility to enter into the bourgeois professions left the field free for the mobile elements among the immigrant Jews to take over control of the country's wholesale trade (especially in agricultural products) and to enter the intellectual occupations. After the compromise of 1867 there no longer existed any obstacles to the development of capitalism, and the Jewish bourgeoisie, endowed with remarkable business skills and in possession of liquid capital, steadily strengthened its position, playing the major role in the creation of the country's industrial, financial, and commercial infrastructure, while simultaneously remaining outside the governing classes.
Thus, towards the end of the century, a division of the work of social domination became established in which the descendants of the nobility, who were often impoverished, the gentry), took up new positions in the official administration while the bourgeoisie, the majority of whom were Jewish, took possession of the economic power. Like the dominant classes, the middle classes, -notably the intelligentsia- remained divided into Jewish and Christian fractions, each of which was marked, at first, by different social origins, by a different ethos, and by different collective ambitions and each of which occupied relatively separate positions within the intellectual and liberal professions.
At the beginning of the twentieth century one can observe, on the one hand, a fusion of the Jewish and Christian intelligentsia in the fields of intellectual production which were situated far from the center of socio-economic power and which included a large proportion of Jews, and, on the other hand, an increasing degree of competition between Jews and Christians in the other areas of middle class activity. This competition was exacerbated by World War One, which provo-ked a dramatic contraction of the markets of economic and symbolic production. This development, in turn, served as the pretext - helped along by the collapse of the liberal political regime - for an anti-Semitic activism in the middle classes which continued to increase until World War Two.

Book reviewed in this article:STRIKES: Studies in Twentieth Century Australian Social History. Edited by John Iremonger, John Merrit and Graeme Osborne.THE STUART AFFAIR. By Sir Roderic Chamberlain.THE EVIDENCE OF THE BIGGE REPORTS: New South Wales under Governor Macquarie. Selected and edited by John Ritchie.HISTORICAL RECORDS OF PORT PHILLIP: The First Annals of the Colony of Victoria. Edited by John J. Shillinglaw.THE MACQUARIE DECADE: Documents illustrating the History of New South Wales 1810–1821.AUSTRALIAN NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 1900–1939. By R. Hyslop.CRISES AND AUSTRALIAN DIPLOMACY. By C. Bell.BRITISH DEFENCE POLICY EAST OF SUEZ. By P. Darby.DEFENCE PERSPECTIVES. Edited by K. Keith.THE MODERNISATION IMPERATIVE AND INDIAN PLANNING. By Baldev Raj Nayar.INDIA'S DEMOCRACY. By A.H. Hanson and Janet Douglas. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1972. Pp. 236. Two tables. $9.65, $4.35 paper.GANDHI'S RISE TO POWER: Indian Politics 1915–1922. By Judith M. Brown.EVERY FIFTH CHILD: The Population of China. By Leo A. Orleans.THE CHINESE YOUTH PARTY 1923–1945. By Chan Lau Kit‐ching.WAGE PATTERNS AND WAGE POLICY IN MODERN CHINA 1919–1972. By Christopher Howe.THE INTERNAL POLITICS OF CHINA 1949–1972. By Jüirgen Domes.THE STRAITS SETTLEMENTS, 1826–67: Indian Presidency to Crown Colony. By C.M. Turnbull.VITI: An Account of a Government Mission to the Vitian or Fijian Islands 1860–1861. By Berthold Seemann; edited by Philip A. Snow. Colonial History Series Number 85.THE FOUNDERS OF CANTERBURY. Edited by Edward Jerningham Wakefield; and an introduction by Peter Burroughs. Colonial History Series Number 86.A VOYAGE TO AND FROM THE ISLAND OF BORNEO. By Daniel Beeckman; and an introduction by Chin Yoon Fong. Colonial History Series Number 87.CONFLICT BEHAVIOUR AND LINKAGE POLITICS. Edited by Jonathan Wilkenfeld.POLITICAL DECISION‐MAKING PROCESSES: Studies in National, Comparative and International Politics. Edited by Dusan Sidjanski.THE POLITICS OF MOTION: The World of Thomas Hobbes. By T.A. Spragens jr.DEPENDENCE AND OPPORTUNITY: Political Change in Ahafo. By John Dunn and A.F. Robertson.THE PRICE OF LIBERTY: Personality and Politics in Colonial Nigeria. By Kenneth W.J. Post and George D. Jenkins.FROM RESISTANCE TO REVOLUTION: Colonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765–1776. By Pauline Maier.ELITE ACCOMMODATION IN CANADIAN POLITICS. By Robert Presthus.THE SELECTION OF NATIONAL PARTY LEADERS IN CANADA. By John C. Courtney.THE INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES ON CANADIAN DEVELOPMENT: Eleven Case Studies. Edited by Richard A. Preston.ANGLO‐AMERICAN POLITICS, 1660–1765: The Relationship between Parties in England and Colonial America. By A.G. Olson.THE ECONOMICS AND POLITICS OF SOCIALISM: Collected