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Many recent studies argue that labor organization and government partisanship were important determinants of the economic performance of the advanced industrial democracies during stagflation. They do not, however, take into account the potential impact on performance of position in the international economy; the relationships reported may therefore be largely spurious. Even when the strong effects of international position, most notably the extent of dependence on imported sources of oil, were controlled for, domestic political structures remained powerful determinants of economic performance during stagflation. "Corporatist" political economies dominated by leftist governments in which labor movements were densely and centrally organized, and "market" political economies in which labor was much weaker and rightist governments were predominant, performed significantly better than the less coherent cases in which the power of labor was distributed asymmetrically between politics and the market.

THE NEW CAMBRIDGE OR CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC POLICY GROUP, (CEPG) School led by Professor Wynne Godley has received considerable attention in this country. Its policy prescriptions however are international as well as national. It is well known that it calls at regular intervals for comprehensive long-term import controls and reflation in the UK. It is less well known, and indeed a more recent occurrence, that it calls for 'co-ordinated' international trade - i.e. import controls for each country administered centrally by some body such as the OECD - and reflation. As protectionist pressures continue to grow throughout Europe and in the USA, the appeal of New Cambridge analysis may grow with it. We should therefore be aware of the nature of the arguments which it deploys in the attempt to make protection respectable.

In the process of reviewing three recent books on international monetary developments, this article focuses on both positive and normative aspects of the "exchange-rate crisis" and its effects on policy formulation in both developed and developing countries. It attributes short-run exchange rate volatility mainly to shifts in expectations and movements in international interest rate differentials; at the same time, it links long-run exchange rate movements to the current account positions of various countries. The article also focuses on the policy implications of such volatility in a world characterized by real as opposed to monetary disturbances and discusses the alternatives open to policy makers in that context. Finally, it critically evaluates the argument that flexible exchange rates among industrialized countries have benefited the less developed countries, and discusses the implications of these developments for their choice of exchange-rate regime.

WE LIVE IN A TERRORISTIC AGE. FEW, EVEN AMONG THE MOST favoured and secure, can fail to be haunted by the ugly sights and ghastly dreams of terroristic murder, massacre, and torture and the suffering of the innocents. Numerous international organizations and the mass media at least agree in characterizing our era as one 'full of dismal terror'. There have been repeated calls for serious scientific study of the nature and causes of terrorism culminating in the recent decision of the UN General Assembly to establish a special committee for this purpose. Many students of politics will suspect that the creation of 'study committees' by such organizations as the UN and the Socialist International will simply serve to reflect the self-interest of the national participants, or that they will simply turn into propaganda exercises.

Can two or more self-differentiating culture-groups coexist within a single political structure? The question may well seem clearly settled by the overwhelming factual evidence of contemporary international politics, for it is indeed a truism that political and ethnic borders seldom coincide. Thus, the very existence of a host of multinational states, including such a time-tested example as the Soviet Union, would appear to document an affirmative answer. On the other hand, a recent spate of political unrest within such geographically diverse and historically unrelated states as, inter aliay Canada, Guyana, India, Uganda, Belgium, the Sudan, Burma, Yugoslavia, Cyprus, Rwanda, the United Kingdom, and Iraq, focuses attention on the common root cause of intrastate yet international conflict and again brings into question the assumptions of the multinational state.

En 1971 nait le desir de transformer le Sud-Est asiatique en zone de paix, de liberte et de neutralite, la ZOPFAN, avec quatre objectifs: creer une region stable et pacifique permettant le developpement politique et economique des etats; developper des relations entre les pays membres de L'ASEAN; instaurer des relations avec les grandes puissances telles que celles-ci acceptent de considerer le Sud-Est asiatique comme une ZOPFAN. Mais l'institution de ZOPFAN reste valable tant qu'elle repose sur le ressort national et regionale permettant de maintenir des relations equilibrees avec les pays principaux de la region et qu'on l'envisage dans le long terme. D'ou l'importance du troisieme sommet de l'ASEAN qui se tiendra a Manille en decembre 1987. (International Political Science Association)

Foreword / Carson Jenkins -- Reflections on 50 years of tourism and development / Carson Jenkins -- Section 1. Tourism as a development option -- Section 2. Policies and planning for tourism development -- Section 3. Innovation in tourism: rethinking the destination -- Section 4. Educational futures in tourism -- Section 5. Emerging challenges in international tourism.

