Suchergebnisse

Auf dem Hintergrund der Geschichte Simbabwes stellt der Verfasser des Handbuchartikels die Anfänge der gewerkschaftlichen Bewegung und die Arbeitsgesetzgebung des Landes dar. Im weiteren werden internationale Beziehungen beschrieben. Ein abschließendes Kapitel ist dem Unabhängigkeitskampf des Landes und dem Wiederaufbau gewidmet, wobei besonders die Rolle der Gewerkschaften darin erläutert wird. Der Verfasser betont dabei, daß die Tradition der bisherigen Gewerkschaften herausgefordert wird durch die Arbeiterkomitees, die im Befreiungskampf entstanden sind. Ergänzt wird die inhaltliche Darstellung durch Literaturhinweise und die Anschrift des Gewerkschaftsbundes. (KS)

This thesis undertakes a critical analysis of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities as contained within Article 14 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). While both of these instruments contain guarantees of the right to liberty, their normative content is different and this therefore presents challenges for states that have ratified both treaties. Article 14 requires that any detention of an individual is not based on the existence of a disability whereas Article 5 expressly provides for the detention of an individual where they are found to be of 'unsound mind'. This thesis interrogates the construction of the right to liberty contained in both instruments. It sets out the drafting history of Article 14 of the CRPD, specifically focusing on the impact of the social model of disability on that provision, as well as the need to view the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities in the context of other provisions of the CPRD, particularly Articles 19 and 25. The jurisprudence of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is then analysed, as are the differing interpretations of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities contained within the United Nations human rights architecture. Conclusions are drawn regarding how this conflict of interpretation of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities might be resolved. Article 5 of the ECHR is then discussed and the normative requirements of that provision are examined and contrasted with those of Article 14 of the CRPD. Countervailing factors which weigh against any reconciliation between the ECHR's construction of the right to liberty and that contained in Article 14 of the CRPD are discussed. The potential for harmonisation between these two norms is then analysed. Finally, Ireland is taken as a case study in order to assess the impact of both the CRPD and the ECHR on the practice of involuntary detention domestically, at both the judicial and legislative level. Conclusions are drawn regarding the constitutional requirements and judicial attitudes which have influenced the effect which these international instruments have had on both the case law and legislation in this area of law. This analysis demonstrates that the case law in this area exposes a failure on the part of the Irish judiciary to engage with the requirements of either Article 14 of the CRPD or Article 5 of the ECHR, choosing instead to decide cases based on questions of constitutionality or statutory interpretation. It is concluded that this judicial approach has generally led to the dominance of a paternalistic interpretation of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities, despite reform of the law in this area by way of the Mental Health Act 2001. More recently, however, the potential for a domestically focused legal interpretation to also yield more rights-based interpretations of the right to liberty has become evident. This analysis also concludes that the impact of both the ECHR and the CRPD has been more evident in legislative and policy reform on the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities in Ireland. This has been particularly apparent in the case of the CRPD, which has been enthusiastically adopted by civil society organisations in their efforts to achieve reform in this area. In the case of Ireland, it is concluded that if greater cognisance of its international obligations are taken in the future, this will likely be focused on ECHR rather than CRPD compatibility.

