Suchergebnisse

This special issue includes several papers presented at the congress "Sharia in the 21st century. Challenges, actors, scenarios", organized by the Chair of Islamic Civilization and Renewal of Religious Thought of the Euro-Arab Foundation for Higher Studies as well as the research project "Representations of Islam in the glocal Mediterranean: conceptual cartography and history REISCONCEP". The articles are the result of a joint reflection by Arab and European experts on the importance of sharia in contemporary Islam, in the political and social history of Arab and Islamic countries, and among Muslim minorities in Europe. The different studies address issues ranging from the analysis and evolution of the term "sharia", to its use and abuse by political movements such as Salafism, and the position it has had, and maintains, in reformist debates from the 19th century to the present day. Authors also deal with the description of the concept of "sharia" and its application and performativity in contemporary societies, with special attention to Western societies with Muslim minorities such as the United Kingdom and Spain. This monograph aims to be an academic contribution to debates that sometimes go beyond academia, being spread by the media and often mixed with feelings and emotions. ; Este monográfico recoge varios trabajos presentados en el congreso "La Sharía en el siglo XXI. Retos, actores, escenarios", organizado por la Cátedra de Civilización Islámica y Renovación del Pensamiento Religioso de la Fundación Euroárabe de Altos Estudios y el proyecto de I+D+i "Representaciones del islam en el Mediterráneo glocal: cartografía e historia conceptuales-REISCONCEP". Es fruto de una reflexión conjunta de especialistas árabes y europeos sobre la importancia de la sharía en el islam contemporáneo, en la historia política y social de los países árabes e islámicos y entre las minorías musulmanas en Europa. Los diferentes estudios engloban desde el análisis y evolución del término "sharía", a su uso y abuso por parte de movimientos políticos como el salafismo, la posición que ha tenido, y mantiene, en los debates reformistas desde el siglo XIX hasta hoy en día o la descripción del concepto y su aplicación y performatividad en las sociedades contemporáneas, con una especial atención a las sociedades occidentales con presencia de minorías musulmanas, concretamente en los debates públicos en Reino Unido y en España. Este monográfico quiere ser una contribución académica a las controversias que en ocasiones traspasan este ámbito, se generalizan en los medios y se entremezclan con sentimientos y emociones.

Este monográfico recoge varios trabajos presentados en el congreso "La Sharía en el siglo XXI. Retos, actores, escenarios", organizado por la Cátedra de Civilización Islámica y Renovación del Pensamiento Religioso de la Fundación Euroárabe de Altos Estudios y el proyecto de I+D+i "Representaciones del islam en el Mediterráneo glocal: cartografía e historia conceptuales-REISCONCEP". Es fruto de una reflexión conjunta de especialistas árabes y europeos sobre la importancia de la sharía en el islam contemporáneo, en la historia política y social de los países árabes e islámicos y entre las minorías musulmanas en Europa. Los diferentes estudios engloban desde el análisis y evolución del término "sharía", a su uso y abuso por parte de movimientos políticos como el salafismo, la posición que ha tenido, y mantiene, en los debates reformistas desde el siglo XIX hasta hoy en día o la descripción del concepto y su aplicación y performatividad en las sociedades contemporáneas, con una especial atención a las sociedades occidentales con presencia de minorías musulmanas, concretamente en los debates públicos en Reino Unido y en España. Este monográfico quiere ser una contribución académica a las controversias que en ocasiones traspasan este ámbito, se generalizan en los medios y se entremezclan con sentimientos y emociones. ; This special issue includes several papers presented at the congress "sharia in the 21st century. Challenges, actors, scenarios", organized by the Chair of Islamic Civilization and Renewal of Religious Thought of the Euro-Arab Foundation for Higher Studies as well as the research project "Representations of Islam in the glocal Mediterranean: conceptual cartography and history-REISCONCEP". The articles are the result of a joint reflection by Arab and European experts on the importance of sharia in contemporary Islam, in the political and social history of Arab and Islamic countries, and among Muslim minorities in Europe. The different studies address issues ranging from the analysis and evolution of the term "sharia", to its use and abuse by political movements such as Salafism, and the position it has had, and maintains, in reformist debates from the 19th century to the present day. Authors also deal with the description of the concept of "sharia" and its application and performativity in contemporary societies, with special attention to Western societies with Muslim minorities such as the United Kingdom and Spain. This monograph aims to be an academic contribution to debates that sometimes go beyond academia, being spread by the media and often mixed with feelings and emotions.

