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Do migrants lead to an increase of crime rates in their host societies? This highly contentious issue has become a mainstay in the political debate and a lightning rod for the galvanization of populist movements, despite often lacking any empirical support. In this game-changing book, the authors examine what the existing data actually says, and provide their own novel evidence on the immigration-crime connection. Taking the unusual approach of analysing the subject from an economic perspective, the authors build on the pioneering work of Nobel Prize winner Gary Becker to construct their innovative arguments. By considering evidence from different countries, with a focus on establishing causal relationships, the authors are able to analyse not only if migrants do cause crime but also whether migration policies can play a role in shaping incentives for migrants to engage in crime. This book will appeal to students and academics across the social sciences, as well as citizens interested in this topical issue.

Preface -- References -- Acknowledgements -- Book Outline -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Nationalism and Political Representation in Colonised Countries -- 1.1 Greek and Greek Cypriot Nationalism -- 1.2 Colonial Narratives of Party Politics -- 1.3 Cleavage Lines and Greek Intra-Ethnic Politics -- 1.3.1 A New Hegemonic Bloc and Internal Antitheses -- 1.4 Framework of Analysis: From Outsiders to Insiders and Back Again -- References -- Chapter 2: The New Social Terrain of (Nationalist) Party Politics -- 2.1 The End of Ottoman Occupation -- 2.1.1 Social Relations and the Socio-Political Elite -- 2.2 The British Colonial Era -- 2.3 Economic Reforms -- 2.4 A Society in Change -- 2.4.1 The Cypriot Bourgeoisie to the Fore -- 2.4.2 A New Elite -- 2.5 Social Relations and Sources of Clientele Relations -- References -- Censuses -- Cyprus Blue Books -- Chapter 3: Institutional Engineering and Political Change -- 3.1 The Legislative Council: A Quasi-Parliament -- 3.2 Voting Reform -- 3.3 Citizen Participation in Elections -- 3.3.1 Political Exclusionism -- 3.4 The Iron Law of Oligarchy: Elite Politics -- 3.5 Patronage Politics -- 3.6 The (Colonial) Limitations of (Nationalist) Party Politics -- 3.6.1 Compromised Democracy -- 3.6.2 Electoral Process as a Lightning Rod -- References -- Censuses -- Cyprus Blue Books -- Chapter 4: The Reconstruction of the Public Sphere: The Hegemony of Nationalism -- 4.1 Agents of Nationalism and the Demand for Enosis -- 4.2 The Nature and Singularities of the National Movement in Cyprus -- 4.3 The Popular Nature of the National Movement: An Artificial Construct? -- 4.4 Mechanisms of Transmission of the Nationalist Ideology -- 4.4.1 Education -- 4.4.2 Printed Media -- 4.4.3 The Balkan Wars -- 4.5 Ideas as Carriers of Change -- References -- Censuses -- Cyprus Blue Books

Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Part I The pre-political context -- 1. Politics and communism: figure and ground -- Structure and the Soviet form of organization -- Characteristics of structural strength -- Structural weakness of the Soviet order -- Structures and capacities -- Social communication and state penetration -- Conclusions and implications -- The problem of state structures -- The problem of social communication -- The problem of interest -- The problem of social and political identity -- 2. Regime and opposition in the pre-political period -- After the war -- After Stalin -- Dissidents -- Nationalists and Stalinists on the cultural-political field -- Part II Perestroika and the return of political life -- 3. Perestroika: renewal, transition or transformation? -- Perestroika as renewal -- Perestroika as transition -- Perestroika as transformation -- 4. Glasnost, mass media and the emergence of political society -- Glasnost introduced -- Authority and the press -- The press and the public -- The process of radicalization -- A note on the mass media and the formation of political subjects -- 5. The informal movement: politics on the margins of the Soviet order -- The politicization of the informal movement -- The first political groups -- The politics of differentiation -- Organizing a party and a front -- The role of the informals in Russia's political rebirth -- 6. National elections and mass politics -- First phase of the election campaign: the struggle to participate -- Voters' meetings -- Workplace assemblies -- Second phase of the electoral campaign: the struggle to participate continues -- Third phase of the electoral campaign: open competition for public office -- Voters versus candidates -- Candidates versus candidates -- Election results -- Agency -- Outcomes