Essays. By Wlodzimierz Brus.THE SOVIET UNION IN WORLD AFFAIRS: A Documented Analysis, 1964–1972. By W.W. Kulski.HITLERS STRATEGY 1940–41: The Balkan Clue. By Martin L. van Crefeld.HITLERS FREE CITY: A History of the Nazi Party in Danzig, 1925–39. By Herbert S. Levine.FRENCH CAPITALISM IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. By Guy P. Palmade. Translated with an Introduction by Graeme M. Holmes.THE POLICE AND THE PEOPLE: French Popular Protest, 1789–1820. By R.C. Cobb.TURGOT ON PROGRESS, SOCIOLOGY AND ECONOMICS. Translated, edited and with an introduction by Ronald L. Meek.LAFAYETTE IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: From the October Days through the Federation. By Louis Gottschalk and Margaret Maddox.THE MEN OF THE FIRST FRENCH REPUBLIC: Political alignments in the National Convention of 1792. By Alison Patrick.THE PRO‐BOERS: The Anatomy of Antiwar Movement. Edited with an introduction by Stephen Koss.THE BALANCE POINT BETWEEN LOCAL AUTONOMY AND NATIONAL CONTROL. By S.E.M. Sadek.UMNAO AND THE PRICE OF LASTING PEACE. By Edgar Ansel Mowrer and Lillian T. Mower.

Indice ( ie 'index') is a bi-monthly review of political literary and intellectual affairs with a readership of about 30,000. Its aim is to keep Spaniards informed of developments in cultural and social fields in and outside Spain, and a typical number contains reviews of translations, interviews with foreign or national authors or political figures, analyses of trends in art and editorial comment on Spanish and world affairs, etc. Indice has been in existence for more than twenty years, during which time it has several times collapsed and been reborn with new policies and attitudes adjusted to changed circumstances. This built-in resilience makes it difficult to talk of the review as a single entity. In its present stage, which has lasted about five years, it is in Spanish terms distinctly radical and often daringly critical of the régime's policies, and in this critical attitude it has been consistent, always testing the censors' patience to its limit, though usually careful to avoid confrontation. In politics it has inevitably been obliged to avoid defining itself in terms of right and left, since to be identified as a left-wing review is, in Spain, to invite instant suppression. Editorials tend to reject the concepts of socialism and capitalism in favour of vague appeals to morality and civic responsibility. This approach has earned Indice attacks from several quarters for its ' confusionism '; but the charge presupposes an alternative which does not exist in Spain. In intellectual and cultural affairs Indice has consistently attacked the idea of censorship and drawn attention to the serious lack of information in the country about Spanish society and politics. Consequently Indice sets itself the task of educating its readers in a way slightly unfamiliar to British readers. The effect is an impression of dilettantism — articles on, say, Yugoslavia, drugs, Sartre, how computers work, current French affairs, etc. — familiar in Spanish journalism, and produced by a crying need for news about technological, intellectual and political events. By caution, compromise and cunning Indice has survived, and with Triunfo is the most liberal and courageous high-circulation periodical in the country. Journalism aimed at the intelligentsia is allowed certain liberties forbidden to mass-circulation newspapers, and the, authorities will tolerate a learned study on Debray or Fanon where they will cut comment on popular issues like divorce or the role of the clergy. Indice is obliged, then, to pitch its articles just over the heads of what the censor would call the masses but low enough to keep a readership which extends at least some way beyond the educated middle classes. The recent suspension of Triunfo for six months for an article advocating divorce was a warning for this sort of review. So was the suppression of the daily newspaper Madrid at the beginning of 1972. The censors in Spain are careful to remain arbitrary and whimsical lest journalists imagine they have rights. It is unlikely that Indice will avoid the attention of the censors in the future, or possible suspension or even suppression if the regime feels public debate is becoming too specific or too heated. In the meantime, however, Indice is insisting on its rights and recently took the bold step of publishing a complete list of articles that had been censored in the period since 1954. The list is impressive both as a demonstration of Indice's independence of viewpoint and, more important, as a catalogue of the Spanish censors' tastes and idiosyncracies. We republish it below as a guide to the development of the censorship in Spain in the post-war period. It is prefaced by Indice's editorial comment on the subject and a note explaining the background to the list, which appeared in the issue for November/December 1971.

