Suchergebnisse

From the independence, the relationship between France and Algeria follow its complex story. Mix of attraction and repulsion, crisis and progresses, passion and hate, the franco-algerian link is resilient and more or less is becoming stronger. This paper aims to show that some dossiers as the question of Islam of France, of the "who kill who?" and the repentance one's disturb the bilateral relationship with regular crisis. Too it put the hinge on the fact that President Sarkozy tried to settle his mandate on the basis of more quiet and realistic relations-his success is not insured until now. The paper insists on the French willingness from 1962 never to give up this special co-operation despite the numerous Algerian snubs or humiliations beyond any economic interest. One explanation could be the presence in France of a huge Algerian or origineted from Algeria Community which is singularly the pivot of the special relationship. These Community could be the dynamic of a common future. (Maghreb-Machrek/GIGA)

International cooperation is plagued by uncertainty. Although states negotiate the best agreements possible using available information, unpredictable things happen after agreements are signed that are beyond states' control. States may not even commit themselves to an agreement if they anticipate that circumstances will alter their expected benefits. Duration provisions can insure states in this context. Specifically, the use of finite duration depends positively on the degree of uncertainty and states' relative risk aversion and negatively on the cost. These formally derived hypotheses strongly survive a test with data on a random sample of agreements across all four of the major issue areas in international relations. Not only do the results, highlighting evidence on multiple kinds of flexibility provisions, strongly suggest that the design of international agreements is systematic and sophisticated; but also they call attention to common ground among various subfields of political science and law.

Examines the significant transfers, cross-fertilisations and synergies of cultural and literary theory between Russia and the West, since the 1920s.

EU-Russian Diplomacy during the Kosovo War -- Overcoming 'The Chechnya Irritant' In EU-Russia Relations -- Russia and the Politics of the EU's Eastern Enlargement -- The Risks of the Enlarged EU for EU-Russia Relations during the "Orange Revolution" -- Towards Confrontation, 2006-2008 -- The Effects of the EU's Diplomacy in Georgia -- The Point of no Return? : EU-Russia Relations after the "Euro-Maidan

Immanuel Wallerstein's world-systems theory can help to better understand and describe developments of the 21st century. The contributors address the possibilities to reread Wallerstein's theoretical thoughts and ideas that are related to different disciplines in the humanities and social sciences. The presented interdisciplinary approach of this anthology thereby intends to highlight the broader value of Wallerstein's ideas, even almost five decades after the famous sociologist and economic historian first expressed them

PurposeThe objective of this paper is to study the role of artificial intelligence (AI) in supporting the supplier scouting process, considering the information and the capabilities required to do so.Design/methodology/approachTwelve cases of IT and information providers offering AI-based scouting solutions were studied. The unit of analysis was the AI-based scouting solution, specifically the relationship between the provider and the buyer. Information processing theory (IPT) was adopted to address information processing needs (IPNs) and capabilities (IPCs).FindingsAmong buyers, IPNs in supplier scouting are high. IT and information providers can meet the needs of buyers through IPCs enabled by AI-based solutions. In this way, the fit between needs and capabilities can be reached.Originality/valueThe investigation of the role of AI in supplier scouting is original. The application of IPT to study the impact of AI in business processes is also novel. This paper contributes by investigating a phenomenon that is still unexplored and unconsolidated in a business context.

This article interrogates Marx's critique of political economy in the context of the global South and southern epistemologies. It first traces the contradictory roots of a non-Eurocentric conception of history within Adam Smith. Recovering Marx's silenced sociologies of colonialism in his writings and notebooks, it then shows that Marx incorporated colonialism and imperialism into his analysis of accumulation. The antagonism between wage-labour and capital needs to be understood as a global tendency, encompassing a hierarchy of forms of exploitation and oppression. Marx's support for the Taiping revolution (1850–1864) played a crucial, albeit often ignored, role in his theorisation. It allowed him to recognise the living potential for anti-colonial struggles and international solidarities, thus breaking with Eurocentric accounts of history. The article concludes that it is crucial to sociology's global futures that it reconnects with the critique of political economy, and actively learns from the anti-imperialist South.

Social policy writers appear to be increasingly concerned with theories of human agency and their implications for the discipline. This article considers a recent model of agency presented by Hoggett, and attempts to marry it with the social theory of Pierre Bourdieu in order to present a framework for considering the assumptions about agency made in New Labour's social policy. The framework casts doubt upon the viability of contemporary British social policy, with its model of agency based on Giddens's theory of structuration, and instead questions whether the model more predominantly found in Bourdieu's work might be more appropriate. The article also considers the role of `context' in agency in more depth, exploring how behaviour varies according to structural and cognitive constraints, how changes in context led to the breakdown of the Keynesian consensus and the implications of this for social policy.

Some laws insist on a fixed, compulsory waiting period between the time of obtaining consent and when abortions or sterilizations are carried out. Waiting periods are designed to allow for reflection on the decision and to minimize regret. In fact, the cognitive processing needed for these important decisions takes place relatively rapidly. Clinicians are used to handling cases individually and tailoring care appropriately, including giving more time for decision-making. Psychological considerations in relation to the role of emotion in decision-making, eg, regret, raise the possibility that waiting periods could have a detrimental impact on the emotional wellbeing of those concerned which might interfere with decision-making. Having an extended period of time to consider how much regret one might feel as a consequence of the decision one is faced with may make a person revisit a stable decision. In abortion care, waiting periods often result in an extra appointment being needed, delays in securing a procedure and personal distress for the applicant. Some women end up being beyond the gestational limit for abortion. Those requesting sterilization in a situation of active conflict in their relationship will do well to postpone a decision on sterilization. Otherwise, applicants for sterilization should not be forced to wait. Forced waiting undermines people's agency and autonomous decision-making ability. Low-income groups are particularly disadvantaged. It may be discriminatory when applied to marginalized groups. Concern about the validity of consent is best addressed by protective clinical guidelines rather than through rigid legislation. Waiting periods breach reproductive rights. Policymakers and politicians in countries that have waiting periods in sexual and reproductive health regulation should review relevant laws and policies and bring them into line with scientific and ethical evidence and international human rights law.