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AbstractThe economic crisis of 2008 resulted in rising levels of unemployment, which were accompanied by protests in many countries. This led to a scientific debate on the influence of grievances on political participation. Previous studies have shown that individual affectedness leads to 'exiting', whereas in times of crisis grievances lead to increased political participation. What all these studies have in common is that they solely investigate actual deprivation. The present study adds a new aspect and examines if the individual risk perception of becoming deprived influences political participation. Does the individual risk perception of becoming deprived influence political participation and, if so, does this depend on the economic context? Based on grievance theory and using data from the European Social Survey and the World Bank, this study shows that the personal risk of becoming deprived increases the likelihood of participation. However, the participation-enhancing effect of one's own risk perception is diminished when individuals live in an economically weak country and thus see no chance of improvement. This underlines that context plays a role and that economically deteriorating situations in the country can reduce participation rates.

Although researchers have focused on different aspects to explain the success of populist movements, perceptions of unfairness continue highly overlooked. Despite the difficulty in finding evidence, I intend to elucidate the growing perceptions of unfairness, the anger it causes, and its impact on the electoral success of radical left and right movements by investigating the spread of the meritocracy discourse and the ideological repositioning of political parties. I argue that the collectivization of economic grievances directs the anger caused by perceptions of unfairness exclusively to the economic elite, allowing for bottom-up mobilization and greater support for left-wing populism. However, since the meritocratic mentality encourages the individualization of grievances and social competition, the anger that the perception of unfairness creates is directed towards those seen as unfairly rewarded regardless of their income group, which increases support for right-wing populism. As populists achieve electoral success, the consolidation of the discourse and its popular support depends on the ability to reaffirm the identities of the "pure people" and the "corrupt elite". The analyses of case studies in the Americas and Europe support the arguments.

In the elderly age category, a person can no longer be called productive and generally has entered retirement age. Changes during retirement usually happen in a relatively short time, so without the right strategy to deal with these changes, they can cause health problems, especially mental health problems. This paper will discuss the changes that occur in retirees and how these retirees deal with the changes that occur. This paper uses a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach to explain the experiences of each individual in facing retirement. This research was conducted in August and October-November 2022 in the city of Yogyakarta area using a purposive sampling method and got five retirees as informants. Apart from interviews with retirees, some of the retiree's families were also interviewed to obtain a complete data. The most prominent changes in the lives of the elderly are in the economic and social fields. Economic changes occur due to reduced income and health problems. Changes in social aspects reduced activity, reduced social contact, and loss of facilities. Retirees face these changes by preparing savings, opening businesses, pursuing hobbies, and participating in community activities.

AbstractSince the governments of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru inaugurated a new Latin American integration mechanism, the Pacific Alliance, in 2011, the bloc has recorded both encouraging and disappointing results, depending on the evolution of the Alliance's main five aspects—political, economic, institutional, cooperative, and societal linkages. Although economic integration did not advance at the expected pace, owing to the abolition of a Mexican visa for Peru and Colombia, between 2011 and 2019, there has been a significant increase in social exchanges of nationals of the four countries, which included activities such as tourism, education, business trips, and others of similar nature (the Pacific Alliance's fifth element). Yet, despite these developments, scholars did not attempt to examine the societal linkage within the bloc, referred to in this article as the "fifth element" of the Pacific Alliance. To narrow the gap, this article examines the path of the Alliance toward deep integration by identifying the effect of strengthening social interactions, using a transnationalist framework and paying particular attention to the changing patterns of individual trips over more than 10 years of the Alliance's existence.

Abstract In a context of searching for economic sustainability and health-promoting practices, agroecology presents itself as a point of integration of several knowledges: traditional, scientific, productive technical and economic-social. Moreover, in order to truly achieve sustainable agriculture, all aspects of food production, distribution and consumption need to be integrated, and consumers' choices can be considered as an impact factor on the environment. This article aims to characterize consumers in three agroecological markets in the municipalities of Belo Horizonte, Santana do Riacho and Jaboticatubas, in Minas Gerais. A primary data survey was used, with 191 questionnaires applied in three agroecological neighborhood markets. The statistical analysis used was cluster analysis; 2 clusters were identified: a) "Consumers Closer to Agroecological Knowledge"; and b) "Sustainable Consumers and Less Close to Agroecological Knowledge". These analyses allowed to identify the real perceptions of consumers regarding agroecological markets and to define assertively the limitations of the locations, in addition to showing which strategies are the most appropriate to simultaneously meet the needs of consumers and stimulate the sale of products, thus ensuring the financial viability of farmers.