En esta obra analizaremos las posiciones teóricas y políticas de Otto Bauer (intelectual austríaco, miembro del Partido Social Demócrata de Austria y de la escuela llamada Austro-marxista) sobre la teoría de las crisis y la cuestión del imperialismo en el marco la Segunda Internacional. En primer lugar analizaremos su formulación de la teoría marxista de las crisis en forma de una teoría del ciclo industrial. En segundo lugar analizaremos su formulación de una teoría del imperialismo durante su intervención en el debate sobre las nacionalidades en la Social Democracia austríaca, así como su recepción de las obras canónicas de Hilferding y Luxemburg sobre el tema. Finalmente, consideraremos su intervención política en torno al Estado austríaco, su política exterior y los conflictos nacionales que se desarrollaron en su seno (y su impacto en su partido). Todo el análisis será sustentado a través del examen de fuentes primarias. Nuestra hipótesis es que existió una relación orgánica entre los tres aspectos analizados: una posición donde las crisis eran un fenómeno únicamente cíclico favoreció una concepción del imperialismo como una política particular que no era intrínsecamente necesaria para el desarrollo del capitalismo. En el terreno político esto condujo a una postura que preconizaba el mantenimiento del statu quo de la configuración estatal austríaca, que fue modificada sólo gradual y tardíamente debido al impacto de los conflictos nacionales y la evolución del imperialismo austríaco y europeo en general. En la conclusión juzgamos en detalle esta idea recapitulando los distintos temas de nuestro trabajo. ; In this work we will analyze the theoretical and political positions of Otto Bauer (an Austrian intellectual, member of the Social Democratic Party of Austria and of the so called Austro-marxist school) on crisis theory and the issue of imperialism in the framework of the Second International. Firstly, we will analyze his formulation of Marxist crisis theory as a business cycle theory. Secondly, we will study his formulation of a theory of imperialism during his intervention in the debate on nationalities in Austrian Social Democracy, as well as his reception of the canonical works of Hilferding and Luxemburg on the subject. Finally, we will consider his political intervention on the Austrian State, its foreign policy, and the national conflicts that developed inside it (and the impact of all these elements on his Party). Our hypothesis is that an organic relationship existed between these aspects: a position that considered crisis solely as a cyclical phenomenon favored a conception of imperialism as a particular policy that was not intrinsically necessary for the development of capitalism. In the political terrain this led to a stance that upheld the status quo of the Austrian State configuration, which was modified only gradually and belatedly, owing to the impact of national conflicts and the general evolution of Austrian and European imperialism. In our conclusion we will judge this idea in detail summing up the different subjects of our work. ; Fil: Quiroga, Manuel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina ; Fil: Scattolini, Darío Nicolás. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