Abstract. Public associations and movements play an increasingly important role in social and political life. Unlike political parties, they do not claim to be directly involved in the exercise of power and do not fight for power. They are included in political activities to the extent necessary to meet the challenges in the economic, social, cultural, environmental and other fields. The presence of many problems that cannot be solved without power, encourages citizens to unite, includes them in the orbit of political processes.The aim of the work is to study the degree of influence of various public associations on political processes. One of the main tasks of public organizations and movements is to influence the processes of political decision-making by public authorities and pressure on government structures at different levels. It is indicated that they operate in a specific social and legal atmosphere, which significantly affects their activities. In the process of research, such methods as induction, deduction, analysis, synthesis, scientific abstraction and comparison were used. The completeness of the spectrum of public associations and the conditions of their functioning, which are the defining indicators of democratic society, are determined. Democratic society not only declares, but also really guarantees the rights and fundamental freedoms of citizens. Public associations together with state and party structures are important elements of the social and political structure of society. In democratic countries, they assume a wide range of social functions, becoming an integral structural component of society. The analysis of the role of public associations in political processes makes it necessary to form new approaches to the study of their activities. ; POŁĄCZENIE OBYWATELI W UKRAIŃSKIM PROCESIE PAŃSTWOTÓRCZYM Myroslava Filipovich doktor nauk historycznych, docent, Wschodnioeuropejski Uniwersytet Narodowy imienia Łesi Ukrainki, (Łuck, Ukraina) filmira@ukr.net Yaroslava Yarosh doktor nauk ...

Since the early 1990s, Chilean democratic governments after Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship have made an effort to allocate publicly subsidized housing to the lower classes. Nevertheless, the dominance of market principles in urban policies has contributed to the formation of highly segregated neighborhoods and the gentrification of peripheral neighborhoods. As a result, Chilean public opinion is witnessing the rearticulation of what in the mid-twentieth century was known as the pobladores movement—social mobilizations demanding housing solutions for the poor. In the old working-class municipality of Peñalolén, severe gentrification since the late 1980s has triggered the appearance of autonomous grassroots organizations such as the Movimiento de Pobladores en Lucha (MPL). The movement has been able to fight social and spatial injustice in Santiago through a subversive appropriation of state policies. Its experience reveals the potentialities of such mobilizations for democratizing cities under a neoliberal regime. Desde principios de los noventa, los gobiernos democráticos chilenos que siguieron a la dictadura de Augusto Pinochet han intentado proveer vivienda social subsidiada a las clases populares. Sin embargo, el predominio de principios de libre mercado en las políticas urbanas ha contribuido a la formación de barrios altamente segregados y a la gentrificación (o "aburguesamiento") de los vecindarios periféricos. Por consiguiente, la opinión pública chilena está presenciando la rearticulación de lo que a mediados del siglo 20 se conoció como el movimiento de pobladores —movilizaciones sociales que demandaban soluciones habitacionales para los pobres. En el otrora municipio popular de Peñalolén, la importante gentrificación que se ha venido desarrollando desde finales de los 80 ha redundado en la aparición de organizaciones de base autónomas como el Movimiento de Pobladores en Lucha (MPL). Este movimiento ha sido capaz de combatir la injusticia social y espacial en Santiago mediante una apropiación subversiva de políticas estatales, experiencia que revela el potencial de dichas movilizaciones para la democratización de las ciudades bajo un régimen neoliberal.

