Suchergebnisse

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This paper acts as an introduction to a dossier centered on the ethical implications of Practicing Philosophy with Children and Adults. It identifies ethical themes in the P4C movement over three generations of theorists and practitioners, and argues that, historically and materially, the transition to a "new" hermeneutics of childhood that has occurred within the P4C movement may be said to have emerged as a response to the ever-increasing pressure of neoliberalism and a weaponized capitalism to construct public policies in education on an over-regulated, prescribed, state-monitored, model. Could a new relationship to childhood provide the ethical and political agenda that our times require for doing philosophy with children with integrity? Could a radical listening and openness to childhood—which has been an intrinsic confessional characteristic of P4C pedagogy from the beginning--sustain the movement through these dark times? Finally, the paper presents a set of articles written in response to these questions: What, if any, should the ethical commitments of the P4C facilitator be? Is political/ideological neutrality required of the P4C facilitator? Is political neutrality possible? What constitutes indoctrination in educational settings? Are children more vulnerable to indoctrination than adults, and if so, what are the implications of that fact for the practice of P4C? What are the uses of P4C in the dramatically polarized ideological landscape we currently inhabit? What, if any, are the ethical responsibilities of a teacher engaging in philosophical practice? Are the philosophical practitioner's ethical responsibilities similar or different when the subjects are children or adults? Does every methodology have a "hidden curriculum"? If so, what is the hidden curriculum of P4C? What distinguishes dialogical from monological practice? May one have the appearance of the other? Is the "Socratic method" (Elenchus) as we conceive it dialogical? What, if any, are the uses of irony in philosophical practice? Should Socrates (or any other philosopher) be considered a model for P4C practitioners? ; Este artigo serve de introdução a um dossiê centrado nas implicações éticas da Prática da Filosofia com Crianças e com pessoas adultas. Identifica temas éticos no movimento FpC ao longo de três gerações de teóricos e praticantes, e argumenta que, histórica e materialmente, a transição para uma "nova" hermenêutica da infância que se produziu dentro do movimento FpC pode ser uma resposta à pressão sempre crescente do neoliberalismo e de um capitalismo armado para construir políticas públicas na educação sobre uma super-regulamentação. Um novo relacionamento com a infância poderia proporcionar a agenda ética e política que nossos tempos exigem para fazer filosofia com as crianças com integridade? Poderia uma escuta e uma abertura radical à infância - que tem sido uma característica intrínseca da pedagogia de FpC desde o início - sustentar o movimento através destes tempos sombrios? Finalmente, o texto apresenta um conjunto de artigos escritos em resposta a estas perguntas: Quais deveriam ser, se houver, os compromissos éticos do facilitador de FpC? A neutralidade política/ideológica é exigida do facilitador do FpC? A neutralidade política é possível? O que constitui doutrinação em ambientes educacionais? As crianças são mais vulneráveis à doutrinação do que os adultos e, em caso afirmativo, quais são as implicações desse fato para a prática de FpC? Quais são os usos do FpC no cenário ideológico dramaticamente polarizado em que vivemos atualmente? Quais, se houver, são as responsabilidades éticas de um professor ou professora envolvido em práticas filosóficas? As responsabilidades éticas do praticante filosófico são semelhantes ou diferentes quando os sujeitos são crianças ou adultos? Toda metodologia tem um "currículo oculto"? Se sim, o que é o currículo oculto do FpC? O que distingue a prática dialógica da prática monológica? Uma pode ter a aparência da outra? O "método socrático" (Elenchus), como o concebemos, é dialógico? Quais, se houver, são os usos da ironia na prática filosófica? Sócrates (ou qualquer outro filósofo) deve ser considerado um modelo para os praticantes de PpC? ; Este artículo sirve de introducción a un dossier centrado en las implicaciones éticas de la Práctica de la Filosofía con niñas y niños, y personas adultas. Identifica temas éticos en el movimiento de la FpN a lo largo de tres generaciones de teóricos y practicantes, y argumenta que, histórica y materialmente, la transición a una "nueva" hermenéutica de la infancia que se ha producido dentro del movimiento de la FpN ha surgido como respuesta a la presión cada vez mayor del neoliberalismo y de un capitalismo armado para construir políticas públicas en educación sobre una base excesivamente regulada. ¿Podría una nueva relación con la infancia proporcionar la agenda ética y política que nuestro tiempo requiere para hacer filosofía con niñas y niños con integridad? ¿Podría una escucha y apertura radicales a la infancia -que ha sido una confesada característica intrínseca de la pedagogía de la FpN desde el principio- sostener el movimiento en estos tiempos oscuros? Por último, el documento presenta un conjunto de artículos escritos en respuesta a estas preguntas: ¿Cuáles deberían ser, en cada caso, los compromisos éticos del animador de FpN? ¿Es necesaria la neutralidad política/ideológica del facilitador de FpN? ¿Es posible la neutralidad política? ¿Qué es el adoctrinamiento en el ámbito educativo? ¿Son las niñas y niños más vulnerables al adoctrinamiento que los adultos y, en caso afirmativo, qué implicaciones tiene este hecho para la práctica de FpN? ¿Cuáles son los usos de FpN en el paisaje ideológico dramáticamente polarizado que habitamos actualmente? ¿Cuáles son, en su caso, las responsabilidades éticas de un docente que ejerce la práctica filosófica? ¿Son las responsabilidades éticas del practicante filosófico similares o diferentes cuando los sujetos son niñas y niños que cuando son adultos? ¿Tiene toda metodología un "currículo oculto"? Si es así, ¿cuál es el currículo oculto de FpN? ¿Qué distingue la práctica dialógica de la monológica? ¿Puede una tener la apariencia de la otra? ¿Es dialógico el "método socrático" (Elenchus) tal y como lo concebimos? ¿Cuáles son los usos de la ironía en la práctica filosófica? ¿Debe considerarse a Sócrates (o a cualquier otro filósofo) como un modelo para los practicantes de FpN?

Tesis doctoral inédita leída en la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Facultad de Derecho, Departamento de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales. Fecha de lectura: 06-05-2020 ; Esta tesis tiene embargado el acceso al texto completo hasta el 06-11-2021 ; Desde mediados del siglo XX, el número de migrantes realizando trabajo agrícola en los Estados del centro global ha ido aumentando progresivamente hasta convertirse en un fenómeno estructural. Esta creciente presencia ha ido atrayendo la atención de investigadores e investigadoras que, en los últimos decenios principalmente, han tratado de explicar los factores impulsores de estas dinámicas en los diversos contextos donde han tenido lugar. Por lo general, los estudios producidos han sido de carácter sociológico, limitando el marco de análisis a lo local o nacional, tratando de identificar los motivos por los que, en enclaves o Estados concretos, se ha producido dicho fenómeno. Las explicaciones han tendido a ser convergentes. Por un lado, un cada vez mayor número de enclaves agrícolas del centro ha tendido a aplicar el modelo de agricultura industrial que requiere de numerosos trabajadores para el éxito de los procesos productivos. Por el otro lado, el período neoliberal trajo, en sus inicios, un crecimiento económico generalizado en los Estados del centro que ofreció nuevas oportunidades laborales menos arduas y mejor pagadas para los residentes que, por ello, optaron por abandonar gradualmente el sector primario. La combinación de ambos factores hizo que una gran parte del empresariado agrícola se decidiera tanto a contratar trabajadores de la periferia global como a empujar a los gobiernos a diseñar herramientas, tales como los programas de migración temporal, para asegurar su disponibilidad en las campañas. Esta tesis doctoral persigue trascender el marco local o estatocéntrico tratando de ofrecer una perspectiva internacional que identifique las razones macrosistémicas que están al origen de estas movilidades, así como el rol estructural que éstas cumplen dentro del sistema capitalista global. Para ello, se optará por aplicar el marco de la ecología-mundo, una teoría perteneciente a la tradición de los estudios Estructuralistas en Relaciones Internacionales cuya explicación de cómo el capitalismo global moviliza a las naturalezas humanas y extra-humanas para garantizar el avance de los procesos de acumulación, aporta una serie de herramientas conceptuales idóneas para alcanzar los objetivos propuestos. Siguiendo esta teoría, se explicará que la extracción de plusvalía del trabajo migrante permite una función sistémica esencial: mantener la producción de comida barata en el centro. A través de esta tesis doctoral se teorizará sobre este aspecto, comprobando y dimensionando el fenómeno global de las migraciones periféricas hacia la agricultura del centro, así como identificando los mecanismos que han articulado tanto los Estados como el resto de agentes involucrados en estos procesos para garantizar la disponibilidad de esta mano de obra dentro de las cadenas globales. Aunque estos elementos serán tratados desde una perspectiva macroestructural, también se resaltará la centralidad que ocupa la capacidad de agencia desplegada por los migrantes en dichos procesos pues es un factor indispensable para entender la configuración final de los diversos escenarios descritos ; Since the middle of the 20th century, the number of migrants engaged