Albert H. Imlah. Economic Elements in the Pax Britannica.E. A. Benians, Sir James Butler and C. E. Carrington (Eds.). The Cambridge History of the British Empire.Lucy Brown. The Board of Trade and the Free‐ Trade Movement 1830‐42.A. T. Gaydon. The Publications of the Bedfordshire Historical Record Society.A. Mary Kirkus (Ed.). The Records of the Commissioners of Sewers in the Ports of Holland i547‐1603.R. Robson. The Attorney in Eighteenth‐Century England.Asa Briggs. The Age of Improvement.Norman McGord. The Anti‐Corn Law League 1838–1846.A. H. John. A Liverpool Merchant House: Being the History of Alfred Booth and Company 1863‐1958.E. H. Phelps Brown. The Growth of British Industrial Relations.R. Brentano. York Metropolitan Jurisdiction and Papal Judges Delegate, 1279‐1296.J. B. Black. The Reign of Elizabeth.A. H. Shorter. Paper Mills and Paper Makers in England, 1495‐1800.L. G. JOHNSON. The Social Evolution of Industrial Britain: A study in the growth of our industrial society.Margaret Hewitt. Wives and Mothers in Victorian Industry.University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, CardiffA Short History of the Scottish Coal‐Mining Industry.D. E. Varley. A History of the Midland Counties Lace Manufacturers Association.G. Luzzatto. Breve storia economica d'ltalia dalla caduta delVimpero romano al principio del Cinquecento.L. de Rosa. I cambi esteri del Regno di Napoli dal 1591 al 1707, in Biblioteca del Bollettino.G. Aleati. La poplazione di Pavia durante il dominio spagnolo.U. Meroni. Cremona fedelissima.Luigi Dal Pane. LO Stato Pontificio e il movimento riformatore del Settecento.B. Gaizzi. Storia del setificio comasco: Veconomia.P. L. Spaggiari, Il ducato di Parma e VEuropa (1854‐59).Astone Gasparetto. Il vetro di Murano dalle origini ad oggi.M. Abrate. Ľindustria metallurgica in Europa nella prima metà del XIX secolo–una valutazione piemontese.Giorgio Mori. La Valdelsa dal 1840 al igoo.Manlio Rossi Doria. Died anni dipolitico, agraria nel Mezzogiorno.Joseph Dorfman. The Economic Mind in American Civilization.John J. Murray. The Heritage of the Middle West.Lewis H. Kimmel. Federal Budget and Fiscal Policy iy8g‐igj8.Frank Thistlethwaite. The Anglo‐American Connection in the Early Nineteenth Century.Clifton K. Yearley, Jr. Britons in American Labor: A History of the Influence of the United Kingdom Immigrants on American Labor, 1820–1914.Robert S. Hunt. Law and Locomotives: The Impact of the Railroad on Wisconsin Law in the Nineteenth Century.George J. Kuehnl. The Wisconsin Business Corporation.P. L. Payne and L. E. Davis. The Savings Bank of Baltimore, 1818‐1866.Alfred Glaze Smith, Jr. Economic Readjustment of An Old Cotton State: South Carolina, 1820–1860.Leonard J. Arrington. Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter‐day Saints 1830‐igoo.J. Stanley Clark. The Oil Century: From the Drake Well to the Conservation Era.Oscar E. Anderson, Jr. The Health of a Nation: Harvey W. Wiley and the Fight for Pure Food.Philip Taft. The A.F. of L. from the Death of Gompers to the Merger.Gertrude Bancroft. The American Labor Force: Its Growth and Changing Composition.S. N. Whitney. Antitrust Policies.Lester V. Chandler. Benjamin Strong, Central Banker.Sidney Cottle and Tate Whitman. Corporate Earning Power and Market Valuation 1935‐1955.Fritz M. Heichelheim. An Ancient Economic History, From the Palaeolithic Age to the Migrations of the Germanic, Slavic, and Arabic Nations.Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg and Harry W. Pearson (Eds.).H. Michell. The Economics of Ancient Greece. Second edition.John W. Baldwin. The Medieval Theories of the Just Price.A. Biéler. La pensée économìque et sociale de Calvin.H. C. Allen. Bush and Backwoods–a comparison of the frontier in Australia and the United States.John Joseph Beer. The Emergence of the German Dye Industry. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences.Mark W. Leiserson. Wages and Economic Control in Norway 1945‐1957‐ (Harvard University Press.T. C. Cochran. The Puerto Rican Businessman: A Study in Cultural Change.Oliver C. Cox. The Foundations of Capitalism.