The Muslim Brotherhood, already 90 years old in 2018, have already experienced other periods of repression, illegalization and exile (in the 50-60s in Egypt as well as in the 60-70s in Syria). However, what is particular to the current wave of repression and persecution is the context of great convulsion and geostrategic maneuvering, marked by the outbreak of several armed conflicts in the Middle East and a visible authoritarian regression, not only throughout the region but also in Europe, Israel and America. These wars and blockades are creating counter-intuitive alliances and ideological contradictions, which in turn have an impact on the Islamist camp. They affect both Sunni and Chia, peaceful and violent Islamist groups, as well as and their respective interactions. This article intends to shed light on the new strategies the Muslim Brotherhood is adopting, not only in the Middle East but also in the West, in order to escape from the pressure exerted by an increasingly large group of countries (Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates among them) as well as the dilemma their members face of radicalization and absorption into Yihadist Salafism. We use as methodological tool a dense description of events to analyze the changes in the Muslim Brotherhood's ideological orientations and strategic choices. ; Los Hermanos Musulmanes, que cumplen 90 años en 2018, han vivido ya otros periodos de ilegalización, represión y exilio (años 50-60 en Egipto; años 60 y 70 y el periodo pos-1982 en Siria). Sin embargo, lo singular de los sucesos actuales es que se producen en un momento de gran convulsión y agitación geoestratégica, en un escenario pos-Primavera Árabe caracterizado por el estallido de conflictos armados y bloqueos económicos en la región, así como por una regresión autoritaria palpable no solo en Egipto, Turquía o Israel, sino también fuera de la región. Las guerras y bloqueos están generando alianzas contranatura y contradicciones ideológicas que repercuten sobre el campo islamista. Un campo revuelto por cambios que afectan a fuerzas suníes y chiíes, pacíficas y violentas, así como a sus relaciones recíprocas. Este artículo pretende aportar luz sobre las nuevas estrategias y alianzas de supervivencia que están desplegando los Hermanos Musulmanes, tanto en Oriente Medio como en Occidente para escapar, tanto a la tenaza ejercida por un grupo de Estados cada vez más numeroso (Egipto, Arabia Saudí y los Emiratos, entre ellos), como al peligro de radicalización y absorción de sus miembros que presenta el salafismo yihadista. Utilizamos para ello una descripción densa e informada para analizar los cambios en el posicionamiento ideológico y las decisiones estratégicas de los Hermanos Musulmanes.

The Israeli occupation of Palestine and its impact on the proliferation and longevity of transnational Salafi jihad is largely underestimated in current literature. In this thesis, I argue that Palestine, defined as both the nation and physical borders before the Balfour Declaration, largely contributed to the twentieth century revival of transnational Salafi jihad and is used by both Al Qaeda and ISIS as liberation and annihilation movements, respectively. In order to assess the motivational and organizational influences of the Israeli occupation of Palestine on transnational Salafi jihad, I examine the works of Abdullah Azzam, a selection of Osama Bin Laden's fatwas, and open source recruitment propaganda from Al Qaeda and ISIS. In considering this selection of primary source material, I found that Israel's occupation of Palestine and the conflict in general has made substantial motivational and organizational contributions to both the proliferation and longevity of transnational Salafi jihadi movements and, in this case, Al Qaeda and ISIS and each organization's respective grand strategies.

The article considers different consequences of immigration processes of Muslims to the European region, which are connected with the formation of national enclaves inside European countries and with the reluctance of Muslim community to adapt to the legislation and traditions of the host state. The article confirms that the processes of possible integration are complicated by the fact of wide spreading among representatives of Muslim community ideas of Islamic fundamentalism, which opposes against European secularized society. In this regard the article also studies models of existence of Muslims in the European community and possible ways of further development of relations between them. ; В статье рассматриваются последствия миграционных процессов мусульманской общины на территорию Европейского региона, которые напрямую касаются образования мусульманских национальных анклав внутри европейских стран и нежелания представителей мусульманского общества каким-либо образом приспосабливается к законодательству и образу жизни принимающего государства. Статья подтверждает, что осложняет процессы возможной интеграции факт все большего распространения среди представителей мусульманской общины идей исламского фундаментализма, который в свою очередь открыто выступает против секуляризованного европейского общества. Касательно этого в статье также изучаются модели сосуществования мусульманской общины в рамках европейского сообщества и возможные пути развития дальнейших отношений между ними. ; У статті розглядаються проблемні аспекти процесу інтеграції та адаптації мусульманської іммігрантської громади до приймаючого європейського суспільства. Існуючі проблеми інтеграції розглядаються в контексті приналежності великої кількості європейських мусульман до фундаменталістської ісламської доктрини, агресивність якої підтримується радикальними засобами реалізації власних потреб та все більшою політизацією ісламу в межах Європейського регіону.