in agricultural work in the core states has progressively increased to the point where it has become a structural phenomenon. This growing presence has been attracting the attention of researchers who, in recent decades mainly, have tried to explain the driving factors of these dynamics in the various contexts where they have taken place. In general, the studies conducted have been of a sociological nature, limiting the framework of analysis to the local or national level, trying to identify the reasons why this phenomenon has occurred in specific enclaves or States. The explanations offered by scholars have tended to be similar. On the one hand, an increasing number of agricultural enclaves in the core countries have tended to apply the model of industrial agriculture that requires numerous workers for the success of production processes. On the other hand, the neoliberal period brought in its beginnings a generalized economic growth in the core states, which offered new, less arduous and better paid labour opportunities for the residents who, for that reason, chose to gradually abandon the primary sector. The combination of both factors led to a large number of agricultural employers to decide to hire workers from the global periphery as well as push governments to design tools, such as temporary migration programs, to ensure their availability in the countryside. This doctoral thesis seeks to transcend the local or state-centric framework by trying to offer an international perspective that identifies the macrosystemic reasons that are at the origin of these mobilities, as well as the structural role that these play within the global capitalist system. In order to do so, the world-ecology framework will be used as the main theoretical framework in this study; this is a theory belonging to the structuralist tradition in International Relations whose explanation of how global capitalism mobilises human and extra-human natures to guarantee the advance of the processes of accumulation, provides a series of suitable conceptual tools to achieve the proposed objectives. Following this theory, a detailed discussion will be developed to explain how the extraction of surplus-value from migrant labour allows an essential systemic function, that is keeping the production of cheap food in the core countries. Through this doctoral thesis, this aspect will be theorized, by verifying and measuring the global phenomenon of peripheral migrations towards the agriculture of the core states, as well as identifying the mechanisms articulated by states and non-states international actors involved in these processes to guarantee the availability of this labour force within the global chains. Although these elements will be treated from a macro-structural perspective, the centrality of the agency capacity deployed by migrants in these processes will also be highlighted, as it is an indispensable factor for understanding the final configuration of the various scenarios described

This thesis starts with the premise that to address ecological and climate crises, we need to understand their psychological and cultural roots found in the separation of modern societies from the natural world. This separation permeates mainstream approaches to sustainability that either sustain business-as-usual of the unbridled economic growth, or reform it with greener markets and technologies. At the same time, there is an emerging interest in alternative transitional ecopreneurs who have a different relationship with the natural environment and an agency with potentially more radical consequences for societal change. I look at ecopreneurs within the contemporary back-to-the-land movement, asking the following question: How do ecopreneurs reconnect with the land, and what does this mean for degrowth? My exploration was grounded in a dialogue between the literature on degrowth, ecopreneurship, critical organisational studies, and ecological embeddedness; and the ethnographic study of eleven back-to-the-landers who started small-scale ecological farms and permaculture enterprises in Sweden. I adopted a critical, narrative, and ethnographic research approach. The empirical research consisted of two studies that relied on narrative interviews and deep observations. The result was four essays that together, with the help of stories of back-to-the-land ecopreneurs, develop a process theory of ecological embedding. Ecological embedding is a process by which an ecopreneur is becoming more rooted in the land that provides the ecological conditions for life and economic activity. This process may be catalysed by psychological suffering in modern societies – an inner revolt – with examples of burn-out from the "rat race", experiential deprivation of the office work, and ecological anxiety. The way back-to-the-land ecopreneurs develop, nurture, and negotiate their physical, emotional and spiritual ties with the land shapes the ongoing sensemaking and organising that is central to the formation of their alternative livelihoods and enterprises. It is also established that ecological embedding requires physical and psychological work on behalf of the back-to-the-land ecopreneur who navigates the contested terrain between the mainstream economy and alternative degrowth futures. The overall contribution consists in using the voices of back-to-the-landers in order to present their everyday experiences and critical knowledges about ecological embedding and transitions to a society that lives within planetary boundaries. Back-to-the-landers practice alternative forms of ecopreneurship that depart from the discursive and material conditions of the modern growth economy, and that revolve around a different set of values and objectives such as a more grounded life, non-materialist conceptions of well-being, regenerative ethos, post-capitalist relations, conviviality, resilience, alternative food economies and forms of local development. It is important to recognise the critical role of this new generation of individuals and families who enter alternative agriculture based on environmental and lifestyle aspirations, and who work hard to realise these aspirations on a daily basis, in spite of immense personal challenges and systemic hurdles that come from lacking institutional and political support. If we take seriously the ecopsychological crises of the modern civilisation and growth capitalism, to reconnect with local ecologies and to creatively downscale our economies becomes crucial. And this is not going to be an easy task. ; Denna avhandling börjar med premissen att vi för att möta de ekologiska kriserna, inklusive klimathotet, behöver förstå krisernas psykologiska och kulturella rötter som återfinns i separationen mellan moderna samhällen och naturen. Denna separation genomsyrar de konventionella hållbarhetsstrategierna som antingen upprätthåller den eviga ekonomiska tillväxten eller reformerar den med grönare marknader och teknik. Samtidigt växer det fram ett intresse för alternativ omställning genom ekoprenörer som har en annorlunda relation till naturen och ett agentskap med potentiellt mer radikala konsekvenser för samhällsförändring. Jag betraktar ekoprenörer inom den nya gröna vågen genom följande fråga: Hur återanknyter ekoprenörer till jorden, och vad betyder detta för nedväxt? Mitt utforskande grundade sig i en dialog mellan, å ena sidan, litteraturen inom nedväxt, ekoprenörskap, kritiska organisationsstudier och ekologisk inbäddning, och, å andra sidan, en etnografisk studie av elva "gröna vågare" som startat småskaliga ekologiska jordbruk och företag inom permakultur i Sverige. Min forskningsansats var kritisk, narrativ och etnografisk. Den empiriska forskningen bestod av två studier som baserades på narrativa intervjuer och djupa observationer. Resultatet blev fyra essäer som tillsammans, med hjälp av berättelser av ekoprenörer inom den nya gröna vågen, utvecklar en processteori av ekologisk inbäddning. Ekologisk inbäddning är en process genom vilken en ekoprenör förstärker sin relation, och återanknyter till jorden och platsen som ger de ekologiska förutsättningarna för liv och ekonomisk verksamhet. Denna process kan katalyseras av psykologiskt lidande i moderna samhällen – ett inre uppror – med exempel som utbrändhet genom ekorrhjulets krav, kontorsarbetets alienering och klimatångest. Hur ekoprenörer i den gröna vågen utvecklar, vårdar och förhandlar sina fysiska, emotionella och andliga band med jorden formar deras pågående meningsskapande och organisering som är centrala för alternativa livsstilar och verksamheter. Det visar sig även att ekologisk inbäddning kräver fysiskt och psykologiskt arbete av gröna våg-ekoprenören som navigerar i den omstridda terrängen mellan tillväxtekonomin och alternativa framtider bortom tillväxt. Huvudbidraget är att använda röster av gröna vågare för att presentera vardagliga erfarenheter och kritisk kunskap om ekologisk inbäddning och övergång till ett samhälle som lever inom planetens gränser. De utövar alternativa former av ekoprenörskap som avviker från den moderna tillväxtekonomins diskursiva och materiella förhållanden, och som kretsar kring en annan uppsättning av värden och mål, som ett jordat liv, icke-materialistiska uppfattningar om välbefinnande, regenerativt etos, post-kapitalistiska relationer, resiliens, alternativa matekonomier och former av lokal utveckling. Det är viktigt att erkänna den kritiska roll som en ny generation individer och familjer kan spela; de som kommer in i alternativt jordbruk utifrån sina miljö- och livsstilsambitioner, och som dagligen arbetar hårt för att förverkliga dessa ambitioner trots enorma personliga utmaningar och systemhinder på grund av avsaknat institutionellt och politiskt stöd. Om vi tar den moderna civilisationens och tillväxtkapitalismens ekopsykologiska kriser på allvar kommer det vara avgörande att återanknyta till lokala ekologiska förhållanden och att skala ner våra ekonomier på kreativa sätt. Och det kommer inte att vara lätt.