Another day and there's another Professor Richard Murphy report. This one is "Cut the Crap" and it suffers from the usual problem, it's by Professor Richard Murphy. The claim that it's by the Corporate Accountability Network shouldn't be taken seriously - other than Professor Murphy there's no input from anyone other than the Fat Controller figurine on the model railway set. The claim, as laid out by The Guardian:England's water companies are "environmentally insolvent" because they do not have the financial means to raise the £260bn needed to deal with their sewage spillages, academic research has found.The report, by Prof Richard Murphy of the Corporate Accountability Network and Sheffield University, recommends nationalisation without compensation and raising the necessary funds through government ISAs for the public and higher charges for heavy water users.Even in just that brief summation we can see the usual Professor Murphy problem - as the report has been written entirely solo no external checks on basic logic have been made. The claim is made that the current system cannot finance the required charges. Therefore the system must be done away with. Then the suggestion is that more finance be made available. But if more finance must be made available then doesn't that mean that the current system could manage the finance - after all, more finance is to be made available? In more detail the report - sorry, Professor Murphy - looks at England and shrieks in horror at what is found. Without then doing the most basic of logical checks - OK, so what about other, similar systems? Like, say, Scotland where exactly the same problems of Victorian infrastructure and rising population are to be found? With that interesting difference that the water there is done by an already nationalised company. Well, the informed will know why Professor Murphy doesn't make that comparison. Because the situation in Scotland with sewage overflow is worse - they're even worse at monitoring it let alone preventing it. Given that state owned is worse than capitalist therefore it cannot be true that nationalisation is the answer - despite that being the preconceived conclusion that Professor Murphy desires to work toward. The muttering about capital, borrowings and dividends is an irrelevance. As Murphy says " total investment exceeding £91.5 billion had taken place over this period." which does seem like a fairly large amount. Given that the suggested new financing method is more borrowings (however tax privileged through ISAs) it cannot be that borrowing to invest is a problem. We cannot solve a problem of people borrowing to invest by then insisting that people borrow to invest.But here's the great gaping hole in the logic being used. Apparently, to make sure that the rivers are as clean as some campaigners would like would cost £260 billion. At which point everyone's insolvent because they can't raise £260 billion. But the correct response to £260 billion is that the rivers aren't going to become as clean as some campaigners would like. As we've said about Feargal Sharkey and Surfers Against Sewage. The costings of the demands - whoever pays for them, however - are such that they're a frivolous waste of societal resources. There are, close enough, 25 million households in England. Rounding a bit both ways, this makes £260 billion a charge of £10,000 per household. The only people to pay this £10,000 are households - whether through tax or water charges makes no difference. In order to clean up sewage overflows enough that folk may swim in the river at Hebden Bridge every household must pay £500 a year for 20 years (before any finance charges, recall). The rational answer from households is that the Hebdenites can go use a swimming pool like everyone else. This is not entirely frivolous either. Sure we'd all like a cleaner environment and we'd all, possibly, be willing to pay something to get it. But that much? For that little difference? Double everyone's water bill, at least, to make a marginal improvement in the rivers? Do note that not even Murphy claims this will solve all storm overflows. We already deal with 95%, perhaps 98%, of the crud and this £260 billion will only take that to perhaps 99%. There will still be sewage overflows even after this spending. So, will people be happy to be charged this much to make Feargal happy? No, no they won't and that's nothing, at all, to do with the ownership structure of the industry. It's that the target is wrong in and of itself. Then there is this issue of nationalisation which is political posturing at best. The claim is that water companies currently constrained by how much they may charge cannot solve this problem. Therefore nationalise them and then lift the control on what may be charged. But if the amount to be charged is to rise - as Professor Murphy insists it will have to - then the water companies are not environmentally insolvent, the basis of his claim that they must be nationalised. Further, the nationalisation doesn't change the basic fact that to meet the - too strict - targets then households must pay more. And to repeat, if charging more is the solution anyway then where's the insolvency? At which point we can become rational again rather than following the lacunae in Professor Murphy's logic. Take the occasional sight of reality rather than remain inside the ideological blinkers.We have two suggested systems here. Capitalist companies and a state owned water company. Either of those will, in order to meet those desired by some water standards, have to charge very much more than the current costs. OK. So, which of those two organisational structures should we use to deploy those greater funds to improve the water standards? Presumably we should use whichever system is more efficient at deploying funds to cleaning up the water. Which means using the English system of capitalist companies. Because the English companies have cleaned up the water more than the Scottish state owned company since the reorganisation at the time of the English privatisation. At lower cost too. In fact, we have four organisational models to look to. England capitalist, Wales a cooperative, Scotland state owned corporate and NI remaining with local councils. In terms of the three interesting measures, price, water quality in the taps, water quality in the rivers, the greatest improvements have come in England, followed in this order by Wales, Scotland and NI. The further away from a vibrant capitalism it gets the worse it gets that is. The solution therefore cannot be to abandon the vibrant capitalism, can it? The conspiratorially minded will now start asking why Professor Murphy does not do that comparison with the other water systems of the Home Nations and we'd have to say no, don't do that. There is no conspiracy here. Just the obvious reason. Comparisons across ownership structures are not made because everyone, even Professor Murphy, knows that such a comparison would hole the desired argument below the waterline. The Enmglish water companies are more efficient in the deployment of funds which is why they must never be compared with mutuals and state owned companies because that would destroy the argument to make them mutuals or state owned.But then as we said at the beginning, we've another Professor Richard Murphy report here, the problem being that it's a report by Professor Richard Murphy. Cut the crap, really.