This article presents a theoretical and descriptive account of the worldwide media visibility of NATO, the European Union, and the United Nations in connection to the Russia-Ukraine war. I formulate a theoretical framework that highlights the authority of the three international organizations (IOs) and their actions as the drivers of their media visibility. The empirical analysis is based on a unique dataset that maps, using natural language processing tools, the content of more than 2.9 million news articles published in January-September 2022 across virtually all states of the world and 60 languages. The empirical results show that NATO's initial media visibility was high but has decreased significantly over time, the EU has maintained a persistently strong media visibility throughout the period, and the visibility of the UN has been characterized by dynamic developments. These findings have important implications for the public image and the role of the three IOs in the war.

This paper deals with the transnational cooperation of the Czech and German extreme right. The paper focuses on one of the most prominent international partners of the Czech extreme right – the German Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. By adopting the discourse analytical framework of the Essex School, the author focuses on revealing the discursive conditions as conditions of possibility within which the cooperation between the NPD and the Czech extreme right has gradually formed over the last 25 years (1996-2021). The author of the text first briefly summarises the NPD's history and explores the development of the party's foreign policy conception since the second half of the 1990s, when the party became radicalized and opened itself up to a cooperation with the neo-Nazi movement. Further, reflecting on the changes in the NPD's political discourse, the author explores the discursive conditions of various stages of the NPD's cooperation with the Czech extreme right.

Building on an original dataset, this article focuses on the interactionsbetween NATO and its declared worldwide partners. It argues that theanalysis of these interactions can reveal NATO's strategic approach topartnerships, but it can also provide a tool for its classification as anorganisation that is either exclusive – defined by the focus on defence of itsmembers, or inclusive – emphasising the global protection of democraciesand human rights. The relationship between types of interactions and NATOcategorisation is estimated using an unconditional negative binomialregression with fixed effects as well as a within-between (hybrid) model.Furthermore, they are illustrated on two brief case studies of Sweden andJapan. The results of the study suggest that NATO engages primarily withcountries that are powerful relative to their neighbourhood, even thoughthey are not the most powerful among the partners. The given country'slevel of democracy, integration into the international institutions, andstability, do not seem to play any overarching role here.

The role and importance of religion in many countries' foreign policy seem to be rising again. Many scholars have shown that Saudi Arabia uses the spread of religion, specifically Salafi Islam, as a tool for its foreign policy and to strengthen its influence. Saudi Arabia is a crucial player in the MENA region and the entire Islamic world, and its regional and international importance is constantly increasing. The author considers understanding Saudi Arabia's activities and its foreign policy strategies, mechanisms, and tools in Africa as very important, as Africa is becoming an arena for new powers once again. The article aims to identify how Saudi Arabia penetrates African states and spreads Salafism. It focuses on analyzing Saudi foreign policy, emphasizing the role of religion and its export. The author analyzes Saudi Arabia's relations with five selected African states, where Salafism is spreading, in the period from 2015 to the present.

This article examines the increased linkage between domestic and foreign policy that has been a consequence of democratization and globalization in Korea. It argues that while prior to 1987 foreign policy-making saw very little public input, and while democratization did not lead to a weakening of domestic political institutions nor a rise in nationalism, it did open up domestic political space where foreign policy-making increasingly became part of the contentious electoral competition. The globalization policy, initiated with the purpose of raising Korea's international status, which has remained a goal of succeeding administrations, created a complex interdependency which led to a breakdown in the separation between the domestic and international, and that often brought with it a domestic backlash. As a consequence foreign policy-making, in the absence of a tradition of political compromise, increasingly runs the risk of either inconsistency, or even deadlock. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Cyberangriffe sind zu zentralen Herausforderungen staatlicher Sicherheitspolitiken unserer Zeit geworden. Wie haben sich die Politiken in den Bereichen der Strafverfolgung, der nachrichtendienstlichen sowie militärischen Nutzung des Netzes entwickelt? Welche internationalen sowie domestischen Einflüsse haben die Entwicklungen geprägt? Stefan Steiger geht diesen Fragen nach und analysiert die deutsche und britische Cybersicherheitspolitik seit den späten 1990er Jahren. Er zeigt, dass die Cybersicherheit sowohl die zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen als auch die Relationen zwischen Regierungen und Bürger*innen beeinflusst.