1 The LINK model and its use in international scenario analysis -- 2 Projections of the OECD economies in the global perspective, 1986—2000: policy simulations by the FUGI global macroeconomic model -- 3 Supply-side policies in four OECD countries -- 4 An empirical analysis of policy co-ordination in the United States, Japan and Europe -- 5 How much could the international co-ordination of economic policies achieve? An example from US-EEC policy-making -- 6 Capital risk and models of investment behaviour -- 7 Adjustment costs and mean-variance efficiency in UK financial markets -- 8 The macroeconomic and sectoral effects of the Economic Recovery Tax Act: some simulation results -- 9 Use of anticipations data in the anticipations model -- 10 An endogenously time-varying parameter (TVP) model of investment behaviour: theory and application to Belgian data -- 11 Budget consolidation, effective demand and employment -- 12 Interaction between economic growth and financial flows: presentation of a model analysing the impact of short-term financial disturbances on economic growth -- 13 Asymmetry in conservation: a capital stock analysis -- 14 Adjustment options for the US economy -- 15 Model building for decision aid in the agri-economic field -- 16 Estimated optimal lags for the optimization models: a method for estimating the optimal lag between economic variables -- 17 Macroeconomic policy and aggregate supply in the UK -- 18 Two recent trends combined in an econometric model for the Netherlands: the supply-side and sectoral approach -- 19 The supply-side of RIKMOD: short-run producer behaviour in a model of monopolistic competition -- 20 Direct interventions, interest rate shocks and monetary disturbances in the Canadian Foreign Exchange market: a simulation study -- 21 Effects of a fall in the price of oil: the case of a small oil-exporting country -- 22 Modelling the effects of investment subsidies -- 23 Collective bargaining and macroeconomic performance: the case of West Germany -- 24 A cost—push model of galloping inflation: the case of Yugoslavia -- 25 Short-term forecasting of wages, employment and output in Barbados -- 26 Reducing working time for reducing unemployment? A macro-economic simulation study for the Belgian economy -- 27 An econometric model for the determination of banking system excess reserves -- 28 Forecasting versus policy analysis with the ORANI model -- 29 An applied general equilibrium model of the United States economy -- 30 A quarterly econometric model for the Spanish economy -- 31 Macroeconomic policies and adjustment in Yugoslavia: some counter-factual simulations.

In einem internationalen Vergleich wird der Frage nachgegangen, was die Unternehmen in Großbritannien und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zum Abbau der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit beitragen. Es wurden Interviews mit Managern durchgeführt, um die verschiedenen Unternehmensinitiativen zu erfassen. Dabei wurden insbesondere die jeweiligen nationalen und unternehmensspezifischen Bedingungen erhoben, die dem Gelingen von Unternehmensinitiativen zugrunde liegen. Weiterhin wird auf die Zusammenarbeit von öffentlichen und privaten Trägern bei Maßnahmen gegen die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit eingegangen. (IAB)

This article considers the World Bank as a political thinker. This involves an interpretation of the values, methodologies, & theoretical references contained within the Bank's governance documentation. Generally, the Bank steers away from a serious engagement with the nature of states, or the dynamics of reform execution, even in its more detailed policy documents in reform areas such as administrative reform. But, by looking at the World Bank's involvement in African states, we can understand the ways in which the World Bank works with certain expectations concerning how reforms will work. The article critically analyses the Bank's 'political vision' by comparing it with prominent theories of African politics. The article concludes that the World Bank's governance agenda misses three pivotal aspects of African politics: the unity of political & economic power, the extreme openness of African states to external pressures, & the salience of historically-embedded cultural & political relations. These three points directly raise important questions about the prospects of good governance reforms in Africa, & the involvement of the Bank therein. 2 Figures, 107 References. Adapted from the source document.

An Introduction to: Globalization and Development—Entrepreneurship, Innovation, Business and Policy Insights from Asia and Africa -- Part I: Entrepreneurship and Innovation -- Global Entrepreneurship Capacity and Entrepreneurial Attitude Indexing Based on the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) Dataset -- Winners for Tomorrow Need More Innovation and More Entrepreneurs: Lessons Learned from Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan -- Fostering Inclusive Innovation in Developing Economies: An Integrative Framework for Multinational Enterprises -- Management of Innovation in Developing Economies -- Modelling Factors of Innovation Management for Its Implementation in MSMEs of Developing Countries: An IRP Approach -- Assessing the Entrepreneurial Ecosystem of Oman and Discovering the Innate Suitability of Islamic Finance -- Part II: Business and Policy Insights from Asia and Africa -- Developing Chinese Economy Overseas: Cross-Cultural Dilemmas in Chinese–Dutch Mergers and Acquisitions -- Compensating Impact of Globalisation Through Fairtrade Practices -- Crowdlending: A Global Phenomenon Arrives to Sub-Saharan Africa -- From Globalization to Glocalization: An Indian Perspective -- Doing Business in the Arab World: Unlocking the Potential of Wasta -- Globalization and the Performance of Selected Multinational Firms in Nigeria -- Ethnic Food Products in International Trade: ASEAN Agro-food Products' Marketing Strategy in Canadian Market -- International Alliance Strategies: A Case Study of the Indonesian Medical Device Industry -- Philippine Apparel Brands Versus Super-Leaguers: A Case Analysis of the Apparel Industry in Southeast Asia