Diese Dissertation basiert auf zwei parallelen Forschungsinteressen: "Mensch-Natur-Interaktionen" und "urban farming" bzw. "urbane Landwirtschaft". Das integrierte Forschungsinteresse dieser Arbeit besteht darin, die Wechselwirkung zwischen Mensch und Natur durch eine empirische Untersuchung von individuellen Praktiken der urbanen Landwirtschaft zu verstehen. Die im Konzept des sozial-ökologischen Metabolismus verankerte 'metabolic rift theory' wird als Kerntheorie zur Analyse der Mensch-Natur-Interaktionen anhand der urbanen Landwirtschaft herangezogen. Der allgemeine Forschungsansatz bestand darin, zwei gegensätzliche städtische Milieus (Chengdu, China und Freiburg, Deutschland) zu untersuchen, um Erkenntnisse darüber zu gewinnen, inwieweit urbane Landwirtschaft die Mensch-Natur-Interaktionen sowie möglicherweise auch einige der tiefgreifenden metabolischen Risse heilend beeinflussen kann. In dieser Arbeit wird die Beziehung zwischen Mensch und Natur als sozial-ökologischer Stoffwechselprozess verstanden, bei dem Mensch und Natur Ressourcen und Abfälle, Energie und Entropie austauschen. Wenn der Austauschzyklus im Gleichgewicht ist, könnte der sozial-ökologische Stoffwechselprozess über Jahrtausende hinweg stabil verlaufen. Allerdings haben Industrialisierung und Urbanisierung unter der treibenden Kraft des Kapitalismus das Gleichgewicht des Austauschs zwischen Mensch und Natur zerstört. Der sozial-ökologische Stoffwechselprozess hat im Zuge einer Reihe von Intensivierungsphasen ein beschleunigtes, nicht nachhaltiges Tempo erreicht. Um die Phasen des sozial-ökologischen Stoffwechselprozesses vor einem historisch-materialistischen Hintergrund zu beschreiben, wurde ein lockeres Cluster von Konzepten aus dem ökologischen Marxismus als übergeordneter theoretischer Rahmen dieser Arbeit gewählt. Das Konzept des 'metabolic rift' wird als Kerntheorie entwickelt, um die unterbrochene, losgelöste, entfremdete und antagonistische Mensch-Natur-Beziehung unserer Zeit zu beschreiben. Vier Dimensionen des 'metabolic rift' – ökologisch, erkenntnistheoretisch / kulturell, sozial und individuell – werden spezifisch ausgearbeitet, um zu demonstrieren, wie die Natur durch die industrielle Produktion und die urbane Lebensweise sowie durch die vorherrschende kapitalistische Weltanschauung systematisch objektiviert und externalisiert wurde. Als theoretischer Beitrag dieser Dissertation zum gesamten Rahmen des 'metabolic rift' wurde das originäre Konzept des 'cultural rift' definiert und verwendet, um die Nuancen der Analyse zu verschärfen. Urbane Landwirtschaft als weltweit aufkeimende Bewegung wird empirisch praktiziert und bereits theoretisch als Lösung für die Bewältigung vieler Herausforderungen des städtischen Lebens erforscht. Allerdings wurden die vielfältigen Potentiale dieser Betätigung im Hinblick auf die Milderung und Heilung der zahlreichen Probleme, die durch den ,metabolic rift' entstehen, bisher noch nicht in einem systematischen und umfassenden Rahmen untersucht. Um diese Forschungslücke in Bezug auf die Funktion und Bedeutung der urbanen Landwirtschaft zu schließen, wurden im Rahmen dieser Promotion in den Städten Chengdu (China) und Freiburg (Deutschland) einschlägige Feldforschungen durchgeführt. Die in diesen beiden Städten und Ländern erhobenen Daten werden durch die Linse des 'metabolic rift' analysiert. Es wird anschließend diskutiert, wie urbane Landwirtschaft in Chengdu und Freiburg praktiziert werden könnte, um auf die ökologischen, erkenntnistheoretischen, kulturellen, sozialen und individuellen Dimensionen des 'metabolic rift' in den jeweiligen historischen, kulturellen und politischen Kontexten zu reagieren. