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"Examines international cooperation in European security from a transaction cost economics perspective. This book addresses the puzzle of how to approach differing institutional preferences. It argues that the reduction and limitation of transaction costs was the primary determinant of security preferences"--

"This new Handbook presents an overview of cutting-edge research in the growing field of global health security. Over the past decade, the study of global health has become an increasingly mainstream part of the International Relations agenda. Over the same period, scholars working in Public Health have begun to investigate the politics of global public health in more depth than ever before. The coming together of these two scholarly communities has resulted in the creation of a vibrant, cross-disciplinary and rapidly-growing field of research. One of the major themes apparent in this scholarly literature has been an examination of the linkages between security and health. This has been an area of lively debate, with discussions ongoing over the appropriate conceptualisation of health security; which (if any) health issues should be treated as security threats; what should be done to address health security threats; and the positive and negative consequences of securitizing health. In raising these questions, the academic literature has been critically reflecting on an emergent policy discourse in which states and other actors have increasingly been discussing and addressing selected health issues in security terms. Again, this has come from both sides of the health/security divide: security policy communities have added health (especially infectious disease threats) to their remits; and the Public Health community has attempted to leverage securitization in order to gain increased attention and resources for health issues. The health security field is, then, a timely and dynamic one in both academic and policy terms - an area of significant contemporary interest for scholars, students and policy-makers alike.This handbook would be the first work comprehensively to address the health security agenda. Bringing together the leading experts and commentators on health security issues from across the world, the volume comprises original and cutting-edge essays addressing the key issues in the field and also highlighting currently neglected avenues for future research. Aimed at an audience spanning academic researchers, postgraduate and advanced undergraduate students and policymakers and professionals, the book is intended to provide an accessible yet sophisticated introduction to the key topics and debates.The book is organized into four sections. Section I addresses some of the fundamental conceptual issues, including the historical links between health and security and the various ways of conceptualising health as a security issue. Section II focuses upon those health issues which have been most frequently discussed in security terms in the academic and policy discourses, in each case identifying the ways in which those issues have been discussed in health security terms, and assessing the evidence for and consequences of addressing them through a security lens. Section III of the book examines the wide range of contemporary security-driven responses to health threats, from state pandemic preparedness programmes to the various global efforts to mitigate health risk. Section IV takes a step back from these discussions, unpacking some of the major controversies which have attended the securitization of health, not least those concerns about its impact on rights and justice, as well as the potential distortion of the global health agenda. The volume will not take a position in the ongoing pro/anti-securitization debate. Rather it deliberately brings in authors from both sides of that debate, and those authors will be given the freedom to take their own position on the issues within their chapters. This book will of great interest to students of global health security, public health, critical security studies, and International Relations in general"--

Das Buch ist eine Analyse von Aufstieg und Fall des sowjetischen Herrschaftssystems in dem Gebiet, das zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges "Osteuropa" genannt wurde, und der Rolle, die das Deutschlandproblem dabei gespielt hat. Gestützt auf die Auswertung neuer Quellen aus den Partei- und Staatsarchiven ehemals kommunistischerer Länder rekonstruiert es die folgende Entwicklung: Die Teilung Deutschlands und dabei die Rolle der Sowjetunion unter Stalin; das eiserne Festhalten seiner Nachfolger an der Teilung; ihr zunehmendes Bewusstsein der hohen Kosten, welche die Aufrechterhaltung des imperialen Systems in Ostmitteleuropa verursachte; der Fehlschlag ihrer Anstrengungen, die wachsende wirtschaftliche und finanzielle Abhängigkeit der DDR von der Bundesrepublik zu verhindern; und schließlich die Gründe dafür, warum Gorbatschow die Auflösung des sowjetischen Herrschaftsbereichs in Ostmitteleuropa hinnahm und sogar der Mitgliedschaft des wiedervereinigten Deutschlands in der Nato zustimmte. "Angesichts der russischen Okkupation der Krim, der anhaltenden Krise in der Ostukraine und der dadurch ausgelösten Gegenreaktionen von NATO und EU scheint sich der Kalte Krieg in Europa zurückgemeldet zu haben. Geeigneter kann der Zeitpunkt für die überarbeitete Neuauflage des sich inzwischen zu einem Standartwerk entwickelten Buches von Hannes Adomeit nicht sein. Seine profunde Kenntnis und Auseinandersetzung mit sowjetischer und russischer Politik seit fünf Jahrzehnten und sein Zugang zu neuem russischen Archivmaterial qualifiziert ihn zu einem der besten und erfahrensten Experten auf internationaler Ebene. Wer die sowjetische Politik nach dem II. Weltkrieg bis zur Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands und ihre Implikationen für die letzten 25 Jahre verstehen will, kommt an Adomeits Buch und seiner analytischen Brillanz nicht vorbei". Prof. Dr. h.c. Horst Teltschik, September 2015: "Of all of the analyses of the fall of the Soviet Union and reunification of Germany, Hannes Adomeit's 1998 classic, »Imperial Overstretch«, has stood the test of time. Its re-publication here by Nomos, with some modest updates by the author, will be welcomed by scholars, students, the policy community, and the informed public, as a trenchant interpretation of what happened to the 'Soviet bloc', but also as an introduction to the assertive imperial politics of Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation." Norman M. Naimark, Stanford University, November 2015