"The period since the 1980s has seen sustained pressure on Africa's political elite to anchor the continent's development strategies in neoliberalism in exchange for vitally needed development assistance. Rafts of policies and programmes have come to underpin the relationship between continental governments and the donor communities of the West and particularly their institutions of global governance - the International Financial Institutions. Over time, these policies and programmes have sought to transform the authority and capacity of the state to effect social, political and economic change, while opening up the domestic space for transnational capital and ideas. The outcome is a continent now more open to international capital, export-oriented and liberal in its political governance. Has neoliberalism finally arrested under development in Africa? Bringing together leading researchers and analysts to examine key questions from a multidisciplinary perspective, this book involves a fundamental departure from orthodox analysis which often predicates colonialism as the referent object. Here, three decades of neoliberalism with its complex social and economic philosophy are given primacy. With the changed focus, an elucidation of the relationship between global development and local changes are examined through a myriad of pressing contemporary issues to offer a critical multi-disciplinary appraisal of challenge and change in Africa over the past three decades."--Publisher's summary.

Introduction: the ends of empire: chronologies, historiographies, and trajectories / Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and António Costa Pinto -- Part I. Competing developments: the idioms of reform and resistance -- Development, modernization, and the social sciences in the era of decolonization: the examples of British and French Africa / Frederick Cooper -- A modernizing empire? Politics, culture and economy in Portuguese late colonialism / Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and António Costa Pinto -- Commanders with or without machine-guns: Robert Delavignette and the future of the French-African "imperial nation-state," 1956-58 / Martin Shipway -- Part II. Comparing endgames: the modi operandi of decolonization -- Imperial endings and small states: disorderly decolonization for Netherlands, Belgium and Portugal / Crawford Young -- British, French and Portuguese decolonization compared: political culture and strategic options in multilateral consultations / Bruno Cardoso Reis -- Exporting Britishness: decolonisation in Africa, the British state and its clients / Sarah Stockwell -- Acceptable levels? The use and threat of violence in the decolonization of British Central Africa, 1953-1965 / Philip Murphy -- Part III. Confronting internationals: the (geo)politics of decolonization -- Inside the parliament of man: decolonization, apartheid, and the remaking of the United Nations, 1945-1970 / Ryan Irwin -- Cold War and decolonisation in the Congo: Lumumba and the neo-colonial transfer of power 1960 / John Kent -- The international dimension of Portuguese colonial crisis, 1961-1968 / Luøs Nuno Rodrigues -- Last days of empire / John Darwin

In recent years, major social forces such as: aging populations, social trends, migration patterns, and the globalization of economies, have reshaped social welfare policies and practices across the globe. Multinational corporations, NGOs, and other international organizations have begun to influence social policy at a national and local level. Among the many ramifications of these changes is that globalizing influences may hinder the ability of individual nation-states to effect policies that are beneficial to them on a local level. With contributions from different countries worldwide, this collected work represents the first major comparative analysis on the effect of globalization on the international welfare state. The Welfare State in Post-Industrial Society is divided into two major sections: the first draws from a number of leading social welfare researchers from diverse countries who point to the nation-state as case studies, highlighting how it goes about establishing and revising social welfare provisions. The second portion of the volume then moves to a more global perspective in its analysis and questioning of the impact of globalisation on citizenship and marketization. A unique aspect of the volume is that all authors participated in an iterative process to identify a series of consensus themes that each author was then asked to integrate into their chapters as they were relevant.