The paper describes a new dataset, the European Government-Opposition Voters Data Set (EGOV), which categorizes European voters and party identifiers based on their individual party preferences, dividing them into pro-government and pro-opposition groups. The dataset includes two variables that can be used to supplement the integrated data sets of the European Social Survey project, which publishes one of the most comprehensive and most widely used social scientific database covering Europe. The present data enables the recoding of (any part of) an integrated dataset containing responses from more than 420 000 respondents in 33 European countries between 2002 and 2020, covering eight data waves and 215 country-years. The EGOV Data Set facilitates research that includes the aspect of respondents' government-opposition status either as an independent or a control variable. Being a winner or a loser in a political sense strongly influences not only political opinions but also a wide set of perceptions from subjective well-being to economic performance. This way, these data could be especially helpful for research addressing polarization, institutional trust, economic perceptions and well-being.

The review examines the main ideas of the book by the British economist Amos Witztum "The betrayal of liberal economics". The main aspect of betrayal, which the author reveals, is manifested in the rejection of modern economic theory from the liberal basis of its classical predecessor, which assumed the social conditionality of individual actions in the economy. With the help of the achievements of anthropology and comparative neuroscience, in particular, relying on the hypothesis of the "social brain", the author formulates a thesis about the human intrinsic sociality. Based on it, the author characterizes the behavior model focused on the significance of relationships — as opposed to market signals, as "expressive" rationality, and at the same time, the impossibility of reducing it to economic instrumental rationality — due to the opportunistic nature of the latter. Thus, the author exposes the unjustifiability of "faith" in market competition as an effective mechanism for allocating resources and an acceptable social guideline, recommending economists to fight for its containment instead of propaganda, using the classical conceptual framework developed by A. Smith and J. S. Mill.

One of the important aspects in the implementation of regional autonomy is the issue of regional financial independence. BUMD becomes a business entity whose capital is wholly or most of the capital owned by the region as well as an increase in Regional Original Income (PAD). In the context of helping regional financial independence as well, the existence of BUMDs participates and participates in carrying out regional development in particular and national economic development in general in the context of a guided economy to meet the needs of the people by prioritizing industrialization and peace and pleasure in working within the company, towards a just, prosperous, fair society, and prosperous based on sound economic principles. Researchers used qualitative methods in the form of literature studies and reduced documentation, presented, then drawing conclusions. The performance of BUMD in regional financial independence is also considered to be very lacking. Many BUMDs in regions have a high dependence on central government assistance as well as on regional revenues and the basis for charging fees, which PAD provided is still not reliable for regions for regional autonomy, due to the relatively low level of taxes or levies in the regions.

The territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCS) affecting China and several ASEAN countries has already resulted in drawn-out political tensions in the region. However, one aspect of the dispute is rarely discussed: its influence on Sino-Russian relations and its possible role as a case study in analysing the character of these relations. While Russia moves closer to China in the dispute it still refrains from support of its territorial claims and develops close relations with some of China's regional opponents such as Vietnam and India. This article describes most recent Russian economic and political activity in the region involving these countries with the aim of clarifying whether the Russian approach to problems in the SCS can be understood as an attempt to balance, bandwagon or hedge against growing Chinese influence, or whether Moscow's approach is guided by different considerations.This article concludes that Russia's approach towards the South China Sea dispute is determined mostly by Moscow's economic interests and cannot be seen as a case of either balancing or bandwagoning China or hedging against it.n (Pac Rev / GIGA)

In a situation of illiteracy at a rate of 54%, with over 80% of the population not speaking French (ANSD, 2013), it is very difficult to carry out effective development policies in Senegal without taking into account the language issue. From this point of view, the FCFA currency, which is expressed in French, poses a lot of problems for the African populations of the franc zone. The debate around this currency has so far been more focused on financial or fiduciary aspects than on the fundamental mechanisms that help to better understand the environment in which economic agents operate. Beyond its linguistic symbolism steeped in history, the FCFA creates cognitive problems that make it difficult for African populations to use it. We will try in this article to show, by an analytical approach, that the denomination of a currency involves the interaction of several fields of investigation. These are economic, historical, sociological, political, and above all, linguistic. From this angle, there is reason to be interested in the Academy of African Languages (ACALAN) in the resolution of this unit of measurement.