"History of concentration camp survivors who launched an international campaign to expose ongoing crimes against humanity in the 1950s that illuminates how the memory of Nazi atrocity both spurred and distorted Europeans' efforts to comprehend the persistent violence of the Cold War world"--

This thesis undertakes a critical analysis of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities as contained within Article 14 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). While both of these instruments contain guarantees of the right to liberty, their normative content is different and this therefore presents challenges for states that have ratified both treaties. Article 14 requires that any detention of an individual is not based on the existence of a disability whereas Article 5 expressly provides for the detention of an individual where they are found to be of 'unsound mind'. This thesis interrogates the construction of the right to liberty contained in both instruments. It sets out the drafting history of Article 14 of the CRPD, specifically focusing on the impact of the social model of disability on that provision, as well as the need to view the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities in the context of other provisions of the CPRD, particularly Articles 19 and 25. The jurisprudence of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is then analysed, as are the differing interpretations of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities contained within the United Nations human rights architecture. Conclusions are drawn regarding how this conflict of interpretation of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities might be resolved. Article 5 of the ECHR is then discussed and the normative requirements of that provision are examined and contrasted with those of Article 14 of the CRPD. Countervailing factors which weigh against any reconciliation between the ECHR's construction of the right to liberty and that contained in Article 14 of the CRPD are discussed. The potential for harmonisation between these two norms is then analysed. Finally, Ireland is taken as a case study in order to assess the impact of both the CRPD and the ECHR on the practice of involuntary detention domestically, at both the judicial and legislative level. Conclusions are drawn regarding the constitutional requirements and judicial attitudes which have influenced the effect which these international instruments have had on both the case law and legislation in this area of law. This analysis demonstrates that the case law in this area exposes a failure on the part of the Irish judiciary to engage with the requirements of either Article 14 of the CRPD or Article 5 of the ECHR, choosing instead to decide cases based on questions of constitutionality or statutory interpretation. It is concluded that this judicial approach has generally led to the dominance of a paternalistic interpretation of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities, despite reform of the law in this area by way of the Mental Health Act 2001. More recently, however, the potential for a domestically focused legal interpretation to also yield more rights-based interpretations of the right to liberty has become evident. This analysis also concludes that the impact of both the ECHR and the CRPD has been more evident in legislative and policy reform on the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities in Ireland. This has been particularly apparent in the case of the CRPD, which has been enthusiastically adopted by civil society organisations in their efforts to achieve reform in this area. In the case of Ireland, it is concluded that if greater cognisance of its international obligations are taken in the future, this will likely be focused on ECHR rather than CRPD compatibility.

The contributions of international organizations, agencies, & non-state actors to global civil peace is evidenced by their discourse of humanitarianism & human security. These actors -- with their access, reach, & legitimacy -- are crucial in the evolving peace-building consensus & the development of the constitutional & institutional aspects of the liberal peace project. Humanitarian intervention has forged its own legitimacy despite a norm of nonintervention. In fact, a normative requirement for such intervention appears to have been created. Further, these organizations & actors often request the use of force to clear the way for their interventions in conflict zones. Then they engage with the local society to build a civil peace & help institutionalize bottom-up forms of governance. The version of the liberal peace that emerges from such non-state intervention is more closely concerned with social justice, development, & identity. However, the ideology of human security & the nature of the role that non-state actors play in regions of conflict mean that they are complicit in the spread of liberal peace as the dominant form of conflict settlement. It is concluded that the liberal peace framework is weighted more toward state-building than toward the civil society. J. Stanton