ilustraciones, mapas ; La presente investigación tiene como objetivo general: explicar el modo de producción del tabaco en sus etapas agrícola, preindustrial, fabril y comercial en una sociedad integrada por campesinos, obreros y comerciantes. El proceso productivo que se expone, es desarrollado en una temporalidad acotada, entre diciembre de 1873 y octubre de 1875. Esto con el fin de analizar: cómo una actividad social, basada en un modo de producción anual de cosecha, beneficio, comercio y consumo de tabaco, trascendía desde las fincas campesinas de las zonas rurales al sur occidente de los Montes de María en el distrito de Ovejas, para trasformar un producto agrícola demandado en los cinco continentes alrededor del mundo. Para conocer este proceso productivo y el conjunto de circunstancias que lo hicieron posible, en el primer capítulo de la tesis, estudiamos el desarrollo de la cosecha anual de tabaco en el área rural de ovejas desde diciembre 1873 hasta diciembre 1874. En el segundo capítulo, explicamos la transformación preindustrial e industrial de la hoja en el distrito de Ovejas, entre julio de 1874 y febrero de 1875. En el tercer capítulo, analizamos el comercio del tabaco hacia los puertos de Magangué, El Banco, Tolú, Cartagena, Barranquilla y Bremen (Alemania), entre marzo y octubre de 1875. Finalmente, en el cuarto capítulo, investigamos cómo el sistema de intermediación comercial del tabaco conllevó a la acumulación y concentración de la riqueza en pocas manos, a través de las políticas del gobierno liberal radical y su inserción en el sistema comercial transnacional. Al conocer el proceso productivo y comercial del tabaco, sabremos sobre la importancia y trascendencia de pequeñas agregaciones rurales tabacaleras como Almagra, Flor del Monte y Canutal en Ovejas, compuestas por unidades familiares de producción que abastecían no solo el mercado local y provincial, sino a voraces casas comerciales locales y extranjeras. En consecuencia, el problema investigativo que abordamos se centra en demostrar: por una parte, cómo funcionó el modo de producción agrícola y artesanal del tabaco en el distrito de Ovejas, para explicar la manera como entró en contradicción con el sistema de intermediación comercial, este último, basado en una política de beneficio monopólico, rentístico e individualista, promovida por comerciantes de tabaco influyentes en el gobierno desde el partido liberal, en un contexto mundial de expansión del capitalismo y de sus sistemas comerciales provenientes de Europa y Estados Unidos. Por otra parte, planteamos explicar, cómo desde un pequeño distrito tabacalero en una provincia caribeña colombiana se elaboró un producto demandado y consumido en el mundo, para demostrar de qué forma las clases sociales trabajadoras de las localidades de un país periférico como Colombia a mediados del siglo XIX, tuvieron una incidencia en las relaciones de poder internas del Estado y en la definición de la sociedad moderna mundial. Por último, demostramos en la conclusión: cómo a través de la intermediación de los comerciantes de tabaco, se estableció un sistema comercial que monopolizaba y concentraba las ganancias, producto de la venta y consumo de cigarros, en manos privadas de los comerciantes locales y casas comerciales extranjeras. Mientras, en las áreas rurales del distrito de Ovejas y su casco urbano, fue organizado un modo de producción del tabaco, atravesado por las políticas del liberalismo radical en relación a la división social de la riqueza, el trabajo y la propiedad privada, dictadas por funcionarios del gobierno representantes de los intereses de los comerciantes locales. (Tomado de la fuente) ; The present investigation has as general objective: to explain the mode of tobacco production in its agricultural, pre-industrial, manufacturing and commercial stages in a society made up of peasants, workers and merchants. In order to know this production process and the set of circumstances that made it possible, in the first chapter, we study the development of the annual tobacco harvest; In the second chapter, we explain the pre-industrial and industrial transformation of the leaf: in the third chapter, we analyze the tobacco trade to the ports of Magangué, El Banco, Tolú, Cartagena, Barranquilla and Bremen, Germany. Finally, in the fourth chapter, we investigate how the tobacco commercial intermediation system led to the accumulation and concentration of wealth in a few hands, through the policies of the radical liberal government and its insertion into the transnational commercial system. Consequently, the investigative problem that we address focuses on demonstrating: on the one hand, how the agricultural and artisanal tobacco production mode worked in the district of Ovejas, to explain how it contradicted the commercial intermediation system, this Lastly, based on a policy of monopoly, rent-seeking and individualistic profit, promoted by influential tobacco merchants in the government from the liberal party, in a world context of expansion of capitalism and its commercial systems from Europe and the United States. On the other hand, we propose to explain how, from a small tobacco district in a Colombian Caribbean province, a product demanded and consumed in the world was elaborated, to demonstrate how the working social classes of the localities of a peripheral country like Colombia in the middle of the XIX century, had an impact on the internal power relations of the State and on the definition of modern world society. Finally, we demonstrate how, through the intermediation of tobacco merchants, a commercial system was established that monopolized and concentrated the profits, product of the sale and consumption of cigarettes, in the private hands of local merchants and foreign commercial houses. Meanwhile, in the rural areas of the district of Ovejas and its urban center, a mode of tobacco production was organized, crossed by the policies of radical liberalism in relation to the social division of wealth, work and private property, dictated by government officials representing the interests of local merchants. (Tomado de la fuente) ; Doctorado ; Doctor en Historia

The proposed scientific problem is not sufficiently developed in modern research literature. Isolated studies demonstrate the importance of developing a common political and economic approach to religious farms and provide them with the most systematic, comprehensive analysis. The presence of these lacunae, both in general conceptual approaches and in the development of certain aspects of the problem being analyzed, determined the relevance of the research and the accentuation of the research goal. The articles have become collectively associated households of various denominational types. The research is focused on economic relations within confessional ones. farms, as well as religious farms among themselves, with other organizations, with the state. Studies of domestic and foreign scientists in the field of general economic theory and economic interests have become the methodological basis of the study; interaction of productive forces, economic forms, methods of management and institutional structures; the impact of economic structures on the processes of humanization of economic growth, social economy, theory of management of economic systems, the study of socio-economic alternatives. Of particular relevance to the study are the objective difficulties of the methodological plan: a) a special synergy of the object of study, since analyzing the religious economy has to find a balance between economics, philosophy, history, cultural studies, ethics and theology; b) insignificant representation of scientific economic works on this issue; c) the extreme degree of isolation and secrecy of religious communities, especially in matters of their economic and economic life; d) the modern economy rejects and does not accept religious activities; e) the presence of extreme antagonism between the modern economy and religion. Separate ideas of the proposed work run counter to the ideology currently established in economic theory. It is always difficult to study religious communities: under socialism, such research was impossible, or the aim was to show the shortcomings of these organizations; under capitalism, their research is again hindered by the dominant ideology, in the majority of its ideas opposed to religious principles. ; El problema científico propuesto no está suficientemente desarrollado en la literatura de investigación moderna. Los estudios aislados demuestran la importancia de desarrollar un enfoque político y económico común para las granjas religiosas y les proporcionan el análisis más sistemático y completo. La presencia de estas lagunas, tanto en los enfoques conceptuales generales como en el desarrollo de ciertos aspectos del problema que se analiza, determinó la relevancia de la investigación y la acentuación del objetivo de la investigación. Los artículos se han convertido en hogares colectivamente asociados de varios tipos denominacionales. La investigación se centra en las relaciones económicas dentro de las confesionales. Granjas, así como granjas religiosas entre sí, con otras organizaciones, con el estado. Los estudios de científicos nacionales y extranjeros en el campo de la teoría económica general y los intereses económicos se han convertido en la base metodológica del estudio; interacción de fuerzas productivas, formas económicas, métodos de gestión y estructuras institucionales; El impacto de las estructuras económicas en los procesos de humanización del crecimiento económico, la economía social, la teoría de la gestión de los sistemas económicos, el estudio de las alternativas socioeconómicas. De particular relevancia para el estudio son las dificultades objetivas del plan metodológico: a) una sinergia especial del objeto de estudio, ya que el análisis de la economía religiosa tiene que encontrar un equilibrio entre economía, filosofía, historia, estudios culturales, ética y teología; b) Representación insignificante de trabajos científicos económicos sobre este tema; c) el grado extremo de aislamiento y secreto de las comunidades religiosas, especialmente en cuestiones de su vida económica y económica; d) la economía moderna rechaza y no acepta actividades religiosas; e) La presencia de antagonismo extremo entre la economía moderna y la religión. Las ideas separadas del trabajo propuesto van en contra de la ideología actualmente establecida en la teoría económica. Siempre es difícil estudiar las comunidades religiosas: bajo el socialismo, tal investigación era imposible, o el objetivo era mostrar las deficiencias de estas organizaciones; bajo el capitalismo, su investigación se ve nuevamente obstaculizada por la ideología dominante, en la mayoría de sus ideas opuestas a los principios religiosos. ; Предлагаемая научная проблема является недостаточно разработанной в современной исследовательской литературе. Разрозненные исследования демонстрируют, важность выработки общего политэкономического подхода к религиозным хозяйствам и дать их наиболее системный, комплексный анализ. Наличие этих лакун как в общих концептуальных подходах, так и в разработке отдельных аспектов анализируемой проблемы обусловили актуальность исследования и актцентуацию цели исследования. Цель нашей статьи заключается в том, чтобы выявить место, роль и специфику конфессионального хозяйства в современной экономике постсоветских стран. Объектом исследования настоящей статьи стали коллективноассоциированные хозяйства различного конфессионального типа. Предметом исследования выступают экономические отношения внутри конфессиональных хозяйств, а также религиозных хозяйств между собой, с другими организациями, с государством. Методологической базой исследования стали исследования отечественных и зарубежных ученых в области общей экономической теории и экономических интересов; взаимодействия производительных сил, экономических форм, методов хозяйствования и институциональных структур; воздействия хозяйственных укладов на процессы гуманизации экономического роста, социальной экономики, теории управления экономическими системами, исследования социально-экономических альтернатив. Особую актуальность исследованию придают объективные сложности методологического плана: а) особый синергизм объекта исследования, поскольку при анализе религиозного хозяйства приходится находить баланс между экономикой, философией, историей, культурологией, этикой и богословием; б) незначительная представленность научных экономических работ по данной проблеме; в) крайняя степень замкнутости и закрытости религиозных общин, особенно в вопросах их хозяйственно-экономической жизни; г) современная экономика отторгает и не принимает религиозную деятельность; д) наличие крайнего антогонизма между современной экономикой и религией. Отдельные идеи предлагаемой работы идут в разрез с установившейся в настоящий момент в экономической теории идеологией. Заниматься изучением религиозных общин всегда непросто: при социализме такое исследование было невозможно, или преследовало цель показать недостатки этих организаций; при капитализме — их исследованию опять мешает господствующая идеология, в большинстве своих идей противоположная религиозным принципам.