Since Simone de Beausee, feminism has become established not only as a social and political movement, but also as an indispensable academic research sector and, in many cases, as a privileged space for social criticism. In several contemporary feminist movements, the fight for women's dignity and autonomy is reflected in a fight against the major forms of domination which continue to maintain in all current societies the reproduction of mechanisms that discriminate against women: these are primarily sexist attitudes fuelled by the predominant patriarchal models in many cultures, racism trying to identify subjunior groups on the basis of physical or cultural characteristics, and economic exploitation up to and including the sharing of domestic tasks. These domination systems lead to collective symbolic murder mechanisms motivated by fear of girls and women emancipating through education, employment, power or culture. How can we kill children because they go to school, rape women because they have freely chosen a husband or decided to represent their community politically, to defend a sexual orientation, or to write a novel? What social paranoia has embraced the 21st century gender war? ; Depuis Simone de Beauvoir, le féminisme s'est imposé non seulement comme un mouvement social et politique, mais également comme un secteur de recherche académique incontournable et, dans bien des cas, comme un espace privilégié de la critique sociale. Dans plusieurs mouvements féministes contemporains, la lutte pour la dignité et l'autonomie des femmes se traduit par un combat contre les grandes formes de domination qui continuent d'entretenir dans toutes les sociétés actuelles la reproduction de mécanismes discriminatoires à l'égard des femmes : il s'agit en priorité des attitudes sexistes alimentées par les modèles patriarcaux prédominants dans de nombreuses cultures, du racisme s'efforçant de désigner partout des groupes subalternes en fonction de caractéristiques physiques ou culturelles, enfin de l'exploitation économique ...

There is an agreement about the role of literature in Brazil in the assimilation of the European sociological contributions in the end of 19th century, particularly the influence of social Darwinism and Determinism on the discussions about race and context. The movement known as regionalist literature was deeply influenced by these themes. This paper aims to reflect on the works of this literary movement, whose authors dedicated themselves to the theme of drought in Northeast Brazil, pointing to some of its repercussions on the construction of an alleged Northeastern identity. The paper is divided in two parts. The first deals with the idea of the Northeast as a constructed region and the emersion of drought as a social calamity. In the second part, the drought in the regionalist novel is discussed, highlighting the discursive elements that express social relations in cities that acted as "receptors" of rural populations during drought periods. It concludes that these novels had a denunciative role, but they rarely reflect the reactions of the political subjects. They therefore contribute with the reproduction of old images as symbols that stigmatize identity and political actions much more related to permanence than to change.Keywords: regionalist literature; Northeast; drought images.How to citeCOSTA, Liduina Farias Almeida da. Entre a denúncia e o fatalismo: natureza, sociedade e sertanejos-retirantes na literatura que evoca o Nordeste das secas. Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura, Rio de Janeiro, v. 28, n. 3, p. 571-593, out. 2020. DOI: https://www.doi.org/10.36920/esa-v28n3-4.Received on August 1, 2020. Accepted on August 28, 2020.

AbstractThis article argues that the late 1940s in India should no longer be reduced to the twin events of partition and independence. A generalized political crisis unsettled, for a brief period, the structures of social and economic power, and not just intercommunity relations and the constitution of the state. These years were thus, among other things, a catalytic moment for the definition of 'labour' as both a political category and a parameter of post-colonial politics: processes dating back to the First World War, at least, were consolidated, under pressure from this crisis, into a new labour regime that has withstood political pressure for almost seven decades. The article offers an analysis of the almost-forgotten post-war strike movement, which was nevertheless unprecedented in its social and geographical spread. The movement elicited both repressive and reformist responses: the extraordinary level of emergency powers applied to suppress it are, therefore, as much examined as the series of momentous legislative and institutional changes of the late 1940s. In conclusion, the long-term consequences of this cycle of strike–reform–repression for India's post-colonial labour regime are adumbrated. A strongly etatist, potentially authoritarian, regime of industrial relations, it is argued, was checked by an enduring political trade union pluralism. At the same time, divisions within India's working classes were deepened and consolidated as labour law and social legislation sealed off the comparatively small 'core workforces' of public sector and large-scale industrial enterprises from the majority of workers in what would soon be called the 'informal economy'.