Diese Studie ist eine Untersuchung der Eskalation von kollektiver Gewalt in andauernden innerstaatlichen Konflikten. Das heißt, dass die Untersuchung sich nicht mit den Ursachen des Gewaltausbruchs in Bürgerkriegen beschäftigt, sondern mit der Gewaltdynamik im Krieg. Die Ergebnisse der ausgeführten Feldforschung und der intensiven Fallanalyse über den LTTE-Konflikt in Sri Lanka zeigen, dass die zusammenhängenden Beziehungen zwischen lokaler und internationaler Legitimität der Konfliktakteure und die unmittelbar entstehenden Opportunitätsstrukturen die plötzlich eskalierende Gewalt erklären können.Die neuen Hypothesen, die während dieser Studie entwickelt worden sind, versuchen folgende Forschungsfrage zu beantworten: Wie kann man die Logik der kollektiven Gewalt zwischen Krieg und Frieden analysieren, die Konfliktparteien entweder in eine stabile Form von Frieden oder in eine neue Eskalationswelle führen?

This policy brief discusses the new geopolitical and geo-economic context and its significance for the Global South and the development policies of Western actors. The systemic confrontation between China and the USA, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, but also the seizure of power through a military putsch in Niger, among other places, show: The environment for global cooperation efforts has become much more difficult. Actors in the Global South are no longer just participants on the sidelines of geopolitical conflicts, but are taking an active role. Western countries and Russia make strong efforts to woo them. At the same time, China and India in particular aspire to leadership roles as leaders for the Global South. The following points are of particular importance: (1) The changes in the international system have given the Global South as a group (despite the enormous differences between the actors in this group) a new impetus of identity – similar to the West. It is noteworthy that this North/South bloc formation makes other possible commonalities less pronounced. This applies above all to the attempt – which has been less success-ful so far – to strengthen the identification of open democratic systems as a mark of belonging. For many debates and alliances, the identification "Global North/South" is formative. Formation of North and South camps is not helpful for finding international solutions. Approaches to counteract entrenched bloc formations and to create effective formats for exchange and understanding are therefore important. (2) From the perspective of Southern actors, the existing international order is a deeply unjust system that primarily protects the interests of the West, and especially those of the USA. Political offers from the West that do not really lead to structural changes are unlikely to arouse interest in the Global South, and will instead favour counter-designs – be they from China with its claim to leadership for the Global South or Russia. (3) In principle, the development policy of OECD actors has important potential to help shape the realignment of relations with the Global South. The policy field is, on the one hand, a proof of international credibility (among other things, fulfilment of international obligations) and, on the other hand, an approach that makes it possible to work with operational means on international problems in the first place. (4) Western development policy is likely to face further difficult situations with risks of escalation and failure (such as Niger and Afghanistan) in the face of multiple tensions in developing regions. Development policy should reflect the geopolitical context even more consciously in strategy and action. The defining geo-political context harbours the danger that the original development policy task – sustainable development of the partner countries – will be overshadowed. (5) Overall, it should be an important concern to rethink how international burden-sharing for development and climate finance agendas is organised. Here, it is important to consider both the actors from the Global North and those from the Global South.

Rule of law has emerged as an essential objective in assistance to post-conflict and post-crisis societies such as Somalia, Kosovo, Liberia and Egypt. This has led to a host of externally promoted programmes and projects on law reform, constitutional development and judicial training, and security sector transformation. Through UN Security Council resolutions and other means of conditionality, the rule of law is not simply promoted in post-conflict and crisis settings, but also enforced. A failure to adhere to the rule of law can result in donors withholding funds and political support. The employment of the concept as a standard and condition in state-building has national legal and political consequences. Clarity in communication on the rule of law is of great importance. This book provides a critical analysis of past and current rule of law promotion, and argues that despite past experiences of development and technical assistance, rule of law reform in war-torn and crisis societies operates in an autonomous field where best practices and lessons learned are rarely or only superficially acknowledged. Furthermore, there is a need for a reorientation of rule of law assistance to the core values of the concept in order to retain its independent and 'analytical bite', and to develop criteria that can guide reformers in the field. The author provides a comparative and systematic overview of how rule of law promotion has been put into effect and identifies challenges and opportunities for enhancing and strengthening norms, ideologies and methods for legal and judicial reform after war and crisis. About the book 'This compelling account of the role of international actors promoting rule of law in war to peace transitions argues that we have overreached. By prescribing value-laden rule of law reforms to formal justice institutions after war, we have created 'blind-spots': international actor accountability, informal and customary justice systems, and the procedures and outcomes of public administration. This important book argues that the real test of international rule of law interventions is whether they create spaces where conflict-weary citizens can demand, challenge, and participate in the creation of better local governance.' Professor Veronica L. Taylor, Australian National University and University of Washington 'In short, Sannerholm's pithy volume is an excellent primer for those interested in international rule of law reform efforts in countries emerging from war or crisis. He harbors no illusions about the challenges that these reform efforts face, and his criticisms of such efforts to date are realistic and incisive without succumbing to pessimism. Overall, Rule of Law After War and Crisis is a welcome contribution to our understanding of the foundational importance of the rule of law and the immense challenges the international community faces in establishing it where it is absent.' Kendall L. Manlove in International Law and Politics (2013) 953 About the author Richard Zajac Sannerholm holds a PhD in law and has experience in rule of law reform in post-conflict, crisis and transition countries, working as a researcher and adviser for international organizations, national agencies and non-governmental organizations. Zajac Sannerholm currently works as a researcher and project leader at the Folke Bernadotte Academy in Sweden