Pós-graduação em Desenvolvimento territorial na América Latina e Caribe - IPPRI ; Esta pesquisa busca vincular os temas de migração, território e educação popular, a fim de entender algumas das transformações sócio-territoriais geradas pelo aumento da migração haitiana em Santiago, Chile. Para isso, é analisada a práxis pedagógica desenvolvida no curso de espanhol-crioulo para as pessoas do Haiti como parte de seus processos de territorialização educacional. Que foi ensinado durante os anos de 2017 e 2018 pela Escola Pública Comunitária do Distrito Franklin, uma organização político-pedagógica localizada no setor popular onde as comunas de Santiago e San Joaquin fazem fronteira. Para a consecução deste objetivo, o projeto político-pedagógico da Escola Pública Comunitária será descrito em termos de territorialização, caracterizando-se as ações e áreas do curso de espanhol-crioulo, para finalmente projetar possíveis caminhos para dar continuidade ao trabalho realizado pela Escola. comunidades migrantes em termos de descolonização, interculturalidade crítica e educação popular. A metodologia utilizada foi a Pesquisa Participativa-Ação, para permitir o desenvolvimento de uma proposta de pesquisa que assuma um compromisso ético-político e militante, além de colocar as próprias comunidades e seus conhecimentos no centro. A importância desta pesquisa reside na necessidade de socializar as experiências educacionais que estão fora da educação neoliberal chilena, bem como de explicar os problemas enfrentados pelas comunidades de migrantes no Chile e, especificamente, pelos haitianos, que vivem múltiplos dificuldades e violência, principalmente devido à falta de gestão da língua espanhola e às formas de racismo e xenofobia vivenciadas pela sociedade civil e pelo Estado. Nesse cenário, as respostas que emergem das organizações sociais e comunitárias em termos de educação popular, interculturalidade crítica e solidariedade de classes e povos, são essenciais para a existência de espaços de resistência e esperança diante da atual crise do capitalismo e do modelo neoliberal em Chile e nos diferentes territórios de Nossa América. ; La presente investigación busca vincular las temáticas de migración, territorio y educación popular con la finalidad de comprender algunas de las transformaciones socioterritoriales que se generan a partir del aumento de la migración haitiana en Santiago de Chile. Para ello, se analiza la praxis pedagógica desarrollada en el curso de español-creol para personas de Haití como parte de sus procesos de territorialización educativa. El cual fue impartido durante los años 2017 y 2018 por la Escuela Pública Comunitaria del Barrio Franklin, organización político-pedagógica ubicada en un sector popular donde colindan las comunas de Santiago y San Joaquín. Para el cumplimiento de tal objetivo, se describirá el proyecto político-pedagógico de la Escuela Pública Comunitaria en clave de territorialización, se caracterizarán las acciones y ámbitos del curso de español-creol, para hacer un análisis crítico del curso de español y proyectar caminos posibles para continuar el trabajo que realiza la Escuela con las comunidades migrantes en clave de descolonización, interculturalidad crítica y educación popular. La metodología utilizada es la Investigación Acción-Participativa por permitir el desarrollo de una propuesta investigativa que asuma un compromiso ético-político y militante, además de poner en el centro a las propias comunidades y sus saberes. La importancia de esta investigación reside en la necesidad de socializar las experiencias educativas que se ubican al margen de la educación neoliberal chilena, así como también, dar cuenta de la problemática que viven las comunidades migrantes en Chile y específicamente las haitianas, las cuales vivencian múltiples dificultades y violencias, principalmente por la falta del manejo del idioma español y por las formas de racismo y xenofobia que existen por parte de la sociedad civil y del Estado. En este escenario, las respuestas que emergen desde las organizaciones sociales y comunitarias en clave de educación popular, interculturalidad crítica y solidaridad de clase y pueblos, son fundamentales para la existencia de espacios de resistencias y esperanzas ante las actuales crisis del capitalismo y del modelo neoliberal en Chile y en los diferentes territorios de América Latina. ; This research seeks to link the themes of migration, territory and popular education in order to understand some of the socio-territorial transformations that are generated from the increase in Haitian migration in Santiago, Chile. For this, the pedagogical praxis developed in the Spanish-Creol course for people of Haiti as part of their educational territorialization processes is analyzed. Such course was taught during the years 2017 and 2018 by the Escuela Pública Comunitaria of the Franklin District, a political-pedagogical organization located in the popular sector where the communes of Santiago and San Joaquin intersect. For the fulfillment of this objective, the political-pedagogical project of the Escuela Pública Comunitaria will be described in terms of territorialization; the actions and areas of the Spanish-Creol course will be characterized; to finally project possible paths to continue the work carried out by the School with migrant communities in terms of decolonization, critical interculturality and popular education. The methodology used was Action-Participatory Research to allow the development of a research proposal that assumes an ethical-political and militant commitment, in addition to putting the communities themselves and their knowledge at the center. The importance of this research lies in the need to socialize the educational experiences that lie outside Chilean neoliberal education, as well as to account for the problems experienced by migrant communities in Chile and specifically Haitians, who live multiple difficulties and violence, mainly due to the lack of management of the Spanish language and the forms of racism and xenophobia experienced by civil society and the State. In this scenario, the responses that emerge from social and community organizations in terms of popular education, critical interculturality and solidarity of class and peoples are essential for the existence of spaces of resistance and hope in the face of the current crisis of capitalism and the neoliberal model in Chile and in the different territories of Our America.