There are four types patterns of shifting population due to the influence of modernity, namely ruralization, urbanization, transmigration and circulation. Ruralization is the movement from city to village while urbanization is moving from village to city. Migration is a permanent migration of people from one area to another. Finally, circulation is the movement of people to fulfill certain interests such as work and living in two different places, so they must move every day from village to city. This research focuses on the Study of the Relationship between Ruralization and Local Residents: The Pattern of Religious Harmony in the Suburbs of Jakarta. The overflow of Jakarta's population is accommodated by new growth areas which are then concluded to be Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, Bekasi. The occurrence of this displacement is due to a push factor from the area of origin, a pull factor from the destination. Attractor factor is the hope of getting opportunity to improve their standard of living and religious, political, and ethnic considerations in the area of origin. Eventhough religion is another factor but residents of villages as rural targets have religious affinity that is inherent in religious identity with ethnic groups, especially Betawi ethnic groups as local residents with migrants residents. Religious factors as a basis for determining the work ethic of social cohesiveness in this case religious harmony. Therefore, a strategy is needed to build social cohesiveness due to culture and diversity to avoid social tensions.

Internationalisation is a dominant policy discourse in higher education today. It is invariably presented as an ideologically neutral, coherent, disembodied, knowledgedriven policy intervention - an unconditional good. Yet it is a complex assemblage of values linked not only to economic growth and prosperity, but also to global citizenship, transnational identity capital, social cohesion, intercultural competencies and soft power (Clifford and Montgomery 2014; De Wit et al. 2015; Kim 2017; Lomer 2016; Stier 2004). Mobility is the sine qua non of the global academy (Sheller 2014). International movements, flows and networks are perceived as valuable transnational and transferable identity capital and as counterpoints to intellectual parochialism. Fluidity metaphors abound as an antidote to stasis e.g. flows, flux and circulations (Urry 2007). For some, internationalisation is conceptually linked to the political economy of neoliberalism and the spatial extension of the market, risking commodification and commercialisation (Matus and Talburt 2009). Others raise questions about what/whose knowledge is circulating and whether internationalisation is a form of re-colonisation and convergence that seeks to homogenise higher education systems (Stromquist 2007). Internationalisation policies and practices, it seems, are complex entanglements of economic, political, social and affective domains. They are mechanisms for driving the global knowledge 2 economy and the fulfilment of personal aspirations (Hoffman 2009). Academic geographical mobility is often conflated with social mobility and career advancement (Leung 2017). However, Robertson (2010: 646) suggested that 'the romance of movement and mobility ought to be the first clue that this is something we ought to be particularly curious about.'

This thesis aims to map the material, discursive, and ideological foundations of the new far right in Germany within the context of neoliberalism and multiculturalism, the economic and social regimes of modern globalization, as well as exploring the right wing's relationship with postmodernism and the internet. It is an attempt to create a picture of the contemporary far right that utilizes a variety of different conceptual approaches, illustrating that it cannot be explained as a spontaneous revival of fascism, racism, etc. but rather must be seen as a product of the specific profound historical and social transformations of our time. As the title suggests, it will use Jeffrey Herf's concept of reactionary modernism, describing the two-sided nature of Nazism: decrying the social projects of modernity like democracy while simultaneously obsessing itself with and efficiently using modern technology for its ends. This project evaluates that two-sidedness of contemporary far right movements: though xenophobic nationalism, welfare chauvinism, and appeals to tradition are certainly nothing new, there seems to be a distinctly postmodern (or "late modern") quality to groups like the Identitarian Movement. Not only do they embrace and skillfully use new technologies such as the internet, but they also appeal to the identity politics of the mainstream while co-opting the leftist theories of cultural hegemony and metapolitics of Gramsci and Badiou. Given this, is it even right to view the contemporary right as a "regression," or is it simply a different expression of 21st century culture?

This article examines conceptions of social justice and economic fairness with regard to employment. It does so through an analysis of the management of deindustrialization in the Scottish coalfields between the 1940s and 1980s. Emphasis is placed on the historical roots and social and political constitutions of labor market practices. The analysis is grounded within Karl Polanyi's Great Transformation; industrial relations within coal mining are conceived through an ongoing conflict between commodifying, liberalizing market forces and a "counter-movement" of worker and community resistance and state regulation, which works to embed markets within social and political priorities. E. P. Thompson's moral economy provides the basis for an understanding of the formulation of communal expectations and employment practices that acted to mitigate the disruption caused by pit closures. The analysis grounds the historical roots of the moral economy within Poalnyi's counter-movement and illuminates the operation of specific practices of a Thompsonian character within the nationalized industry, which maintained individual and collective employment stability. This is constructed utilizing interviews with former mineworkers and members of mining families. These are supplemented by archival sources that include the minutes of Colliery Consultative Committee meetings, which took place before pit closures. They reveal the moral economy was fundamentally centered on the control of resources, collieries, and the employment they provided rather than simply elements of financial compensation for those suffering from labor market instability. Resultantly procedure centering on collective consultation was fundamental in legitimating colliery closures.