Rule of law has emerged as an essential objective in assistance to post-conflict and post-crisis societies such as Somalia, Kosovo, Liberia and Egypt. This has led to a host of externally promoted programmes and projects on law reform, constitutional development and judicial training, and security sector transformation. Through UN Security Council resolutions and other means of conditionality, the rule of law is not simply promoted in post-conflict and crisis settings, but also enforced. A failure to adhere to the rule of law can result in donors withholding funds and political support. The employment of the concept as a standard and condition in state-building has national legal and political consequences. Clarity in communication on the rule of law is of great importance. This book provides a critical analysis of past and current rule of law promotion, and argues that despite past experiences of development and technical assistance, rule of law reform in war-torn and crisis societies operates in an autonomous field where best practices and lessons learned are rarely or only superficially acknowledged. Furthermore, there is a need for a reorientation of rule of law assistance to the core values of the concept in order to retain its independent and 'analytical bite', and to develop criteria that can guide reformers in the field. The author provides a comparative and systematic overview of how rule of law promotion has been put into effect and identifies challenges and opportunities for enhancing and strengthening norms, ideologies and methods for legal and judicial reform after war and crisis. About the book 'This compelling account of the role of international actors promoting rule of law in war to peace transitions argues that we have overreached. By prescribing value-laden rule of law reforms to formal justice institutions after war, we have created 'blind-spots': international actor accountability, informal and customary justice systems, and the procedures and outcomes of public administration. This important book argues that the real test of international rule of law interventions is whether they create spaces where conflict-weary citizens can demand, challenge, and participate in the creation of better local governance.' Professor Veronica L. Taylor, Australian National University and University of Washington 'In short, Sannerholm's pithy volume is an excellent primer for those interested in international rule of law reform efforts in countries emerging from war or crisis. He harbors no illusions about the challenges that these reform efforts face, and his criticisms of such efforts to date are realistic and incisive without succumbing to pessimism. Overall, Rule of Law After War and Crisis is a welcome contribution to our understanding of the foundational importance of the rule of law and the immense challenges the international community faces in establishing it where it is absent.' Kendall L. Manlove in International Law and Politics (2013) 953 About the author Richard Zajac Sannerholm holds a PhD in law and has experience in rule of law reform in post-conflict, crisis and transition countries, working as a researcher and adviser for international organizations, national agencies and non-governmental organizations. Zajac Sannerholm currently works as a researcher and project leader at the Folke Bernadotte Academy in Sweden.

Klappentext: Dienstleistungen sind zu entscheidenden Knotenpunkten im Prozess der Globalisierung geworden. Ohne informations- und kommunikationstechnische Dienstleistungen, ohne Transport- und Finanzdienstleistungen ist die Vernetzung der Weltwirtschaft heute nicht mehr denkbar. Fachleute aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft analysieren die Bedeutung des Dienstleistungssektors, zeigen Entwicklungstrends auf und formulieren Anforderungen für eine dienstleistungsorientierte Weltwirtschaftsarchitektur. Thematische Schwerpunkte bilden die Perspektiven unternehmensbezogener Dienstleistungen sowie der internationale Handel mit Dienstleistungen auf globalen Märkten.

This text explores strategies at the national level that could succeed in maintaining welfare state goals even under conditions of international economic competition. It discusses the conditions under which European policy could play a protective and enabling role with regard to these solutions