Стаття присвячена філософському та культурологічному аналізу філософії постмодернізму (постструктуралізму) на основі методології гегельянства, гайдеґґерівської філософії мови, структурного психоаналізу, деконструктивізму, герменевтики, універсальної етики та філософії діалогу. У статті обґрунтовується теза про те, що постмодернізм як модель теоретичної рефлексії є автономним щодо лібералізму та релятивізму концептом "французької школи", що має антиліберальну спрямованість і за закладеними в нього імпліцитними буттєвими смислами кореспондує з консервативним християнським світовідчуттям. Середньовічними онтологічними "ядрами" постмодернізму постають концепти "реального" Ж. Лакана, "археписьма" Ж. Дерріда, "шизоїда" Ж. Дельоза, "рефігурації мови" П. Рікера. Таким чином, звільнений від стереотипів релятивації, постмодернізм постає як третя (консервативна) альтернатива в опозиції європейського вибору між лібералізмом та радикалізмом. ; Статья посвящена философскому и культурологическому анализу философии постмодернизма (постструктурализма) на основе методологии гегельянства, хайдеггеровской философии языка, структурного психоанализа, деконструктивизма, герменевтики, универсальной этики и философии диалога. В статье обосновывается тезис о том, что постмодернизм как модель теоретической рефлексии является автономным по отношению к либерализму и релятивизму концептом "французской школы", имеет антилиберальную направленность и по заложенным в него имплицитным бытийными смыслам корреспондирует с консервативным христианским мироощущением. Средневековыми онтологическими "ядрами" постмодернизма предстают концепты: "реального" Ж. Лакана, "археписьма" Ж. Деррида, "шизоида" Ж. Делёза, "рефигурации языка" П. Рикёра. Таким образом, освобожденный от стереотипов релятивации, постмодернизм выступает как третья (консервативная) альтернатива в оппозиции европейского выбора между либерализмом и радикализмом. ; The article is devoted to the philosophical and cultural analysis of postmodern philosophy (post-structuralism) on the basis of the Hegelian methodology, Heidegger's philosophy of language, structural psychoanalysis, deconstructionism, hermeneutics, universal ethics and philosophy of dialogue. The article substantiates the thesis that postmodernism as a model of theoretical reflection is autonomous with regard to liberalism and relativism with the concept of a "French school", which has an anti-liberal orientation and corresponds to the conservative Christian attitudes imposed by implicit ontological meanings. The medieval ontological "nuclei" of postmodernism are concepts: "Real" by J. Lacan, "Archepism" by J. Derrida, "Schizoid" by J. Deleuze, "language reconfiguration" by P. Ricker. Thus, freed from the stereotypes of relativity, postmodernism appears as a third (conservative) alternative in opposition to the European choice between liberalism and radicalism.The double standard extends to the attitude of liberals to radical currents in crisis processes. Initially, liberal leaders take an overwhelming majority in right-wing nationalism, using it as a tool to support the status quo of capitalism, a means of distracting the masses from real problems, and a mechanism of intimidation. When the mass is intimidated enough, it is proposed to liberalism as "a source of defacing" as the "only alternative". We can talk about the artificial situation of identifying the choice of Fa versus Antifa for the subject who is forced to choose between "purse and life" - between multiculturalism and radical nationalismThe key task of structural psychoanalysis is not only the returning of the conflict to its original place, that is, the disclosure of the deep-seated class traumas of the capitalist neoliberal world itself, according to S. Zizek and other representatives of the Slovenian school, but also - the separation of the philosophy of postmodernism as a spiritual phenomenon from political projects of neoliberalism and multiculturalism, which until recently were considered an applied dimension of postmodern politics and promoted the introduction into the social practice of the vicious circle "liberalism - nationalism liberalism" - a circle that does not provide choice and which excludes from its own semiosfery any other values: ethical and dialogical, modern, conservative, religious, international, non-system Left (antyhlobalistic) and others. In order to realize this task, postmodernism must be considered under the other (not postmodern) viewpoint, depriving it of the stereotypes of "relativism", "cynicism" and "enlightenment", that is, it is necessary to demonstrate that the authentic core of postmodern philosophy is far from multicultural indifference of "post-truth" and includes expressive ontological motives.The double goal of our study: to carry out a critical rethinking of postmodernism as a form of manifestation of a conservative attitude based on hereditary archetypes of the Middle Ages and Modernism, and to show that postmodernism as a philosophy is not the cause of the tragic self-denial of postmodernism as an applied measurement of multiculturalism, that multiculturalism with its vicious circles of relativity , devastation and radicalism is separate from the phenomenon of postmodernism and belongs to the "shock" project of American liberal democracy, and not to "French school" Moreover, the School of Post-Structuralism of the Sorbonne, as the basis of postmodernism, is the descendant of the Marxist school of "new left" in Frankfurt and its meaning is fundamentally anti-capitalist and anti-liberal.By combining among themselves in a single interdisciplinary field the classical philosophy of M. Heidegger's language, J. G. Derrida's "grammar", G. Lacan's structural psychoanalysis, J. Habermas's universal ethics, J. de Gaulle's schizodiscourse, and hermeneutics and the philosophy of P. Ricker's dialogue, we have shown that In the semantic field of postmodernism there are ontological kernels of conservatism, which approximate this philosophical model to medieval traditionalist thought and make the border between modern and postmodern very conditional. The return of postmodernism to the status of the philosophy of being and the liberation of the French school from the stereotypes of "lack" and "loseness" is necessary in order to protect postmodernism from accusations of cynicism, relativism and "emptiness", since these allegations are, firstly, based on the mixing of postmodernism with liberal irony, and, secondly, often serve as an excuse for the revival of various kinds of fundamentalist aspirations. We have shown that liberalism, by provoking through the irony of the identification of the "illusion", initially contributes to the development of radical movements, and then, when they emerge from the symbolic control, they remove them from the agenda as "fascist", opposing them to themselves. There is a closed vicious circle of impossibility to choose between "Fa and Antifa". Our work was an attempt to remove postmodernism from this circle.

Esta investigación se centra en el estudio de la transición hacia la modernidad del pensamiento político indio, la cual situamos en el período entre 1858 y 1947. Para llevar a cabo dicha labor, hemos analizado el desarrollo de cuatro conceptos políticos fundamentales – el Estado, la sociedad civil, el nacionalismo y el comunalismo – en el pensamiento de cuatro autores indios clave: Rabindranath Tagore, Mohandas Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru y Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. El estudio utiliza la metodología de la Begriffsgeschichte, o historia conceptual, de Reinhart Koselleck. El historiador alemán defiende que un concepto debe ser entendido como una construcción en la que un término, o palabra, está equipado para dar significación a una realidad concreta; los conceptos se convierten, por tanto, en instrumentos o indicadores de la acción política o social. La Begriffsgeschichte como metodología nos permite estudiar cómo los conceptos políticos originales de la modernidad occidental son transformados en las modernidades alternativas de las sociedades postcoloniales. El objetivo de nuestra investigación es demostrar, a través del estudio de los cuatro conceptos mencionados, que, al ser el desarrollo conceptual dentro del pensamiento político indio diferente al que tuvo lugar anteriormente en el occidental, la modernidad política que emerge en la India difiere en forma y contenido de la que encontramos en Occidente. A través del uso que nuestros cuatro pensadores indios hacen de los conceptos en su obra, vemos que estos difieren del que hacían de ellos los pensadores políticos clásicos occidentales. Así en nuestra investigación vemos, por ejemplo, que en el pensamiento político occidental moderno la sociedad civil nace de una búsqueda de una esfera de autonomía para el individuo libre frente al Estado Absolutista. Sin embargo, en la India la ausencia de un Estado soberano fuerte hace que la sociedad civil, como concepto moderno, emerja dentro de un contexto en el que ya existe una sociedad pre-moderna fuertemente regulada por ciertas normas socio-religiosas, como el sistema de castas hindú. Las diferencias socio-históricas resultan en el desarrollo de conceptos de sociedad civil diferentes en ambas tradiciones de pensamiento; mientras en la primera se resaltan los derechos individuales, en la segunda juegan una función central los deberes colectivos. De manera más general nuestra investigación se construye sobre la base de la tesis de la pluralidad de modernidades. Dicha tesis defiende que distintos contextos sociales y políticos dan lugar a distintas modernidades, a diferencia de la ortodoxia en la ciencia política que defiende que existen ciertas pautas de desarrollo social, político y económico universales y que coinciden con las de la modernidad occidental, tales como el Estado soberano, la racionalización burocrática o el capitalismo. A través de nuestra investigación hemos querido ofrecer un ejemplo específico, el de la modernidad india, que ilustra la validez de esa tesis de la pluralidad de modernidades. Al mismo tiempo, hemos querido, a través de un análisis en profundidad de los escritos políticos de cuatro de los fundamentales arquitectos de la India moderna, acercar a la ciencia política en castellano la realidad política de esta sociedad, llamada a jugar un papel fundamental en el siglo XXI. SUMMARY This doctoral dissertation focuses in the study of the transition of Indian political thought towards modernity. This transition we locate it in the historical period between 1858 and 1947. To carry out this task, our research analyses the development of four key political concepts – the State, civil society, nationalism and communalism – in the political thought of four thinkers: Rabindranath Tagore, Mohandas Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. To carry out our research we have applied Reinahrt Koselleck's methodology of Begriffsgeschichte, or conceptual history. The German historian argues that a concept ought to be understood as a construction in which a term, or word, is equipped to give signification to a specific reality; concepts, therefore, become instruments or indicators of political or social action. Begriffsgeschichte as a methodology allows us to study how the original political concepts in Western modernity are transformed in the alternative modernities of postcolonial societies, allowing us to understand why the same term possesses a different signification. The aim of our study is to demonstrate, through the study of the four concepts mentioned above, that as the conceptual development within Indian political thought differs from that which took place previously in Western thought, the political modernity that emerges in India is different in form and content to that which we find in the Western world. Through the use that our four thinkers make of the concepts in their writings, we can see that these differ from those made by classical Western political thinkers. Thus, in our study we find that, for example, in modern Western political thought civil society emerges from the struggle for a sphere of autonomy for the free individual from the Absolutist State. In India, on the other hand, the absence of a strong sovereign State results in civil society, as a modern concept, emerging within a context where a strong premodern society is already in place, regulated by socio-religious norms, such as the Hindu caste system. The socio-historical differences result in the development of different concepts of civil society between both thought traditions; while in the West individual rights are preeminent, in India a central role is played by collective duties. More broadly, the theoretical foundation of our study is the thesis of plurality of modernities. This thesis argues that different social and political contexts result in different modernities, contrary to the orthodoxy in political science which defends that certain universal patterns of social, political and economic development exist in line with those of Western modernity. Some of those are: the sovereign State, bureaucratic rationalisation or capitalism. Through our study we have aimed to offer an specific example, Indian modernity, that illustrates the validity of this thesis of plurality of modernities. Moreover, we have aimed, through a detailed analysis of the political writings of four key architects of modern India, to bring closer to the Spanish-speaking political science discipline the political reality of this society, destined to play an important role in the 21st century.

