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Religion features in early English School work, disappears, and reappears in more recent literature. Arguably, it has not yet found a solid place in this theoretical framework, even though the English School is known to provide angles on the evolution of international society other approaches lack. Religion can unite and divide; leading to a strengthening or a weakening of identity and legitimacy. Faith endures and it can exist independently of states, it can constitute them and it can provide new forms of states and societies. Employing previous English School ideas from early and contemporary English School scholars as points of departure, religion is introduced as a 'prime institution'. Based on the English School's understanding of primary institutions constituting international society, this concept of a 'prime institution' provides an additional layer to international society. Such a prime institution helps grasp the multifacetedness of religion in the context of international society; identify patterns of religion's (in-) significance for primary institutions; and examine the difference between religious and religion-averse states within the international society. This prime institution is illustrated with a so-called 'quilt model', which depicts the multiple layers of international society.

This dissertation examines how international security institutions affect the behavior of states. These institutions seem to defy existing theory: punishment is difficult and information hard to come by, yet security institutions often boast near-universal membership and seem to enjoy high levels of compliance. I argue that these institutions can effectively constrain state behavior because states use the membership and compliance decisions of others as important clues about the efficacy of an institution and about states' underlying policy preferences. I test my hypotheses using data on states' pursuit of nuclear weapons and their membership in the various international agreements that make up the nuclear nonproliferation regime. Chapter 1 summarizes my argument and the contribution of this work to the literature on international organizations and international security. Chapter 2 presents a new theory of compliance in which a state's decision to abide by an international commitment is driven by the track record of the institution---the institution's recent history of compliance. Using data on nuclear weapons programs between 1968 and 2010, my analysis shows that members of the nuclear nonproliferation regime are more likely to pursue nuclear weapons when there have been a greater number of recent violations of the regime. In Chapter 3, I argue that deeper security institutions may actually attract more members, because states will only join institutions when they have some reassurance that other member states will comply. I find that states are more likely to join the nuclear nonproliferation regime when various indicators--- verification, enforcement, and compliance---indicate greater depth. Chapter 4 examines selective enforcement within international security institutions. I argue that enforcing states look to the policy preferences of violators when deciding whether to punish their transgressions. I use data on membership in the various agreements that make up the nuclear nonproliferation regime to derive a new measure of state preferences over nonproliferation policy issues, and show that a state's pattern of treaty memberships within the regime significantly affects the likelihood that the international community will pursue costly enforcement measures if the state seeks nuclear weapons

This book provides essential legal information on state secession in an innovative manner: unlike conventional approaches, which invariably focus on whether there is a right to secession, here the discussion centers on how secessionist conflicts can be effectively resolved. To that end, the book not only reveals the inadequacy of the current international legal framework, but also carefully considers how relevant actors can work to improve the legal system. In short, it argues that secessionists and non-secessionists should conclude an agreement to reconcile their conflicting rights to self-determination, while external actors should do their utmost to ensure the success of these efforts. Positive external involvement requires external actors to refrain from the use of force and to participate more rationally in secessionist conflicts. Given its subject matter, the book will appeal to a broad readership, including students and researchers in international law, international relations and ethnic studies, as well as enthusiasts in these fields.--

International audience ; This article discusses the methodological differences between the British school and the American school of international relations. It attempts to demonstrate that Susan Strange, representative of the British school, could be considered a critical realist. The aim of the article is to show that her vision of international political economy fulfills the methodological reorientation initiated in economics by Tony Lawson at the end of the 90s. Strange's radical ontology claims that structural power determines human actions. The paper contrasts Strange's approach with that of John Ruggie, from the American school, who identifies himself as a social constructivist. Ruggie emphasizes the role of ideational factors in international relations and the constructed nature of social reality.

International organizational behavior: challenges and options for management -- Cultural frameworks: understanding attitudes, values, & behavior -- Managing conflict with effective communication & negotiation -- Motivating employees across culture & borders -- Effective leadership in a multicultural environment -- Managing diversity in multicultural teams & international partnerships -- Selection and staffing of international employees -- Evaluating and compensating international employees -- Effective management of global ethics and international workforces

The promotion of the interests of national governments through the foreign states, as well as the lobbying of the interests of third countries in international organizations has gone beyond classical diplomatic relations and is increasingly taking place through modern means and forms of lobbying. The paper examines the aspects of foreign lobbying regulation and recommendations of Council of Europe experts on the implementation of legislation, including in the field of international lobbying. The essence of the concept of "foreign lobbying" is highlighted and the key means of indirect foreign lobbying are investigated.