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AbstractThe Muslim countries have a lower democracy level on average than the other countries. Yet, this cross‐country comparison is not sufficient to blame Islam for the democracy deficit. This issue is related to the numerous fixed characteristics that differ across the countries and that also have an effect on democracy. When the differences are not considered, the estimates mix the effect of the fixed characteristics with the effect that Islam has on democracy. We show this issue for a large set of countries covering the period 1950–2015. In cross‐country comparisons, we find a negative link between the share of Muslims in the total population and common measures for democracy. Yet, when the fixed characteristics are considered, the negative link vanishes. Thus, the lower democracy level has to be due to a fixed characteristic; it cannot be associated to (time‐varying) Muslim shares. Numerous empirical specifications support this finding. We also measure Islam by the average per‐day length of fasting during the month of Ramadan exploring whether the intensity of practicing the core teachings of Islam has a negative effect on democracy. Again, the evidence rejects a negative effect of Islam on democracy. If anything, the effect is positive. The findings are important for social coexistence.

AbstractThis study investigates the role of media owners for the political bias of newspapers in Sweden, using an original dataset on outlets, consumer preferences, and ownership between January 2014 and April 2019. We construct an index of slant based on similarities in the language between newspapers and speeches given by members of parliament. Our results indicate that newspapers held by the same owner tend to offer the same mix of slant, rather than aligning their bias with consumer preferences in their area of circulation. Owners are even less inclined to differentiate the slant across outlets before elections, when the political returns to persuasion are high. We find no evidence that owners impose a one‐size‐fits‐all slant because product differentiation is too costly. In addition, we find suggestive evidence of owner‐independent bias induced by the writers of opinion articles. The Swedish context illustrates that supply‐driven slant cannot be ruled out in market‐based media systems if the ties between media and politics are strong.

Abstract
This paper focuses on the two exceptions for text and data mining (TDM) introduced in the Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market (CDSM). While both are mandatory for Member States, Art. 3 is also imperative and finds application in cases of text and data mining for the purpose of scientific research by research and cultural institutions; Art. 4, on the other hand, permits text and data mining by anyone but with rightholders able to 'contract-out' (Art. 4). We trace the context of using the lever of copyright law to enable emerging technologies such as AI and the support innovation. Within the EU copyright intervention, elements that may underpin a transparent legal framework for AI are identified, such as the possibility of retention of permanent copies for further verification. On the other hand, we identify several pitfalls, including an excessively broad definition of TDM which makes the entire field of data-driven AI development dependent on an exception. We analyse the implications of limiting the scope of the exceptions to the right of reproduction; we argue that the limitation of Art. 3 to certain beneficiaries remains problematic; and that the requirement of lawful access is difficult to operationalize. In conclusion, we argue that there should be no need for a TDM exception for the act of extracting informational value from protected works. The EU's CDSM provisions paradoxically may favour the development of biased AI systems due to price and accessibility conditions for training data that offer the wrong incentives. To avoid licensing, it may be economically attractive for EU-based developers to train their algorithms on older, less accurate, biased data, or import AI models already trained abroad on unverifiable data.

Abstract
In light of the severity of the health crisis in Ukraine due to the Russian aggression, the Ukrainian government must urgently implement expeditious solutions to increase the supply of essential medicines and medical products. One such measure is to exploit all existing domestic manufacturing capacities that are still intact and seek any potential possibility to import essential medicines from abroad. For this, all the barriers would need to be eliminated, including those in the form of intellectual property (IP) rights that might protect many essential medicines that are currently needed in Ukraine. This article argues that the existing mechanism of compulsory licensing under TRIPS and Ukrainian IP law is not effective to resolve the problem of access to medicines during such a critical situation as the ongoing war. It therefore suggests that Ukraine must immediately waive all IP rights related to essential medicines and medical products to enable the domestic production and seek any potential import of generics and biosimilars of essential medicines. Such a waiver would be justified based on 'security exceptions' of Art. 73(b)(iii) TRIPS. This provision allows a WTO member to utilise measures to protect its essential security interests taken in time of war. It is hoped that this article will provide guidance to the Ukrainian government on the most effective way to deal with the current health crisis in Ukraine and, thus, would help to save lives of millions of people in Ukraine that suffer from Russia's unjustified, horrific aggression.

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