Education is one of the keys to success in effort to prepare quality resources for progress of the nation in the future. However, economic factor is one of the reasons for the high dropout rate in Indonesia. Therefore, the Government issued "Program Indonesia Pintar" Policy which aims to provide the widest opportunity for students from underpivilliged families to have access for education. The purpose of this study is to describe the inhibiting factors as well as the efforts made to overcome the problems of "Program Indonesia Pintar" implementation for the upper secondary education in Mojokerto. The results of this study indicate that the implementation of "Program Indonesia Pintar" at upper secondary level in Mojokerto encountered some obstacles seen from the policy implementation model of Van metter dan van Horn, namely the aspects of policy standards and objectives, policy sources, inter-organizational communication, characteristics of implementing agencies, socio-political economic conditios, executive dispositions. Then, the implementing agencies of "Program Indonesia Pintar" for upper secondary education in Mojokerto has sought various alternative solutions to deal with these obstacles.

Abstract: The spread of "capitalism" from West to East not only brought knowledge of an economic model but also offered nations a new path for development. This expansion was met by the rise of the socialist revolutionary movement, which aimed to overthrow the
capitalist political and economic system. This article examines the concept of "capitalism" in the context of the debate on socialism. By studying the elaborations of Ziben zhuyi (capitalism) by its proponents and opponents, as well as the debate-related expressions proposed
by later scholars in different contexts, this study reflects on the politicization of "capitalism", the complexity of its meaning, and the degree of political ideology in its implementation. Based on the analysis of relevant papers on the debate, it concludes that (1) as a highly
politicized concept, "capitalism" reflects intellectuals' assumptions regarding China's future and the evolution of its political ideologies; (2) "capitalism" has a complicated conceptual connotation, and it is necessary to consider its many aspects to present
the full picture of what people think about it; and (3) the degree of capitalist ideology varies in different periods and contexts.

This article analyses the background, origins and elaboration of the Extreme North development plan 1977–1990. This plan was another attempt by the Soviet state to elaborate a programme for the development of the Far North territories, involving local, indigenous peoples in economic activities. Such an attempt had first been made under Nikita Khrushchev, but it was eventually abandoned due to the reform of industrial and construction management in 1957. In the late 1970s, with the changed foreign trade balance in the country, the need to develop the northern territories, integrating the indigenous population into the existing economic processes, arose. The state wanted to ensure that the traditional rural economy of the indigenous peoples of the North could reach the level of an industrial society. To this end, a new plan was drawn up. However, no indigenous people participated in the drafting process. The plan embodied the main characteristics of Soviet management: agency, planning and centralism. It envisaged an extensive modernization of all aspects of society in these areas. Its implementation was prevented by the reforms of 1980s and the following break-up of the USSR

The purpose of this article is to identify the policy orientations of Russia in the Balkans. The historical aspects of Russia's political and cultural ties with the Balkan region, Russia's policy toward the Balkans during the USSR period will be highlighted. As the Balkans are an important factor in Russia's geopolitical game to retain influence in Europe, the author analyses Russia's contemporary policy in the Balkans, its interests and the measures taken to achieve its specific goals. It can be concluded that Russian involvement in some Balkan countries is exhausting the elements of the hybrid war. Two possible models of geopolitical behavior in relation to Russia could be distinguished. The first is to continue trying to stay as far away from Russia, the second is to build effective mechanisms for socio-economic cooperation. It can be implied that Russia will not hesitate to repeat the hybrid war scenario from Ukraine in order to maintain its political influence in the region. Only the return of the EU to a consistent policy of enlargement to Balkan countries and the economic strengthening of the Member States from the Balkan region can weaken Russia's political influence in the region.

Purpose
In today's "market society" almost every aspect of the everyday lives is shaped by market forces. In this essay, the purpose of this paper is to focus on the potential role of social enterprise as one means of re-embedding the economy into society to ensure the economy works for people, rather than the other way around.


Design/methodology/approach
This is primarily a conceptual paper: a provocation.


Findings
The authors argue that to work as an embedding force, social enterprise needs to ensure both reciprocity and market exchange while acting in a way that attempts to compensate for the retreat of the state through providing public services and promoting collective decision-making and public deliberation.


Originality/value
Drawing upon the work of Karl Polanyi to conceptualise social enterprise as an "alternative" economic actor within a plural economic system, the authors contribute to on-going debates about social enterprise as an alternative way of organising markets and society. The authors highlight the challenges involved in achieving such a vision and suggest ways these might be overcome.