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung in Chengdu zeigen, dass einige der dortigen Praktiker der urbanen Landwirtschaft den 'metabolic rift' wahrnehmen und gezielt Maßnahmen ergreifen, um auf die vier Dimensionen der Problematik zu reagieren. Die meisten Menschen betreiben jedoch städtische Landwirtschaft aus Gründen der Lebensmittelsicherheit (um auf die soziale Dimension des 'rift' zu reagieren) und aus erkenntnistheoretischen und kulturellen Gründen (um auf epistemologische und 'cultural rift' Probleme zu reagieren). Wenige der interviewten Menschen nannten ökologische und individuelle Gründe (um auf ökologische und individuelle 'rift' Probleme zu reagieren). Vor dem Hintergrund des komplizierten sozialen und politischen Kontexts Chinas zeigen die Ergebnisse aus Chengdu, dass dort mehr Menschen urbane Landwirtschaft als Mittel zum Lebensunterhalt, zum Erzielen von Einkommen oder auch als persönliche Praxis (z.B. zur Stärkung von Achtsamkeit) und zur Persönlichkeitsentwicklung betreiben. Weniger Menschen betreiben dies aus umfassend reflektierten, gesellschaftlichen und ökologischen Motiven. Die Ergebnisse aus Freiburg zeigen, dass dort die meisten urbanen Gärtner diese Tätigkeit aufgrund eines ganzheitlicheren Verständnisses der verschiedenen Dimensionen des 'metabolic rift' ausüben, um die damit verbundenen Probleme anzugehen. Die bemerkenswertesten Erkenntnisse aus den Freiburger Befunden im deutschen Kontext, im Gegensatz zum chinesischen Kontext, sind das hohe Bewusstsein und die Sorge der Menschen für ökologische Nachhaltigkeit (d.h. zur Bewältigung ökologischer 'rift' Probleme), ihre Begeisterung für die kollektive Arbeitsatmosphäre in Gemeinschaftsgärten (z.B. um soziale 'rift' Probleme zu lösen) und wie sie sich, ihrer Körperintuition folgend, der Natur zuwenden, um geistige und körperliche Arbeit in Einklang zu bringen (z.B. um individuelle 'rift' Probleme zu lösen). Die Schlussfolgerung dieser Dissertation lautet, dass urbane Landwirtschaft ein wertvoller ganzheitlicher Ansatz zur Behebung der vielfältigen Dimensionen von 'metabolic rift' Problemen werden und somit für einzelne Menschen, Gesellschaften und Ökosysteme von großem Nutzen sein kann, wenn die Menschen ein allumfassendes Verständnis des sozial-ökologischen Stoffwechsels im Kapitalismus haben und sie anfangen, über die materialistische, hedonistische Lebensweise in der Tretmühle der kommerzialisierten Gesellschaft nachzudenken, und die Probleme der unterbrochenen, losgelösten, entfremdeten und antagonistischen Realität der Mensch-Natur-Interaktion erkennen. Als weiterführende Studien werden Untersuchungen vorgeschlagen, die sich mit der positiven Mensch-Natur-Verbundenheit und dem intrinsischen Wert der Mensch-Natur-Interaktion befassen. ; This dissertation is grounded in two parallel research interests: "human-nature interaction" and "urban farming". The integrated overall research interest is to understand the human-nature interaction through empirical research on individual people's practice of urban farming. The metabolic rift theory, rooted in the concept of socio-ecological metabolism, is applied as the core theory to analyze the human-nature interaction through urban farming. The general research approach has been to use two contrasting urban milieux (Chengdu, China and Freiburg, Germany) to develop insights into the functions of urban farming to affect human-nature interaction and to heal some of the profound metabolic rifts. In this dissertation, the relationship between humans and nature is understood from the aspect of a socio-ecological metabolic process, in which humans and nature exchange resources and wastes, energy and entropy. When the exchange cycle is in balance, the socio-ecological metabolic process could last stably on the scale of millennia, but under the driving force of capitalism, human society's development of industrialization and urbanization has broken the balance of human-nature exchange; the socio-ecological metabolic process has been running at an accelerated unsustainable pace throughout a series of upgraded phases. A loose cluster of concepts derived from Marxist ecology is formed as the overarching framework to articulate the phases of the socio-ecological metabolic process in a historical-materialistic background. Meanwhile, as the core theory, the concept of metabolic rift is developed to describe the actual