Will PRC students soon be an increasingly rare sight on Aussie campuses?Just when you thought China-Australia relations could get no worse, it seems they find something new to quarrel about. Perhaps the last golden goose Australia has left is its higher education sector, which still (rather amazingly) attracts scores of PRC students. That said, there appears movement afoot in China for recruiters to not promote Australia as a higher education. Anticipating matters may get worse (which is likely given how things are going between these two), Aussie universities are setting their sights on diversifying their international student base. Researchers from the Australia National University in Canberra are urging the government to get moving in making their country's universities less reliant on Chinese students:Dr Dirk van der Kley and
Dr Benjamin Herscovitch argue education is Australia's only remaining
export valued over $10 billion annually which is "both reliant on China
and which Beijing can target without significant self-harm". The
industry employs thousands of Australians, and is closely linked to the
country's technological competitiveness, the pair say.Coercion against the sector would significantly impact Australia's prosperity. "If
there was a significant drop in students from China, the revenue and
research loss would be impossible to fully replace through other
international markets because China is the largest source of globally
mobile students," the authors write. The government would not be able to step in and fill that gap, they say.Speaking of which, the Chinese government holds more cards in being able to harm Australia's economy given the economic importance of higher education service exports to the PRC and other nations: The
pair point out that media reports already indicate education agents in
some Chinese cities were discouraged from promoting Australia as an
education destination. Beijing could go
further, by fostering negative views of Australia and its universities
via the state-controlled media or even ceasing to recognise some or all
Australian qualifications.By recruiting more students from other locations, Australia could safeguard itself from Chinese coercion to a degree.With both countries apparently not keen on talking with each other to resolve economic and other differences, it will probably happen all of a sudden and without much warning if the PRC starts discouraging its students from going to Australia. 

Le Cameroun, depuis la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, est un pays multiculturel. Ce multiculturalisme bien qu'imposé, est devenu un atout et a consolidé son intégration au monde moderne. Il s'ensuit que l'accession du pays à l'indépendance de ses deux territoires, le Cameroun oriental et le Cameroun occidental, jadis administrés respectivement par la France et l'Angleterre, a encore enrichi sa diversité culturelle. D'emblée, le premier Président Ahmadou Ahidjo a dû faire face à un dilemme concernant l'adhésion de l'État aux organisations internationales à caractère culturel, notamment à la Francophonie et au Commonwealth pour des raisons de stabilité interne. L'embarras d'Ahidjo peut se justifier par le fait qu'il était au centre de la gestion des indépendances, de la réunification, du fédéralisme et de l'unification du Cameroun. Le deuxième Président Paul Biya, arrivé au pouvoir en 1982, a attendu près d'une décennie avant que le pays soit accepté comme membre à part entière de la Francophonie. Pour y parvenir, c'est l'activisme de l'institution parlementaire à travers les élus du peuple qui a aussi déterminé la présence de l'État dès 1991 à la Francophonie. À l'explication, lors de la première rencontre de création de l'Association internationale des parlementaires de langue française du 17 au 18 mai 1967, l'Assemblée nationale du Cameroun faisait partie des membres fondateurs qui ont su mener la diplomatie parlementaire avec délicatesse au sein de l'AIPLF puis de l'APF. Un elfe parlementaire qui a influencé la politique étrangère du Cameroun. C'est ce qui permet d'émettre l'hypothèse selon laquelle le parlement est le maillon essentiel dans le fonctionnement d'un État au regard des insidieuses problématiques transnationales sur lesquelles il est appelé à donner son avis. Il travaille pour l'intérêt commun des citoyens, il fait recours au compromis pour la stabilité des institutions, il amende et vote tous les textes de lois nationaux et internationaux, il contrôle les autres institutions… Bref, il exerce l'autorité de l'État. Il convient donc d'étayer le travail des parlementaires camerounais pour ce qui est de leur marge de manœuvre dans la politique étrangère au sein de la Francophonie. La présente réflexion s'intéresse à la contribution des acteurs nationaux dans la définition de la politique étrangère des États vis-à-vis de la Francophonie.

Economists have argued that outsourcing is another form of international trade. However, based on a representative national survey of Americans conducted in 2007 and 2009, the distribution of preferences on these two issues appears to be quite different. This article examines the origins of attitudes toward outsourcing, focusing on the extent to which it reflects (1) the economic vulnerabilities of individuals; (2) the information they receive about outsourcing, including their subjective understanding of what constitutes outsourcing; and (3) noneconomic attitudes toward foreign people and foreign countries. The findings emphasize the importance of variations in understandings of the term, as well as the highly symbolic nature of attitudes toward this issue. Individuals who believe the US should distance itself from international affairs more generally, who are nationalistic, or who feel that members of other ethnic and racial groups within the US are less praiseworthy than their own group tend to have particularly hostile reactions to outsourcing. The informational cues people receive are also important influences on their understanding of and attitudes toward outsourcing. Experimental results further emphasize the symbolic nature of attitudes toward outsourcing. Taken together, the results strongly suggest that attitudes are shaped less by the economic consequences of outsourcing than by a sense of "us" versus "them."