The multiple views that fly over possible approaches to the triggering theme of this edition, "De / Colonization, Ibero-America and the awakening of the periphery", reveal the complexity of our ways of being as participants in human history in the Ibero-American diaspora. With the intention of purifying the focus of this provocation, including by Latin Americans the community of the heirs of the colonizing expansion of the Portuguese and the Spanish in the Americas and in the world. Meanwhile, what are we really talking about? What does it mean to be Ibero-American? On what basis is the Ibero-American identity based? I think it best to start speaking from the proper place and the way in which colonization is rooted and in what ways de-colonization is carried out in the peripheries. In order not to fall into generalities regarding the approach to the subject, it is necessary to select and choose proper and appropriate anthropo-social phenomena, seeking to understand how de / colonization is carried out in peripheral territories in relation to a certain central colonizing power. So what are the political alternatives of peripheral groups in relation to de / colonization? We are facing a tension of great power because he talks about the political-economic situation of human beings who are marginalized from the successful society of Integrated World Capitalism (WCC), in the words of Félix Guattari. This also means trying to understand what colonialism is spoken of in the process of de / colonization - deconstruction of the colony state on the material and ideological / spiritual plane - in peripheral territories. ; La múltiples miradas que sobrevuelan posibles abordajes del tema disparador de la presente edición, "Des/Colonización, Iberoamérica y el despertar de la periferia", revelan la complejidad de nuestros modos de ser como participantes de la historia humana en la diáspora iberoamericana. Con la intención de depurar el foco de esta provocación, comprendiendo por iberoamericanos a la comunidad de los hablantes herederos de la expansión colonizadora de los portugueses y de los españoles en las Américas y en el mundo. Entre tanto ¿De qué estamos hablando realmente? ¿Qué significa ser iberoamericano? ¿En qué base se asienta la identidad iberoamericana? Creo mejor partir hablando desde el lugar propio y de la manera en que la colonización se encuentra arraigada y de qué formas se realizan las des/colonizaciones en las periferias. Para no caer en generalidades en cuanto al abordaje del tema es necesario seleccionar y elegir fenómenos antropo-sociales propios y apropiados, buscando comprender como la des/colonización se realiza en territorios periféricos en relación a cierto poder colonizador central. Entonces, ¿cuáles son las alternativas políticas de grupos periféricos en relación con la des/colonización? Estamos frente a una tensión de gran potencia porque habla a respecto de la situación político-económica de seres humanos que se encuentran marginados de la sociedad exitosa del Capitalismo Mundial Integrado (CMI), según palabras de Félix Guattari. Esto significa también intentar comprender de cual colonialismo se habla en el proceso de des/colonización – desconstrucción del estado de colonia en el plano material e ideológico/espiritual – en territorios periféricos. ; Os múltiplos olhares de sobrevôo possíveis na abordagem do tema motivador da presente edição, "Des/Colonização, Iberoamérica e o despertar da periferia", revelam a complexidade de nossos modos de ser como participantes da história humana na diáspora iberoamericana. Com o intuito de apurar o foco desta provocação, compreendendo por iberoamericanos a comunidade dos falantes herdeiros da expansão colonizadora dos portugueses e dos espanhóis nas Américas e no mundo. Entretanto, do que mesmo estamos falando? O que significa ser iberoamericano? Em que base se assenta a identidade iberoamericana? Melhor falar a partir do lugar próprio e de como a colonização se encontra enraizada e de que formas se realizam des/colonizações nas periferias. E para sair da generalidade na abordagem do tema é preciso selecionar e escolher fenômenos antropossociais próprios e apropriados, buscando compreender como a des/colonização se realiza em territórios periféricos em relação a certo poder colonizador central. Ora, quais são as alternativas políticas de grupos periféricos em relação à des/colonização? Estamos diante de uma tensão de grande potência porque diz respeito à situação político-econômica de seres humanos que se encontram à margem da sociedade exitosa do Capitalismo Mundial Integrado (CMI), nas palavras de Félix Guattari. Isto significa também procurar compreender de qual colonialismo se fala no processo de des/colonização – desconstrução do estado de colônia nos planos material e ideológico/espiritual – em territórios periféricos. ; Os múltiplos olhares de sobrevôo possíveis na abordagem do tema motivador da presente edição, "Des/Colonização, Iberoamérica e o despertar da periferia", revelam a complexidade de nossos modos de ser como participantes da história humana na diáspora iberoamericana. Com o intuito de apurar o foco desta provocação, compreendendo por iberoamericanos a comunidade dos falantes herdeiros da expansão colonizadora dos portugueses e dos espanhóis nas Américas e no mundo. Entretanto, do que mesmo estamos falando? O que significa ser iberoamericano? Em que base se assenta a identidade iberoamericana? Melhor falar a partir do lugar próprio e de como a colonização se encontra enraizada e de que formas se realizam des/colonizações nas periferias. E para sair da generalidade na abordagem do tema é preciso selecionar e escolher fenômenos antropossociais próprios e apropriados, buscando compreender como a des/colonização se realiza em territórios periféricos em relação a certo poder colonizador central. Ora, quais são as alternativas políticas de grupos periféricos em relação à des/colonização? Estamos diante de uma tensão de grande potência porque diz respeito à situação político-econômica de seres humanos que se encontram à margem da sociedade exitosa do Capitalismo Mundial Integrado (CMI), nas palavras de Félix Guattari. Isto significa também procurar compreender de qual colonialismo se fala no processo de des/colonização – desconstrução do estado de colônia nos planos material e ideológico/espiritual – em territórios periféricos.

This dissertation challenges the widely accepted historical accounts of women's movements in the United States. Second-wave feminism, claim historians, was unique because of its development of radical feminism, defined by its insistence on changing consciousness, its focus on women being oppressed as a sex-class, and its efforts to emphasize the political nature of personal problems. I show that these features of second-wave radical feminism were not in fact unique but existed in almost identical forms during the first wave. Moreover, within each wave of feminism there were debates about the best way to fight women's oppression. As radical feminists were arguing that men as a sex-class oppress women as a sex-class, other feminists were claiming that the social system, not men, is to blame. This debate existed in both the first and second waves. Importantly, in both the first and the second wave there was a geographical dimension to these debates: women and organizations in Chicago argued that the social system was to blame while women and organizations in New York City argued that men were to blame. My dissertation documents, clarifies, and explains the geographical divide in these positions. Rather than seeking differences between the first and second wave as most historians have done, I claim we should investigate regional differences within waves and continuities between waves. We cannot understand the second wave without understanding its connections to the first wave. I conceive of the women's movement as a field, consisting of a network-- actors who are connected to one another-- and a cognitive framework--a set of background assumptions about the way the world works. The women's-movement fields in New York City and Chicago, I argue, were distinct. I present a heuristic of overlapping waves for understanding the unique shape of different women's-movement fields. The women's-movement field, consisting of organizations that embody different cognitive frameworks, overlaps with the larger left milieu within a city. If an organization within the women's-movement field is in sync with the larger left milieu it will be amplified, just as two overlapping sound waves that are in sync are amplified, while organizations out of sync with the left milieu will be diminished or canceled. Because every city has a left milieu with a different cultural wave pattern, the same organization may be amplified in one city and canceled in a different city. As a result, each city has a distinct field. The dissertation supports this argument through four substantive chapters. The first substantive chapter, chapter 2, presents a historical narrative that demonstrates qualitative differences between the ways women approached politics in New York City and Chicago in both the first and second waves. These different approaches were influenced by the larger left milieu in which women were embedded in the two cities. Overall, the New York City left milieu was open, diverse, and extensible, encouraging self-expression and the creation of new forms and narratives in multiple arenas, including politics. Here, women in the first wave organized independently as feminists around gender universalist politics. Chicago was alternatively establishing itself as the center of revolutionary working-class politics, nurturing the development of unique and influential socialist and anarchist organizations. Here, feminists were embedded in left organizations fighting against capitalism, and they intimately linked gender politics with class politics. I show that this difference was repeated in the second wave, with socialist feminist groups in Chicago and radical feminist groups in New York City. Chapter 3 presents the women's movement in each city as distinct fields. This chapter measures the structure of each field through a network analysis of social-movement organizations within and connected to the women's movement. This chapter shows that the structure of the women's-movement field in Chicago in both periods was relatively centralized compared to the structure in New York City, and also that women--and women's-movement organizations--were embedded in the larger left compared to New York City's relatively independent women's-movement organizations. I additionally determine the structural position of individual organizations within each field, identifying which organizations were most central in each city and each time period: Hull House in Chicago in the first wave and Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU) in the second wave, and Heterodoxy in New York City in the first wave and Redstockings in the second wave. In Chapter 4 I use computer-assisted text analysis to determine the cognitive frameworks embodied in these four central organizations, effectively measuring the culture of these fields. I find that Hull House and CWLU embodied a cognitive framework that assumed social change happens through institutions and is achieved through short-term goals around particular issues that win concrete changes. Heterodoxy and Redstockings in New York City embodied a cognitive framework that assumed social change happens through individuals and is achieved by changing the individual consciousness of women through abstracting from their individual experiences to build solidarity and make claims about social structures. Fully understanding any one field, I argue, requires analyzing both the structure and culture of the field. Chapter 5 turns to the question of how we might explain the persistence of these fields over time. I present evidence for two explanations. I first present evidence of institutional legacies within each city--the same types of organizations were founded in the first and second waves in each city. I also demonstrate that co-existing first- and second-wave organizations provided concrete mechanisms connecting the two waves. I use historical narrative to suggest three different mechanisms through which the second-wave women's movement was concretely connected to the first wave: (1) first- and second-wave organizations interacted through common issues, represented by the case of Planned Parenthood in Chicago, (2) they interacted through common alignments, represented by the case of the Women's City Club of New York City, and (3) they shared ideas, represented by the case of Women Strike for Peace. The women's movement, I argue, should not be thought of as two distinct waves but as one continuous movement that ebbs and flows over time.