disconnected, detached, alienated and antagonistic human-nature relationship on the planet today. Four dimensions – ecological, epistemological/cultural, social and individual – of the metabolic rift problems are specifically elaborated to demonstrate how nature has been systematically objectified and externalized by the capitalist industrial production and urban living patterns, as well as by the dominant capitalist worldview, value and belief system. The original concept of "cultural rift" has been particularly coined in this dissertation as a theoretical contribution to the overall metabolic rift framework. Urban farming, as a burgeoning worldwide movement, has been empirically practiced and theoretically studied as a solution to deal with many urban life challenges, but its multiple roles in repairing the multiple dimensions of metabolic rift problem had not yet been examined under a systematic and comprehensive framework. In order to fill this research gap concerning the function and significance of urban farming, the relevant field researches have been conducted in the cities of Chengdu (China) and Freiburg (Germany); the empirical research findings in these two cities and countries are analyzed through the lens of metabolic rift. Attempts are conducted to discuss how urban farming could be practiced by the urban farming practitioners in Chengdu and in Freiburg to respond to the ecological, epistemological, cultural, social and individual dimensions of metabolic rift problems in the two countries' different historical, cultural, social and political contexts. The findings of the Chengdu research show that some Chengdu urban farming practitioners have been able to perceive and take action to respond to each of the dimensions of metabolic rift problems. However, most of the people engage in urban farming for food safety reasons (i.e. to respond to the social dimension of rift problems) and for epistemological and cultural reasons (i.e. to respond to the epistemological and cultural rift problems); a few of the people have ecological and individual reasons (i.e. to respond to ecological and individual rift problems). The Chengdu findings also indicate that, given the complicated social and political context of China, more individual urban farming practitioners at Chengdu take farming as a self-supporting method for income or for personal practice (e.g. mindfulness) and personal development, and fewer individuals do farming for deep social or ecological reflection. The findings of the Freiburg research demonstrate that most Freiburg urban farming practitioners engage in farming for reasons based on a more holistic understanding of the multiple dimensions of metabolic rift problems; they practice urban farming as a comprehensive approach to solve these multiple dimensions of rift problems. The most notable features of the Freiburg findings, in the German context as opposed to the Chinese context, are people's high awareness of and concern for ecological sustainability (i.e. to deal with ecological rift issues), their enthusiasm for the collective working atmosphere in community gardens (i.e. to deal with social rift issues), and their body intuition to go to nature and to balance mental and manual work in the natural world (i.e. to deal with individual rift issues). The final conclusion of this dissertation is that urban farming could become a valuable holistic approach to repair the multiple dimensions of metabolic rift problems, with great potential benefits to individuals and to societies and ecosystems, when people have an overall understanding of socio-ecological metabolism under capitalism, when they start to reflect on the material hedonistic treadmill living pattern in commercialized society, and when they realize the problems of the disconnected, detached, alienated and antagonistic human-nature reality. At the end, further studies focusing on the positive human-nature connectedness and the intrinsic value of human-nature interaction are suggested as future study directions.