This article examines conceptions of social justice and economic fairness with regard to employment. It does so through an analysis of the management of deindustrialization in the Scottish coalfields between the 1940s and 1980s. Emphasis is placed on the historical roots and social and political constitutions of labor market practices. The analysis is grounded within Karl Polanyi'sGreat Transformation; industrial relations within coal mining are conceived through an ongoing conflict between commodifying, liberalizing market forces and a "counter-movement" of worker and community resistance and state regulation, which works to embed markets within social and political priorities. E. P. Thompson's moral economy provides the basis for an understanding of the formulation of communal expectations and employment practices that acted to mitigate the disruption caused by pit closures. The analysis grounds the historical roots of the moral economy within Poalnyi's counter-movement and illuminates the operation of specific practices of a Thompsonian character within the nationalized industry, which maintained individual and collective employment stability. This is constructed utilizing interviews with former mineworkers and members of mining families. These are supplemented by archival sources that include the minutes of Colliery Consultative Committee meetings, which took place before pit closures. They reveal the moral economy was fundamentally centered on the control of resources, collieries, and the employment they provided rather than simply elements of financial compensation for those suffering from labor market instability. Resultantly procedure centering on collective consultation was fundamental in legitimating colliery closures.

Time and time again, the residents of Los Angeles have used the promises of the "garden city" and urban agriculture to imagine a way out of the persistent problems of urban life. In the contemporary moment, alternative food system activists are again working to create a cultural movement committed to "slow," local and small-scale community-based urban food systems – which, paradoxically, they are organizing through sophisticated digital tools and global social media. This study argues that, beyond debates over urban diets, food is a lens through which post-industrial imaginaries of an egalitarian digital society are fused with pre-industrial imaginaries of utopian, agrarian communities. The consequence of these entangled visions is a unique set of practices that attempt to inject a sense of radical possibility into an urban geography that is itself the result of decades of struggle over land use, livelihoods, and urban culture. Drawing on a combination of archival research, ethnography, interviews and a survey, this dissertation examines how planners, boosters, government officials, and ordinary citizens have sought to wield food and agriculture in the city as a force to ameliorate the economic, social and ecological alienation that can dominate urban life. This study shows that the political, class and racial underpinnings of urban food movements are far more complex and contingent than normally understood, and the case of Los Angeles reveals both deeply conservative, reactionary moments and unprecedented coalitions emerging to make claims on the right to self determination, health and progressive social change in the city.

The challenges of sustainable development (and climate change and peak oil, in particular) demand system-wide transformations in sociotechnical systems of provision. An academic literature around coevolutionary innovation for sustainability has recently emerged as an attempt to understand the dynamics and directions of such sociotechnical transformations, which are termed 'sustainability transitions'. This literature has previously focused on market-based technological innovations. Here we apply it to a new context of civil-society-based social innovation and examine the role of community-based initiatives in a transition to a low-carbon sustainable economy in the UK. We present new empirical research from a study of the UK's Transition Towns movement (a 'grassroots innovation') and assess its attempts to grow and influence wider societal sociotechnical systems. By applying strategic niche management theory to this civil society context, we deliver theoretically informed practical recommendations for this movement to diffuse beyond its niche: to foster deeper engagement with resourceful regime actors; to manage expectations more realistically by delivering tangible opportunities for action and participation; and to embrace a community-based, action-oriented model of social change (in preference to a cognitive theory of behaviour change). Furthermore, our study indicates areas where theory can be refined to better explain the growth and broader impacts of grassroots innovations—namely, through a fuller appreciation of the importance of internal niche processes, by understanding the important role of identity and group formation, and by resolving how social practices change in grassroots innovations.