Problem Durumu: Demokratik toplumlar için anayasalar meşruiyetin temel dayanaklarıdır. Türkiye'nin son elli yılına 1961 ve 1982 anayasaları yön vermiştir. Bu bakımdan 1961 ve 1982 anayasalarında din-vicdan özgürlüğü, din eğitimi ve eğitim hakkı konularına yer veriliş biçimleri, süreçte yapılan değişiklerin incelenmesi ve akademik bir bakış açısıyla yorumlanması bir gereksinimdir. Bu, güncel anayasa tartışmalarına akademik bir katkı verilmesi gereksinimi açısından da önemlidir. Çalışmanın Amacı: Bu araştırmanın temel amacı, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin 1961 ve 1982 anayasalanndaki eğitim hakkı, din-vicdan özgürlüğü ve din eğitimi ile ilgili maddeleri karşılaştırmalı olarak incelemektir. Araştırmanın Yöntemi: Araştırmada analitik araştırma desenlerinden doküman araştırması kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın verileri Türkiye Cumhuriyeti 1961 ve 1982 Anayasa'lanndaki eğitim hakkı, din-vicdan özgürlüğü ve din eğitimine ilişkin maddeler oluşmaktadır. Veriler betimsel ve sürekli karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz edilmiştir. Verilerin yorumlanmasında ilgili anayasaların hazırlandığı ve uygulandığı sosyal, kültürel ve siyasal bağlamı yansıtmak için alanyazından alıntılar yapılmıştır. Araştırmanın Bulguları ve Yorum: Her iki anayasada devletin din esasına göre düzenlenemeyeceği; din ve din duygularının veya dince kutsal sayılan şeylerin istismar edilemeyeceği ve kötüye kullanılmayacağı belirtilmiştir. Eğilim, dinin istismar edilmesine karşı katı düzenlemelerin yapıldığı ve çatışmalara karşı tekçi bir "uzlaşı" egemenliğinde işlevselcilik işleyişi biçimindedir. Din eğitim ve öğretimi 1961 Anayasası'nda kişilerin kendi isteğine ve küçüklerin kanuni temsilcilerinin isteğine bırakılırken, 1982 Anayasasında Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersi ilk ve ortaöğretim kurumlarında zorunlu dersler arasına alınmıştır. Din eğitiminde kesin bir farklılaşma söz konusudur. İki anayasada ilköğretim kız ve erkek bütün yurttaşlar için zorunlu ve devlet okullarında parasız olması, yoksun başarılı öğrencilere öğretimin her kademesinde destek verileceği ve özel eğitime gereksinim duyanlar için gerekli önlemlerin alınacağı belirtilmiştir. Eğilim işlevselci yaklaşımın demokratik değerlerle güçlendirilmesi biçimindedir. Sonuç ve Tartışma: Din ve vicdan özgürlüğü Türkiye'de sıkça ve sert tartışılan konularından biridir. Din derslerinin zorunlu okutulması anayasa yapımı açısından da tartışmalıdır. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasası genel ilkeleri ortaya koyup "çerçeve anayasa" anlayışı benimseyip olası durumları düzenlemek isteyen anayasa yerine sıkı, sert yani "kazuistik" yönteme yer verilmiştir. Genel olarak 1961 Anayasası'ndan 1982 Anayasası'na geçişte sertlik, katılık ve zor değiştirebilirlik niteliklerinin güç kazandığı görülmektedir. Din ve vicdan özgürlüğü konusunda daha özgürlükçü ve eşitlikçi anayasal düzenlemelerin yapılması önerilebilir. Eğitimde özelleştirme çabaları erken Cumhuriyet'ten beri eğitimin önemli argümanı olan fırsat ve olanak eşitliği ilkesini zedelemektedir. Bu açıdan anayasal tartışma ve olası düzenlemeler postmodern ve neo-liberal etkilerin altındadır. ; Problem Statement: The Constitutions are the main sources of legality for democratic societies. The 1961 and 1982 Constitutions have dominated the last fifty years of Turkey. In this regard, it is essential to examine and comment academically on the way these Constitutions and their amendments address the rights of education, freedom of thought and faith in light of the relationship between political and educational systems. It is also important in terms of academically contributing the current constitution polemics. Purpose of the Study: The main purpose of this study is to comparatively examine the rights of education, freedom of religion and conscience and religious education in the 1961 and 1982 Constitutions of the Republic of Turkey. Methodology: In this study, among possible analytic research patterns, document research is preferred. The articles on the rights of education, freedom of religion, conscience and religious education in the 1961 and 1982 Constitutions constitute the data source of this study. Descriptive and constant comparative analysis is used in analysis of the data. A related body of the literature is cited for the purpose of reflecting the social, cultural and political context. Findings and Interpretation: It can be stated that there is no important difference in the 1961 and 1982 Constitutions in terms of considering the freedom of religion-conscience. In both constitutions, it is stated that the state cannot be organized on religious tenets, religion or religious feelings, and things considered sacred by religion can not be exploited and abused in any manner. It is the tendency that strict regulations are made in cases of abuses of religion, and functionalism has dominated by a monist "consensus" in case of conflicts. While religious education and teaching in the 1961 Constitution is subject to the individuals' own will or that of their legal representatives, the lesson "Religious Culture and Knowledge of Morals" becomes compulsory in the curriculum of primary and secondary schools. There is an obvious differentiation about religious education. In both constitutions, it is stated that primary education is compulsory and free at the state's schools; the state takes necessary measures to support students in financial need as well as those who need special training on account of their physical and mental incapacity. It is the tendency that functionalism is empowered with democratic values. Conclusion and Discussion: The general tendency regarding language is that the debates continue although the education language is not specified directly. Freedom of religion-conscience has been one of the issues that is discussed frequently and seriously. Religion and state affairs have always been affected negatively by the fact that the Republic of Turkey was founded on a large multicultural empire. Thus capitalism did not develop over its own internal dynamics, and Turkey did not experience religious reformation. Compulsory religious education is problematic also in terms of making constitutions. The Constitution of the Republic of Turkey adopts a strict "casuistic" methodology instead of setting general principles, adopting a "framework constitution" and seeking to regulate possible situations. In general, it can be observed that the qualities of strictness and non-amenability strengthen from the 1961 Constitution to 1982 Constitution. We are in a period in which more flexible constitutions are preferred to more detailed and stricter ones. It is possible that more libertarian and egalitarian constitutional regulations could be made. Privatization efforts in education have been ruining the equality of opportunities and possibilities, which has been one of the most important arguments of the Republic since the early years. In this regard, constitutional arguments and regulations are under postmodern and neo-liberal effects.