Between the first Russo-Chechen war of independence (1994-96) and the resumption of the conflict in 1999, the range of actions employed by the Chechens evolved, as did the intensity of Russian army operations. While ambushes against the latter have remained the Chechen combatants' principal mode of action, recent developments in the conflict have been marked by the emergence of suicide attacks. The first war ended with the signing of the Khassaviurt accord in August 1996 , following the serious setbacks experienced by the Russian army. A treaty was signed in 1997 prohibiting the use of force in relations between the two countries. However, the situation in an independent Chechnya turned out to be difficult. The shattered economy left between 80 and 90 % of the working population jobless . Russian promises of reconstruction in fact resulted in the economic isolation of Chechen territory through checkpoints set up all along the border. On the domestic scene, elections were organised in 1997. The candidates who were the most intransigent towards the Russians, and who had Islamist leanings, such as Basayev and Udugov (Minister of Information under President Dudayev), were outnumbered by Maskhadov, the head of the Chechen army known for his willingness to compromise and negotiate with the Russians. Yet Maskhadov had great difficulty in establishing his authority over the whole of Chechnya, with certain warlords refusing to retreat. In October 1999, Dagestani and Chechen Islamist combatants, led by Basayev, made an incursion into Dagestan in order to provide assistance to Wahhabi villages. In doing so, they gave the Russians an excuse to invade Chechnya again. On the Russian side, the second war was marked by far more extensive bombings, village "sweeps", the establishment of "filtration camps", ransom-taking, etc. In addition to traditional guerrilla methods, in 2000 the Chechens began launching suicide attacks against the Russian army, as well as against the pro-Russian Chechen administration, for which Basayev generally claimed responsibility. The suicide attacks were strongly influenced by the idea of shahid, or Islamic ''martyr". Websites for many jihadist organizations readily portrayed Chechnya as one of the fronts where Muslims were being oppressed by kuffar, or "infidels", in this case Russians. The Russians immediately highlighted this state of affairs and made a direct link between such actions and Al Qaida-style international terrorism. The suicide attacks, rejected by the people, were then presented as the result of foreign influence, i.e. the "Wahhabis". Thus arose the issue of the ''Palestinization'' of the conflict, officially referred to for the first time in June 2003 by FSB (ex-KGB) director Nikolai Patrushev, as well as by certain journalists such as Anna Politovskaia . But does the increase in suicide attacks in Chechnya mean the Chechen struggle has been co-opted by international jihadist movements? The theory we will develop here attempts to highlight the evolution of that struggle from nationalism to Islamic nationalism, as the discourse justifying the war is increasingly filled with religious references, while the issues at stake have remained nationalist. Such references are also historical, as they were already present during the anti-colonial struggles in the 19th century. Moreover, although the use of suicide attacks is part of the evolution towards Islamic nationalism, this increase in sacrificial violence cannot be attributed to the Islamists alone. Indeed, the latter were very present during the first Chechen war when such actions were not employed. Other aspects must therefore be included in order to understand this change. We must be careful in our analysis in any case, as the inaccessible terrain makes it difficult to evaluate the real impact of references to martyrdom on the population and groups of combatants.

Between the first Russo-Chechen war of independence (1994-96) and the resumption of the conflict in 1999, the range of actions employed by the Chechens evolved, as did the intensity of Russian army operations. While ambushes against the latter have remained the Chechen combatants' principal mode of action, recent developments in the conflict have been marked by the emergence of suicide attacks. The first war ended with the signing of the Khassaviurt accord in August 1996 , following the serious setbacks experienced by the Russian army. A treaty was signed in 1997 prohibiting the use of force in relations between the two countries. However, the situation in an independent Chechnya turned out to be difficult. The shattered economy left between 80 and 90 % of the working population jobless . Russian promises of reconstruction in fact resulted in the economic isolation of Chechen territory through checkpoints set up all along the border. On the domestic scene, elections were organised in 1997. The candidates who were the most intransigent towards the Russians, and who had Islamist leanings, such as Basayev and Udugov (Minister of Information under President Dudayev), were outnumbered by Maskhadov, the head of the Chechen army known for his willingness to compromise and negotiate with the Russians. Yet Maskhadov had great difficulty in establishing his authority over the whole of Chechnya, with certain warlords refusing to retreat. In October 1999, Dagestani and Chechen Islamist combatants, led by Basayev, made an incursion into Dagestan in order to provide assistance to Wahhabi villages. In doing so, they gave the Russians an excuse to invade Chechnya again. On the Russian side, the second war was marked by far more extensive bombings, village "sweeps", the establishment of "filtration camps", ransom-taking, etc. In addition to traditional guerrilla methods, in 2000 the Chechens began launching suicide attacks against the Russian army, as well as against the pro-Russian Chechen administration, for which Basayev ...

Obwohl es mittlerweile eine Vielzahl an Forschung zum Phänomen Islamismus gibt, wurden in nur wenigen Studien Interviews mit jungen Menschen mit islamistischen Orientierungen geführt und systematisch ausgewertet. In diesem Buch gehen die Autorinnen anhand autobiografischer Erzählungen den folgenden Fragen nach: Wie eignen sich junge Menschen islamistische Orientierungen an, wie hängen sie mit biografischen Erfahrungen zusammen und welche Funktion erfüllen sie in den Biografien? Die Autorinnen zeigen, dass die Orientierungen in jugendphasenspezifische Probleme von Grenzziehung, Handlungskontrolle, sozialer Positionierung und Vergemeinschaftung eingebunden sind und diese Probleme auf verschiedene Weise gelöst werden: Islamismus übernimmt dabei die Funktion der starken Grenze, die Funktion der starken Ordnung oder die Funktion der starken Gemeinschaft.