The end of the Cold War represented an apparent victory for NATO, capitalism, free enterprise, and democracy over the Warsaw Pact, Marxism-Leninist communism, and the Russian-Soviet empire. In 1991, five newly independent republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) emerged from the wreckage of that watershed event. Each new government proclaimed its commitment to free enterprise economic systems and democratic governance. Western democracies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and human rights groups lauded that commitment to democratic mass media systems as stabilizing, modernizing, and nation-building tools. Unfortunately, significant obstacles remain to functional and effective press systems able to maintain economic, editorial, and political autonomy. Because Russian and Soviet-era press conventions still strongly influence the press in Central Asia, this article begins with a brief overview of the Russian colonial and czarist press system from the 1860s to the Russian Revolution of 1917. It then presents a brief history of press controls under the Soviet Union. Thus, forms of Russian domination of Central Asian journalism persisted for almost 130 years, leaving deeply entrenched czarist-Soviet press methods, controls, and traditions. The study then summarizes significant arenas of contemporary research on Central Asian mass media, including detailed evidence of the complexity, diversity, and depth of barriers to free and effective press systems. It establishes that imposed Soviet-era journalism philosophy and practices remain much of the foundation for current professional ideology. Although there were some positive aspects to the Soviet press system, inherited professional habits, conventions, ideology, and socialist economics still obstruct adoption of aspects of Western models hallmarked by independent journalism and advocacy of a more operative form of social responsibility to audiences. The article then outlines the conflict between external and internal pressures to establish free and democratic press systems where regimes actively resist such efforts. That resistance includes formal and informal policies of censorship and repression that restrain journalists and the mass media they serve. Despite outside efforts to promote democratization of the press, these repressitarian governments remain highly authoritarian and exert varying but high degrees of direct and indirect censorship and content control. Among them are onerous libel laws, fabricated criminal charges against journalists, unfair tax audits, license terminations, and pressure on advertisers and printing houses when media content is deemed overly critical and adversarial. Recent murders of journalists further chill independent reporting. This synthesized examination of recent mass media research makes clear that five separate systems have replaced the unitary Soviet one, but with such shared attributes as official or quasi-official censorship; self-censorship; lack of free-market sustainability; constraints on independence and professionalism; and a press ideology that values service to the state above independence, fairness, balance, and accuracy. Distinctions among the systems include the presence or absence of independent and opposition media outlets; degrees of public access to the Internet and foreign media; and availability of university and professional education and training. Collectively, this research illustrates the limited success of external forces in furthering media pluralism. Those forces are foreign governments and multi-governmental entities, international media-building and civil society-building NGOs, Western journalism trainers and professors, and foreign media outlets that disseminate print, broadcast, and Internet content. In addition, these studies summarized demonstrate how regimes and elites use—and abuse—the law to control news and information about public affairs, controversy, and public issues and how they disregard constitutional and statutory assurances of press freedom. Democratization of the press will also require changing journalists' widely accepted role as acquiescent or reluctant—let alone enthusiastic—apparatuses of the state. The impetus and energy for developing free press systems in Central Asia are primarily external. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, the region has been under pressure, mostly from the United States and Western Europe, to create and sustain "free press" systems essential to civil society. To a great extent, such external advocacy manifested the neo-conservative U.S. foreign policy ideology promulgated by former President George W. Bush and his advisors. Their interest was to democratize authoritarian nations when politically and economically expedient, as in oiland mineral-rich Central Asia. Intensive Western efforts to encourage marketor advertising-supported media in former communist nations generally succeeded in Eastern and Central Europe. Such efforts failed in Central Asia, where media generally lack mass audiences and economic resources to attract advertisers and support the free market concept of news as a commodity. Supporters and funders of democratic press projects in the region include the Council for the International Exchange of Scholars; British Broadcasting Corporation; Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; Civic Education Project (Soros Foundation); International Research and Exchanges Board; Cable News Network; Freedom House; Internews; and the International Center for Journalists. Other NGOs, such as the Committee to Protect Journalists, Amnesty International, International PEN, Reporters Sans Frontières, and Human Rights Watch do not directly engage in journalism education and training but monitor press freedom and advocate against harsh restraints. Some regimes recognize advantages of modernizing media content, even while controlling it, by allowing journalists to learn Western news writing and reporting styles and conventions. Professional writing and reporting skills are useful to journalists, even if they are not permitted to report in an unfettered manner, and to propagandists. Western educators have taught in otherwise tightly controlled newsrooms and universities because of donor nation and funder pressure; allowing democratic journalism trainings to take place presents at least a façade of a commitment to free press systems. Yet it remains relatively easy for authorities to censor media content that is too reflective of Western news values and reporting conventions. That is particularly true if content criticizes the regime or other powerful interests. Journalists are often punished for stories they print or broadcast. Not surprisingly, self-censorship remains a domineering force, even in the absence of official censorship. We now discuss the Soviet colonial period and its influence on contemporary Central Asian media.

Por el éxito y trascendencia de sus eventos anteriores, el Instituto CIFOT siente la obligación de hacer conocer las principales conclusiones del II Seminario de Ordenamiento Territorial, el que comienza a marcar pautas a partir de las preocupaciones comunes, enfoques teórico-metodológicos prevalecientes en el Ordenamiento Territorial, la planificación Estratégica y Ambiental, como también sobre las prácticas de gestión de la información territorial. Se sintetiza la idea central de las conferencias Magistrales: - Dr. Juan Gastó- Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile- presenta " La Ordenación Territorial como eje del Desarrollo Rural", cuyo punto central es la imposibilidad de separar la problemática territorial urbana de la rural. - Dr. Eduardo Salinas- Universidad de La Habana , Cuba- en "El Ordenamiento Territorial como instrumento de la Planificación y Gestión Ambiental" establece la necesidad de una planificación sustentable ambientalmente, con una concepción sistémica y holística de los problemas. -Dra. Elsa Laurelli -Universidad de La Plata , Argentina- en "Nuevas Tendencias del Ordenamiento Territorial en una Economía de Mercado. Limitaciones y posibilidades" plantea coexistencia de áreas receptoras de IDE vs espacios degradados y con problemáticas sociales y reflexiona sobre el rol del Estado para atenuar los efectos del mercado en el territorio y la sociedad. - Dr. Pablo Ciccolella -UBA-, Argentina. En " Desafíos y opciones en la Gestión Urbana bajo el Capitalismo Global: Planificación Estratégica y Desarrollo Económico-Territorial" alerta sobre la planificación llave en mano que genera un desarrollo elitista, banal y efímero. - Dr. Mariano Zamorano -Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza- presenta " Una propuesta de Regionalización de la Provincia de Mendoza sobre la base de la Lógica Territorial " destinada a optimizar la gestión municipal y provincial. Al II Seminario de Ordenamiento Territorial concurren alrededor de 140 personas y se exponen 43 trabajos en las siguientes áreas temáticas : - 1 Nuevas tendencias en el Ordenamiento territorial . - 2 Ambiente y Ordenamiento Territorial. - 3 El Ordenamiento Territorial en el ámbito urbano. - 4 El Ordenamiento Territorial en el ámbito rural. - 5 La gestión de la información en el Ordenamiento Territorial. - 6 El rol de las Instituciones en el Ordenamiento Territorial. Conclusiones De l rico debate e intercambio de ideas realizado durante el II Seminario, se extraen tres grandes temas: - La necesidad de una visión general y holística del territorio, evitando la fragmentación disciplinar. - La interdisciplina, como campo de convergencia de problemáticas complejas. La planificación estratégica como instancia participativa y visión integral del territorio. - La metodología para el Ordenamiento Territorial debe ser verdaderamente aplicada. No se puede seguir planificando con una racionalidad limitada en busca de una imagen objetivo rígida mientras el territorio, conformado por sistemas complejos y abiertos, está en constante cambio por exigencias propias de lo global. - Un Estado en retirada no contiene la estructura necesaria ni el consenso para imponerse en sociedades democráticas con dominio absoluto de tipo capitalista. ; By the success and importance of the previous events, Institute CIFOT feels the obligation to make know the main conclusions II the Seminary of Territory Management, that begin to set standards from the common preoccupations, prevalecients theoretical-methodologic approaches in the Territory Management, the Strategic and Environmental planning, like also on the practices of management of the territorial information. The central idea of the central conferences is synthesized next: - Dr Juan Gastó -Pontificial Catholic University of Chile- present "the Territory Management like axis of the Rural Development", whose central point is the impossibility to separate urban problematic of the rural one. - Dr Eduardo Salinas - University of Havana , Cuba- in "the Territory Management Ordering as instrument of the Planning and Environmental Ordering" establishes the necessity of a sustainable planning environmentally, with a sistemic and holistic conception of the problems. - Dra. Elsa Laurelli - University of La Plata , Argentina in "New Tendencies of the Territorial Management in a Market Economy. Limitations and possibilities" raise coexistence of receiving areas of IDE versus problematic degraded spaces and with social and reflect on the roll of the State to attenuate to the effects of the Market in the territory and the society. - Dr Pablo Ciccolella - UBA -, Argentina . In "Challenges and options in the Urban Management under Global Capitalism: Strategic planning and Economic-Territorial Development " alert on the planning key in hand that generates a development elitist, banal and ephemeral. - Dr Mariano Zamorano – Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza- presents "A proposal of Regionalization of the Province of Mendoza on the base of the Territorial Logic" destined to optimize the municipal and provincial management. To the II Seminary of Territorial Management assist around 140 people and 43 works in the following thematic areas are exposed: - 1 New tendencies in the Territorial Management - 2 Atmosphere and Territorial Management. - 3 The Territorial Management in the urban scope. - 4 The Territorial Management in the rural scope. - 5 The ordering of information in the Territorial Management. - 6 the roll of the Institutions in the Territorial Management. Conclusions Of the rich debate and interchange of ideas made during II the Seminary, three great subjects are extracted: - the necessity of a general and holistic vision of the territory, avoiding the fragmentation of the to discipline. - the interdiscipline, like field of convergence of problematic complex. The strategic planning like participative instance and integral vision of the territory. - the methodology for the Territorial Management must truly be applied. It is not possible to be continued planning with a rationality limited in search of a rigid objective image while the territory, conformed by complex and opened systems, is in constant change by own exigencies of the global thing. - a State in retirement does not contain the structure necessary nor the consensus to prevail in democratic societies with absolute superiority of capitalist type. It is to say that the planning and the territorial maniging must be adapted to the present demands incorporating new methodologies for the integral boarding of the problematic in relation to the organization of the territory. ; Fil: Villegas de Lillo, María Beatriz. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Investigación y Formación para el Ordenamiento Territorial

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